The Contentious Legacy of Bin Ladin in Al-Sham
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Refugiados En Movimiento
Focus on International Migration nº 5 Refugiados en movimiento: retos políticos, legales y sociales en tiempos de inestabilidad «Refugees on the move: political, legal and social challenges in times of turmoil» Alisa Petroff, Georgios Milios, Marta Pérez (eds.) REFUGIADOS EN MOVIMIENTO: RETOS POLÍTICOS, LEGALES Y SOCIALES EN TIEMPOS DE INESTABILIDAD «REFUGEES ON THE MOVE: POLITICAL, LEGAL AND SOCIAL CHALLENGES IN TIMES OF TURMOIL» Elaborated by: Alisa Petroff, Georgios Milios, Marta Pérez (eds.) La conferencia internacional «Refugees on the move: thinking beyong the Euro-Mediterranean crisis» (21 y 22 de abril 2016) que inspira esta publicación, fue organizada gracias a la subvención de la Generalitat de Catalunya, AGAUR, a través el proyecto GRC-SGR 2014 (1524). Te international conference «Refugees on the move: thinking beyong the Euro-Mediterranean crisis» (21st and 22nd of April 2016), which inspired this publication, was made possible by a grant from the Generalitat de Catalunya AGAUR, through the project GRC-SGR 2014 (1524) How to quote this text: Petroff, A., Milios, G. and Pérez, M. (eds.). (2018). Refugees on the move. political, legal and social challenges in times of turmoil. Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. CER-MIGRACIONS, Servei de Publicacions (Focus on International Migration, 5). ISBN 978-84-490-7971-9. Retrieved from https://ddd.uab.cat Cómo citar este texto: Petroff, A., Milios, G. y Pérez, M. (eds.). (2018). Refugiados en movimiento: retos políticos, legales y sociales en tiempos de inestabilidad. Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. CER-MIGRACIONS, Servei de Publicacions (Focus on International Migration, 5). ISBN 978-84-490-7971-9. Recuperado de https://ddd.uab.cat Focus on international migration és una col·lecció d’accés obert promoguda i coordinada pel CER-Migracions de la UAB- UB, centre de recerca interdisciplinària per a l’estudi de les migracions internacionals. -
The Devoted Actor, Sacred Values, and Willingness to Fight: Preliminary Studies with ISIL Volunteers and Kurdish Frontline Fighters (Dr
The Devoted Actor, Sacred Values, and Willingness to Fight: Preliminary Studies with ISIL Volunteers and Kurdish Frontline Fighters (Dr. Scott Atran,140 Lydia Wilson, Richard Davis, Hammad Sheikh, ARTIS Research, University of Oxford, Minerva researchers) Executive Summary 1. Who Joins ISIL Today? • More than 15000 foreign fighters have joined the jihad in Syria over the last three years, about 20 percent from Europe. Since 1945, only the Afghanistan conflict in the 1980s has mobilized more foreign fighters than this conflict, and that was over a period of ten years. It is likely, then, that the Syrian conflict if not ended soon--a distant prospect—will mobilize the greatest number of foreign fighters in modern history. • The networks being formed among these fighters now likely will be decisive for future terrorist attacks against Western countries, given that the networks formed during the 1980s jihad in Afghanistan were vital for the attacks committed against the West in the early to mid-2000s. • Western volunteers for ISIL are mostly self-seeking young adults in transitional stages in their lives—immigrants, students, between jobs or girl friends, having left their native homes and looking for new families of friends and fellow travelers. For the most part, they have no traditional religious education and are “born again” into a radical religious vocation through the appeal of militant jihad.141 • In our studies of al Qaeda (AQ) volunteers from the diaspora, we find about 70-75% join AQ and its affiliates through friends, about 15-20 % through family, and the rest through other means (discipleship, on their own, etc.). -
Ex-Fighters) Q: What Type of Work Were You Doing Before the War Began ?
“Voices of Syria” Vera Mironova University of Maryland Project Loubna Mrie Syria Sam Whitt High Point University Overview • Presentation includes recent interviews of ex-combatant Free Syrian Army (FSA) rebel fighters now living in Turkey. • We compare attitudes and opinions of former FSA fighters to active FSA fighters inside Syria, non-combatant refugee populations currently living in Turkey. "Voices of Syria" Mironova, Mrie, Whitt Methodology • Unknown population parameters and security concerns preclude random sampling • We rely on non-probability, cluster sampling • No more than 5 per cluster, 1 per household • Interviews in Aleppo and Idlib (August- December 2013) • Interviews in Turkey (January 2013- April 2014) • N = 250 "Voices of Syria" Mironova, Mrie, Whitt Demographics Respondents Age Group 44.2 39.0 30.2 27.1 26.6 26.8 24.5 22.1 22.0 16.3 13.5 9.3 Refugee Fighter Ex-Fighter Refugee Fighter Ex-Fighter Refugee Fighter Ex-Fighter Refugee Fighter Ex-Fighter 16-21 22-30 31-40 41-60 "Voices of Syria" Mironova, Mrie, Whitt Respondents Education Levels 46.0 46.7 45.0 44.0 38.0 34.0 28.0 10.0 8.3 0.0 Refugees Fighter Ex-Fighter Refugees Fighter Ex-Fighter Refugees Fighter Ex-Fighter Refugees Fighter Ex-Fighter None Primary Secondary Higher "Voices of Syria" Mironova, Mrie, Whitt Occupation Before War (Fighters) Q: What type of work were you doing before the war began ? Student 35.59 Unemployed 13.56 Unskilled manual worker 3.39 Semi-skilled manual worker 1.69 Skilled manual worker 6.78 Non-manual - office worker 1.69 Supervisory - -
Fact-Finding Mission Report SYRIA: MILITARY SERVICE, NATIONAL DEFENSE FORCES, ARMED GROUPS SUPPORTING SYRIAN REGIME and ARMED O
Fact-Finding Mission Report SYRIA: MILITARY SERVICE, NATIONAL DEFENSE FORCES, ARMED GROUPS SUPPORTING SYRIAN REGIME AND ARMED OPPOSITION Helsinki, August 23, 2016 Public Report 1 (25) MIGDno-2016-706 Content 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 3 2. The Syrian Arab Army .............................................................................................................. 5 2.1. Recruitment to the Syrian Arab Army ................................................................................ 5 2.1.1. Military age .................................................................................................................. 8 2.1.2. Recruitment of minorities to the Syrian army ............................................................... 8 2.1.3. Exemptions ................................................................................................................. 9 2.2. Training and deployment of conscripts ........................................................................... 10 2.3. Benefits and leaves ........................................................................................................ 11 2.4. Recruitment of reservists ................................................................................................ 11 2.5. Dischargement from the army ......................................................................................... 12 2.6. Evasion and desertion ................................................................................................... -
For Money Or Liberty? the Political Economy of Military Desertion And
CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN ARAB STATES FOR MONEY OR LIBERTY? THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF MILITARY DESERTION AND REBEL RECRUITMENT IN THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR DOROTHY OHL, HOLGER ALBRECHT, KEVIN KOEHLER | NOVEMBER 24, 2015 SUMMARY Military desertions have significantly shaped the dynamics of the Syrian conflict. While desertions have contributed to the emergence of an armed rebellion since early fall 2011, they have failed to critically weaken the Syrian regime’s army. International actors need to better understand the drivers of desertion and loyalty in the Syrian military in order to devise effective policies to weaken the regime without strengthening radical rebel groups. The Political Economy of Desertion and Rebel Recruitment • Massive military insubordination has not led to the dis- a greater degree, between soldiers and officers), it has not integration of the Syrian army. Desertions, which entail been a major driver of desertions. This explains, at least declining to show up for duty, became a mass phenom- in part, the absence of mutinies and the prevalence of enon among rank-and-file soldiers and low-ranking individual desertions. officers in 2012. Defections, meanwhile, entail both leaving the military and officially joining the opposition, • Simultaneous to the tightening of control in the army, and they are far less common. But neither desertions nor the regime has tried to encourage loyalty by stepping up defections have significantly weakened the military or its material incentives. Salaries for military personnel have chain of command. increased multiple times, although they have still failed to keep up with inflation. • The regime has worked to discourage desertions by bolstering control mechanisms, including the promotion • Corruption in the military has become rampant. -
Syria and the Islamic State October 1, 2014
Syria and the Islamic State October 1, 2014 POMEPS Briefings 25 Contents Dynamics of Syria’s Civil War Local struggles in Syria’s northeast . 6 By Kevin Mazur What’s next for the Syrian regime’s non-state allies . 10 By Ora Szekely How should we count the war dead in Syria? . 12 By Laia Balcells, Lionel Beehner, and Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl Why are fighters leaving the Free Syrian Army? . 14 By Vera Mironova, Loubna Mrie, and Sam Whitt Would arming Syria’s rebels have stopped the Islamic State . .. 16 By Marc Lynch What the evidence on interventions really tells us about Syria . 19 By Lionel Beehner How the U .S . fragmented Syria’s rebels . 21 By Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl The ICC may not bring justice to Syria . 24 By Mark Kersten The Islamic State in Syria Foreign fighters don’t always help . 28 By Kristin M. Bakke The jihadist governance dilemma . 30 By Daveed Gartenstein-Ross and Amichai Magen The Islamic State and the politics of official narratives . 33 By Laurie A. Brand Wartime sexual violence is not just a ‘weapon of war’ . 35 By Kerry F. Crawford, Amelia Hoover Green and Sarah E. Parkinson The logic of violence in the Islamic State’s war . 38 By Stathis N. Kalyvas Is this the end of Sykes-Picot? . 40 By F. Gregory Gause III The Middle East quasi-state system . 42 By Ariel I. Ahram The Islamic State won’t find it easy to wipe away post-colonial borders . 44 By William F.S. Miles A broad approach to countering the Islamic State . -
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 9
Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 9 Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Home > Research Program > Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) respond to focused Requests for Information that are submitted to the Research Directorate in the course of the refugee protection determination process. The database contains a seven- year archive of English and French RIRs. Earlier RIRs may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. Please note that some RIRs have attachments which are not electronically accessible. To obtain a PDF copy of an RIR attachment, please email the Knowledge and Information Management Unit. 14 September 2017 SYR105972.E Syria: Information on the opposition forces involved in abductions and extortions and their areas of operation in the country; frequency of abductions and extortions of civilians committed by rebel groups; whether rebel groups target particular social groups, including Christians (2015-July 2017) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Overview of Opposition Forces Involved in Abductions and Extortions and Their Areas of Operation in Syria 1.1 Free Syrian Army (FSA) An April 2017 article by the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), "an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher" (CFR n.d.), indicates that the FSA was originally the main opposition force formed at the beginning of the conflict, but that a series of battlefield defeats and a lack of effective central control over its affiliated militias has resulted in a number of militias becoming affiliated with Islamist groups or becoming criminal outfits (CFR 28 Apr. -
US Vs Free Syrian Army Vs Jabhat Al-Nusra (And ISIS)
US vs Free Syrian Army vs Jabhat al-Nusra (and ISIS) The US administration has annexed the Syrian conflict to its own war on terror. It has tried to impose its battle on Syrians so that they will abandon their own battle against the tyrannical discriminatory Assadist junta. … [but] the war on terror is centred around the state; it is a statist conception of the world order which strengthens states and weakens communities, political organizations, social movements, and individuals… In the record of this endless fight against terrorism there has not been a single success, and thus far three countries have been devastated over its [1] course (Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria).” – Yassin al-Haj Saleh, former Syrian Communist dissident who spent 16 years in Assad’s dungeons Introduction This article deals with a specific aspect of the US role in the Syrian conflict: its drive to co-opt the Free Syrian Army (FSA) into a proxy force to fight only the jihadist forces of Jabhat al-Nusra (now Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, or JFS) and the Islamic State (ISIS/Daesh), while giving up their fight against the Assad regime. This reality sharply contrasts with the comic-book view widely expressed in tabloid journals of the mainstream, left and right, that alleges the Syrian rebellion against the dictatorship of Bashar Assad is a conspiracy involving both the US, al-Qaida, the Gulf states, Turkey, Israel, George Soros and many others. In reality, the US and the al-Qaida spin-offs have been involved in Syria on opposite sides from the outset. -
Failure of the Armed Resistance
CHAPTER Maciej J. Bartkowski Director for Education and Research at the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict Julia Taleb Independent Journalist with a focus on the Middle East. FAILURE OF THE ARMED RESISTANCE By any measure the armed struggle against the Assad regime has been a failure. The armed struggle failed to topple the Assad government, protect civilians, or bring more rights and freedoms to Syrians. Although Assad's government is primarily responsible for the atrocities, the opposition's militarization of the resistance has contributed significantly to what is considered to be the worst humanitarian crisis in the last two decades, which—as of August 2014—has left more than 190,000 people dead, 6.5 million internally displaced, and close to 3 million as registered refugees. Among other things, the armed resistance invited an influx of foreign fighters, decreased the chances of possible reconciliation among various ethnic groups, and made the We would like to acknowledge that analytical and narrative text in an unpublished article on Syria written by Peter Ackerman, Mohja Kahf and Maciej Bartkowski provided important source material fbr this article We would also like to thank Stephen Zunes for his recommendations and suggestions on improving the content of this article. 6 133 134 IS AUTHORITARIANISM STAGING A COMEBACK? prospect of a democratic outcome highly unlikely. A number of the 'liberated areas'in Syria are now experiencing deep tensions and open conflicts among various armed groups' that vie for power and control while endangering the lives of civilians. Achievements of nonviolent resistance have not been fully assessed and little consideration has been given to possible strategic gains that could have been accomplished had the resistance remained nonviolent.