Frozen Conflicts in the Former Soviet Union – the Case of Georgia/South Ossetia
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Facts and Figures About Eu-Georgia Relations
FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT EU-GEORGIA RELATIONS The European Union and Georgia’s close relationship is based on the EU Georgia Association Agreement including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), which entered into force in July 2016 and strives for political association and economic integration. Through its firm support for Georgia’s territorial independence within its internationally recognised borders, its political dialogue, cooperation and assistance programmes, the EU remains committed to supporting a strong, independent and prosperous Georgia. ECONOMY GOVERNANCE Economic development and job creation are key priorities. The The EU works with the Georgian government to establish EU is Georgia’s main trading partner, with a 27% share of its total an efficient, accessible, and fair state that safeguards citizens’ trade. The ongoing opening of the EU market to more Georgian rights and makes it easier for them to pursue their lives and products continually offers Georgians new export and income ambitions. opportunities. To ensure equal access to justice for all citizens regardless Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are the backbone of the of their income, the EU supported the establishment of the Georgian economy. To support their development, the EU provides State Legal Aid Service. With over 20 offices across the country, funding, training, and export support through its EU4Business the service has offered free assistance to over 330,000 people, initiative. In 2019, 36,234 SMEs were supported through the including court representation in more than 150,000 cases. EU4Business Initiative in Georgia, generating an extra €414.8 million In many cases, these were citizens unable to afford a lawyer in income and 31,443 new jobs, growing their turnover by 14.4%, and otherwise. -
Julie Grodal
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives The Five-Day War in the Caucasus An Inquiry Into the Rationality of Georgia’s Attack on South Ossetia Julie Grødal Master’s thesis, Department of Political Science THE UNIVERSITY OF OSLO January 2009 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Anders Kjølberg, for useful comments, encouragement and his flexibility regarding the time and place of our discussions. I would also like to thank Helge Blakkisrud at NUPI for taking the time to discuss my thesis subject at the initial stage of my work. My gratitude towards my friend Magnus Thue is infinite. His critical remarks, guidance and especially his encouragements have made the work with this thesis easier. My dear Cezar Zavate deserves a big mul Ńumesc for his encouragements and technical support. Finally, I would like to thank mamma and pappa for being the best parents in the world. This thesis is dedicated to them. 3 Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................................................................................................2 CONTENTS ..........................................................................................................................................3 1. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................6 1.1 SUBJECT AND RESEARCH QUESTION ........................................................................................6 -
The Role of the United Nations in the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict
The Role of the United Nations in the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict SUSAN STEWART The Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim, Germany Issue 2/2003 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbrücke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany ( +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de The Role of the United Nations in the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict* SUSAN STEWART The Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim, Germany This article analyses UNOMIG efforts at stabilization and mediation in the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict, arguing that while progress in both realms has been slight, there is reason to conclude that stabilization attempts have been more successful than those of mediation. The author contends that difficulties in the mediation sphere can largely be attributed to UN insistence on Georgian territorial integrity and on a comprehensive settlement including continued substantial progress on the question of Abkhazia’s political status. While coordination between the CIS peacekeepers and the UN has proceeded smoothly, the multidimensional involvement of the Russian Federation has complicated the constellation of actors surrounding the conflict. Owing to these external as well as other internal factors, the author concludes that the outlook for Georgian-Abkhazian negotiations in the short to medium term appears bleak, but that the conclusions drawn from the role of the UN in the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict can be useful for understanding difficulties the UN is likely to encounter in similar interventions. I. Introduction The recent war in Iraq has again called into question the potential role of the United Nations in world affairs. -
D) South Caucasus
International Alert. Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector Case study South Caucasus* * This document is an extract from Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector, published in 2006 by the UK-based peacebuilding NGO International Alert. Full citation should be provided in any referencing. © International Alert, 2006. All rights reserved. No part of this publication, including electronic materials, may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without full attribution. South Caucasus Between pragmatism and idealism: businesses coping with conflict in the South Caucasus Natalia Mirimanova This report explores the role that local private sector activity can play in addressing the conflicts of the South Caucasus. It is based on qualitative interviews conducted with a range of entrepreneurs, both formal and informal, carried out in 2005. It embraces three unresolved conflicts: the conflict between Armenians and Azeris over Nagorny-Karabakh; and the conflicts over Abkhazia and South Ossetia that challenged Georgia’s territorial integrity.1 All three resulted from the break-up of the Soviet Union. Despite its peaceful dissolution, the newly independent states in the South Caucasus all experienced some degree of violence. The turmoil in Georgia was linked to the escalation of internal conflicts with the autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while the unilateral secession of Nagorny-Karabakh – a predominantly Armenian region in Azerbaijan – sparked a war between the latter and Armenia. An overview of the conflicts is provided below, together with an outline of the current political context and the private sectors. -
Russia's Quiet Annexation of South Ossetia
FEBRUARY 2015 Russia’s quiet annexation of south ossetia By Maia Otarashvili Maia Otarashvili is an FPRI Research Associate and Program Coordinator for FPRI's Project on Democratic Transitions. Her research has focused on democratic consolidation and regression in the EU-11 countries, as well as on fragile hybrid states such as Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and other former USSR states in the Black Sea and Caucasus region. Maia holds an MA in Globalization, Development and Transition from the University of Westminster in London, with emphasis on post-authoritarian transitions. All Georgian- and Russian-language material has been translated by the author. Russia and South Ossetia have ironed out final details of a “Treaty of Alliance and Integration.” The treaty was drafted in December 2014 and on January 31, 2015 Georgian news agencies reported that the leader of South Ossetia, Leonid Tibilov, had sent the finalized document back to Moscow. On February 18th Russia and South Ossetia signed a precursor to this treaty, called the “treaty on the state border.” According to Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, the broader treaty is still under consideration, but “the approval process won’t take long.” Once the Treaty of Alliance and Integration is signed, it is set to be implemented in a matter of three to six months, allowing Russia to absorb South Ossetia. This comes less than three months after the signing of the Russia-Abkhazia treaty of a similar nature, although it is not as comprehensive. The international community and the Georgian government have condemned Russia’s actions and will not recognize either of the treaties but that is not likely to stem Putin’s expansionist policies – if Crimea is any guide. -
Georgia/Abkhazia
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ARMS PROJECT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/HELSINKI March 1995 Vol. 7, No. 7 GEORGIA/ABKHAZIA: VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND RUSSIA'S ROLE IN THE CONFLICT CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................5 EVOLUTION OF THE WAR.......................................................................................................................................6 The Role of the Russian Federation in the Conflict.........................................................................................7 RECOMMENDATIONS...............................................................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Republic of Georgia ..............................................................................................8 To the Commanders of the Abkhaz Forces .....................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Russian Federation................................................................................................8 To the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus...........................................................................9 To the United Nations .....................................................................................................................................9 To the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe..........................................................................9 -
Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia
Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Lionel Beehner A Contemporary Battlefield Assessment Liam Collins by the Modern War Institute Steve Ferenzi Robert Person Aaron Brantly March 20, 2018 Analyzing the Russian Way of War: Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................................ 1 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 9 Chapter I – History of Bad Blood ................................................................................................................ 13 Rose-Colored Glasses .............................................................................................................................. 16 Chapter II – Russian Grand Strategy in Context of the 2008 Russia-Georgia War ................................... 21 Russia’s Ends ........................................................................................................................................... 22 Russia’s Means ........................................................................................................................................ 23 Russia’s Ways ......................................................................................................................................... -
Annexation of Georgia in Russian Empire
1 George Anchabadze HISTORY OF GEORGIA SHORT SKETCH Caucasian House TBILISI 2005 2 George Anchabadze. History of Georgia. Short sketch Above-mentioned work is a research-popular sketch. There are key moments of the history of country since ancient times until the present moment. While working on the sketch the author based on the historical sources of Georgia and the research works of Georgian scientists (including himself). The work is focused on a wide circle of the readers. გიორგი ანჩაბაძე. საქართველოს ისტორია. მოკლე ნარკვევი წინამდებარე ნაშრომი წარმოადგენს საქართველოს ისტორიის სამეცნიერ-პოპულარულ ნარკვევს. მასში მოკლედაა გადმოცემული ქვეყნის ისტორიის ძირითადი მომენტები უძველესი ხანიდან ჩვენს დრომდე. ნარკვევზე მუშაობისას ავტორი ეყრდნობოდა საქართველოს ისტორიის წყაროებსა და ქართველ მეცნიერთა (მათ შორის საკუთარ) გამოკვლევებს. ნაშრომი განკუთვნილია მკითხველთა ფართო წრისათვის. ISBN99928-71-59-8 © George Anchabadze, 2005 © გიორგი ანჩაბაძე, 2005 3 Early Ancient Georgia (till the end of the IV cen. B.C.) Existence of ancient human being on Georgian territory is confirmed from the early stages of anthropogenesis. Nearby Dmanisi valley (80 km south-west of Tbilisi) the remnants of homo erectus are found, age of them is about 1,8 million years old. At present it is the oldest trace in Euro-Asia. Later on the Stone Age a man took the whole territory of Georgia. Former settlements of Ashel period (400–100 thousand years ago) are discovered as on the coast of the Black Sea as in the regions within highland Georgia. Approximately 6–7 thousands years ago people on the territory of Georgia began to use as the instruments not only the stone but the metals as well. -
The OSCE Mission to Georgia and the Georgian- Ossetian Conflict: an Overview of Activities
The OSCE Mission to Georgia and the Georgian- Ossetian conflict: An overview of activities Roy Reeve1 Introduction The background to the establishment of the OSCE Mission in Georgia was the emerging internal armed conflicts following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Military hostilities followed between Georgia and its former Autonomous Oblast of South Ossetia, which in 1990 had declared itself independent. After the Sochi Ceasefire Agreement of 24 June 1992, Georgia applied to the CSCE Headquarters in Vienna with a request for mediation assistance in the search for a settlement of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict. Following a decision by the Committee of Senior Officials (later renamed the Permanent Council), the Mission started its activities on the ground in December 1992. Its mandate has been significantly expanded since then, covering activities in all three OSCE dimensions, but conflict resolution still lies at the heart of its tasks. The general objective of the Mission’s initial mandate was: (1) to initiate a presence in the region; (2) to liaise with local military commanders of the Joint Peacekeeping Forces (JPKF); (3) to gather information on the military situation, and (4) to promote negotiations between the conflicting parties aimed at reaching a peaceful political settlement. In 1994, the mandate was expanded to facilitate cooperation with and among the parties concerned and, with their consent, to monitor the activities of CSCE/OSCE principles. To implement these tasks effectively, a Mission Field Office was established in Tskhinvali. This is currently manned by 6 Mission members — one Political Officer and 5 Military Officers. In order best to describe how the Mission has, through its evolving activities, attempted to meet the terms of its mandate, what follows is a brief chronology of the developments in the conflict resolution process. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
The EU's Involvement with Georgia's Secessionist Conflicts
A Differentiated, Balanced and Patient Approach? The EU’s Involvement with Georgia’s Secessionist Conflicts beyond the August 2008 War Emilia Jeppsson DEPARTMENT OF EU INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY STUDIES EU Diplomacy Paper 06 / 2015 Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies EU Diplomacy Papers 6/2015 A Differentiated, Balanced and Patient Approach to Conflict Resolution? The EU’s Involvement with Georgia’s Secessionist Conflicts beyond the August 2008 War Emilia Jeppsson © Emilia Jeppsson Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Emilia Jeppsson About the Author Emilia Jeppsson is a College of Europe alumna with an MA in EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies. She holds a Bachelor of Science in Political Sciences from Uppsala University and has studied crisis management and international cooperation at the Swedish National Defence College in Stockholm. Prior to joining the College, she worked as a political advisor in the European Parliament, specialised in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership, and as a trainee at the Permanent Representation of Sweden to the EU. This paper is based on her Master’s thesis at the College of Europe (Falcone & Borsellino Promotion). Editorial Team: Nicola Del Medico, Tommaso Emiliani, Sieglinde Gstöhl, Ludovic Highman, Sara Hurtekant, Enrique Ibáñez, Simon Schunz, Michaela Šimáková Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Views expressed in the EU Diplomacy Papers are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect positions of either the series editors or the College of Europe. -
Pivot, Hedger, Or Partner Strategies of Lesser Powers Caught Between Hegemons
11 Pivot, Hedger, or Partner Strategies of Lesser Powers Caught between Hegemons Yu-Shan Wu Taiwan is strategically situated between the United States and the People’s Repub- lic of China (PRC). It is impossible to understand cross-Strait relations without looking into this global strategic context. Although one may not agree with the pessimistic prediction of the power transition theory, namely that the closing gap between the United States and China will result in a titanic clash between the world’s hegemon and its challenger, it is nevertheless undeniable that the two strongest nations in today’s world have been locked in tense strategic competition. China wants to reclaim its lost central place in the world, a wish that is naturally resisted by today’s hegemon, the United States. This is not to deny that Washing- ton and Beijing collaborate in many aspects of their relationship, such as the fight against international terrorism and their joint efforts to deal with climate change. However, as the capabilities of the two giants are getting closer and closer, the relation is strained, with China understandably striving for an equal say on inter- national affairs and the United States hesitant to grant such status to its challenger. The refusal to give China a voting weight in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that reflects its economic clout is one vivid example, and the competition between the two over the issue of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is another. The main geopolitical fault line for Sino-American competition is found in East Asia. Another great strategic conflict in today’s world is between the West and Russia over Ukraine.