30Th Anniversary Filipino EDSA/People Power Essay
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Coalitions in Ukraine's Orange Revolution
psr1300029 xxx (xxx) June 17, 2013 20:48 American Political Science Review Vol. 107, No. 3 August 2013 doi:10.1017/S0003055413000294 c American Political Science Association 2013 The Semblance of Democratic Revolution: Coalitions in Ukraine’s Orange Revolution MARK R. BEISSINGER Princeton University sing two unusual surveys, this study analyzes participation in the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, comparing participants with revolution supporters, opponents, counter-revolutionaries, U and the apathetic/inactive. As the analysis shows, most revolutionaries were weakly committed to the revolution’s democratic master narrative, and the revolution’s spectacular mobilizational success was largely due to its mobilization of cultural cleavages and symbolic capital to construct a negative coalition across diverse policy groupings. A contrast is drawn between urban civic revolutions like the Orange Revolution and protracted peasant revolutions. The strategies associated with these revolution- ary models affect the roles of revolutionary organization and selective incentives and the character of revolutionary coalitions. As the comparison suggests, postrevolutionary instability may be built into urban civic revolutions due to their reliance on a rapidly convened negative coalition of hundreds of thousands, distinguished by fractured elites, lack of consensus over fundamental policy issues, and weak commitment to democratic ends. t is widely acknowledged that the character of political freedoms in their immediate wake, though in revolution has -
The Rise and Fall of Virata's Network: Technocracy and the Politics Of
The Rise and Fall of Virata’s Network: Technocracy and the Politics of Economic Decision Making in the Philippines Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem* The influence of a technocratic network in the Philippines that was formed around Cesar E. A. Virata, prime minister under Ferdinand Marcos, rose during the martial law period (1972–86), when technocracy was pushed to the forefront of economic policy making. Applying concepts of networks, this essay traces the rise and even- tual collapse of Virata’s network to a three-dimensional interplay of relationships— between Virata and Marcos, Virata and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and Marcos and the United States. Virata’s close links to social, academic, US, and business community networks initially thrust him into government, where he shared Marcos’s goal of attracting foreign investments to build an export-oriented economy. Charged with obtaining IMF and World Bank loans, Virata’s network was closely joined to Marcos as the principal political hub. Virata, however, had to contend with the networks of Marcos’s wife, Imelda, and the president’s “chief cronies.” While IMF and World Bank support offered Virata some leverage, his network could not control Imelda Marcos’s profligacy or the cronies’ sugar and coconut monopolies. In Virata’s own assessment, his network was weakened when Marcos’s health failed during an economic crisis in 1981 and after Benigno Aquino’s assassination in 1983. In those crises, Imelda Marcos’s network and Armed Forces Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver’s faction of the military network took power amidst the rise of an anti-dictatorship movement. -
'New Society' and the Philippine Labour Export Policy (1972-1986)
EDUCATION IN THE ‘NEW SOCIETY’ AND THE PHILIppINE LABOUR EXPORT POLICY (1972-1986) EDUCATION IN THE ‘NEW SOCIETY’ AND THE PHILIPPINE LABOUR EXPORT POLICY (1972-1986) Mark Macaa Kyushu University Abstract: The ‘overseas Filipino workers’ (OFWs) are the largest source of US dollar income in the Philippines. These state-sponsored labour migrations have resulted in an exodus of workers and professionals that now amounts to approximately 10% of the entire country’s population. From a temporary and seasonal employment strategy during the early American colonial period, labour export has become a cornerstone of the country’s development policy. This was institutionalised under the Marcos regime (1965-1986), and especially in the early years of the martial law period (1972-81), and maintained by successive governments thereafter. Within this context, this paper investigates the relationship between Marcos’ ‘New Society’ agenda, the globalization of migrant labour, and state sponsorship of labour exports. In particular, it analyses the significance of attempts made to deploy education policy and educational institutions to facilitate the state’s labour export drive. Evidence analyzed in this paper suggests that sweeping reforms covering curricular policies, education governance and funding were implemented, ostensibly in support of national development. However, these measures ultimately did little to boost domestic economic development. Instead, they set the stage for the education system to continue training and certifying Filipino skilled labour for global export – a pattern that has continued to this day. Keywords: migration, labour export, education reforms, Ferdinand Marcos, New Society Introduction This paper extends a historical analysis begun with an investigation of early Filipino labour migration to the US and its role in addressing widespread poverty and unemployment (Maca, 2017). -
People Power: the Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines
People Power: The Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines Nicholas Henry A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2011 ii ... the tale he had to tell could not be one of a final victory. It could be only the record of what had had to be done, and what assuredly would have to be done again in the never ending fight against terror and its relentless onslaughts, despite their personal afflictions, by all who, while unable to be saints but refusing to bow down to pestilences, strive their utmost to be healers. Albert Camus, The Plague This thesis is dedicated to all those who, resisting the terror of state violence, continue to do what has to be done. iii Abstract How do Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in Burma and the Philippines participate in the construction of political legitimacy through their engagement in local and international politics? What can this tell us about the agency of non-state actors in international relations? This thesis explores the practices of non-state actors engaged in political resistance in Burma and the Philippines. The everyday dynamics of political legitimacy are examined in relation to popular consent, political violence, and the influence of international actors and norms. The empirical research in this thesis is based on a grounded theory analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a wide cross-section of spokespeople and activists of opposition groups from Burma, and with spokespeople of opposition groups in the Philippines. -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— Extensions of Remarks E559 HON
April 2, 1998 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Ð Extensions of Remarks E559 Members of the Congressional Hispanic Cau- TRIBUTE TO DR. AND MRS. country in welcoming His Excellency, Fidel cus (CHC). During their meeting with the CHARLES AND REBECCA GUNNOE Valdez Ramos, the President of the Republic CHC, we had the opportunity to discuss the of the Philippines, to the United States as he political and economic integration process of HON. KEN CALVERT visits our nation's capital next week. MERCOSUR and the effects of this free-trade OF CALIFORNIA As with the island of Guam, the rest of the pact on the United States economy. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES United States have for over a century shared historic, cultural, political and economic ties Data from the Department of Commerce on Wednesday, April 1, 1998 the current balance of trade between with the Republic of the Philippines. President MERCOSUR and the United States shows Mr. CALVERT. Mr. Speaker, throughout this Ramos is the embodiment of these ties. He that the United States not only enjoys a sur- country of ours there are a few individuals comes from very respected and prominent plus in trade with MERCOSUR, but also re- who, because they contribute so generously of families in the Philippines. His Father Narciso veals that exports to MERCOSUR countries their time and talents to help others, are rec- Ramos was a lawyer, crusading journalist, and are significantly larger than those to China and ognized as pillars of their community. Charles five-term member of the Philippine House of Russia together, $23.3 billion versus $16 bil- and Rebecca Gunnoe are two individuals who Representatives, who was later appointed lion. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Naming
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Naming the Artist, Composing the Philippines: Listening for the Nation in the National Artist Award A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Music by Neal D. Matherne June 2014 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Deborah Wong, Chairperson Dr. René T.A. Lysloff Dr. Sally Ann Ness Dr. Jonathan Ritter Dr. Christina Schwenkel Copyright by Neal D. Matherne 2014 The Dissertation of Neal D. Matherne is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgements This work is the result of four years spent in two countries (the U.S. and the Philippines). A small army of people believed in this project and I am eternally grateful. Thank you to my committee members: Rene Lysloff, Sally Ness, Jonathan Ritter, Christina Schwenkel. It is an honor to receive your expert commentary on my research. And to my mentor and chair, Deborah Wong: although we may see this dissertation as the end of a long journey together, I will forever benefit from your words and your example. You taught me that a scholar is not simply an expert, but a responsible citizen of the university, the community, the nation, and the world. I am truly grateful for your time, patience, and efforts during the application, research, and writing phases of this work. This dissertation would not have been possible without a year-long research grant (2011-2012) from the IIE Graduate Fellowship for International Study with funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. I was one of eighty fortunate scholars who received this fellowship after the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Program was cancelled by the U.S. -
The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty
Public Diplomacy Division Room Nb123 B-1110 Brussels Belgium Tel.: +32(0)2 707 4414 / 5033 (A/V) Fax: +32(0)2 707 4249 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.nato.int/library Acquisitions List April 2013 New Books and Journal Articles Liste d’acquisitions Avril 2013 Nouveaux livres et articles de revues Division de la Diplomatie Publique Bureau Nb123 B-1110 Bruxelles Belgique Tél.: +32(0)2 707 4414 / 5033 (A/V) Fax: +32(0)2 707 4249 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.nato.int/library How to borrow items from the list below : As a member of the NATO HQ staff you can borrow books (Type: M) for one month, journals (Type: ART) and reference works (Type: REF) for one week. Individuals not belonging to NATO staff can borrow books through their local library via the interlibrary loan system. How to obtain the Multimedia Library publications : All Library publications are available both on the NATO Intranet and Internet websites. Comment emprunter les documents cités ci-dessous : En tant que membre du personnel de l'OTAN vous pouvez emprunter les livres (Type: M) pour un mois, les revues (Type: ART) et les ouvrages de référence (Type: REF) pour une semaine. Les personnes n'appartenant pas au personnel de l'OTAN peuvent s'adresser à leur bibliothèque locale et emprunter les livres via le système de prêt interbibliothèques. Comment obtenir les publications de la Bibliothèque multimédia : Toutes les publications de la Bibliothèque sont disponibles sur les sites Intranet et Internet de l’OTAN. -
A Dirty Affair Political Melodramas of Democratization
6 A Dirty Affair Political Melodramas of Democratization Ferdinand Marcos was ousted from the presidency and exiled to Hawaii in late February 1986,Confidential during a four-day Property event of Universitycalled the “peopleof California power” Press revolution. The event was not, as the name might suggest, an armed uprising. It was, instead, a peaceful assembly of thousands of civilians who sought to protect the leaders of an aborted military coup from reprisal by***** the autocratic state. Many of those who gathered also sought to pressure Marcos into stepping down for stealing the presi- dential election held in December,Not for Reproduction not to mention or Distribution other atrocities he had commit- ted in the previous two decades. Lino Brocka had every reason to be optimistic about the country’s future after the dictatorship. The filmmaker campaigned for the newly installed leader, Cora- zon “Cory” Aquino, the widow of slain opposition leader Ninoy Aquino. Despite Brocka’s reluctance to serve in government, President Aquino appointed him to the commission tasked with drafting a new constitution. Unfortunately, the expe- rience left him disillusioned with realpolitik and the new government. He later recounted that his fellow delegates “really diluted” the policies relating to agrarian reform. He also spoke bitterly of colleagues “connected with multinationals” who backed provisions inimical to what he called “economic democracy.”1 Brocka quit the commission within four months. His most significant achievement was intro- ducing the phrase “freedom of expression” into the constitution’s bill of rights and thereby extending free speech protections to the arts. Three years after the revolution and halfway into Mrs. -
Exhibition Brochure 2
You CAn not Bite Kiss the Hand You Cannot Bite Pio Abad I have thought since about this lunch a great deal. The wine was chilled and poured into crystal glasses. The fish was served on porcelain plates that bore the American eagle. The sheepdog and the crystal and the American eagle together had on me a certain anesthetic effect, temporarily deadening that receptivity to the sinister that afflicts everyone in Salvador, and I experienced for a moment the official American delusion, the illusion of plausibility, the sense that the American undertaking in El Salvador might turn out to be, from the right angle, in the right light, just another difficult but possible mission in another troubled but possible country. —Joan Didion1 SEACLIFF At my mother’s wake two years ago, I found out that she was adept 1. Joan Didion, at assembling a rifle. I have always been aware of her radical past Salvador but there are certain details that have only surfaced recently. The (Vintage: 1994), intricacies of past struggles had always surrendered to the urgen- 112, pp. 87-88. cies of present ones. My parents were both working as labor organizers when they met in the mid-70s. Armed with Saul Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals (1971) and Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968), they would head to the fishing communities on the outskirts of Manila to assist fishermen, address their livelihood issues and educate them on the political climate of the country. It was this solidarity work and their eventual involvement in the democratic socialist movement that placed them within the crosshairs of Ferdinand Marcos’ military. -
The Ideology of the Dual City: the Modernist Ethic in the Corporate Development of Makati City, Metro Manila
bs_bs_banner Volume 37.1 January 2013 165–85 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research DOI:10.1111/j.1468-2427.2011.01100.x The Ideology of the Dual City: The Modernist Ethic in the Corporate Development of Makati City, Metro Manila MARCO GARRIDO Abstractijur_1100 165..185 Postcolonial cities are dual cities not just because of global market forces, but also because of ideological currents operating through local real-estate markets — currents inculcated during the colonial period and adapted to the postcolonial one. Following Abidin Kusno, we may speak of the ideological continuity behind globalization in the continuing hold of a modernist ethic, not only on the imagination of planners and builders but on the preferences of elite consumers for exclusive spaces. Most of the scholarly work considering the spatial impact of corporate-led urban development has situated the phenomenon in the ‘global’ era — to the extent that the spatial patterns resulting from such development appear wholly the outcome of contemporary globalization. The case of Makati City belies this periodization. By examining the development of a corporate master-planned new city in the 1950s rather than the 1990s, we can achieve a better appreciation of the influence of an enduring ideology — a modernist ethic — in shaping the duality of Makati. The most obvious thing in some parts of Greater Manila is that the city is Little America, New York, especially so in the new exurbia of Makati where handsome high-rise buildings, supermarkets, apartment-hotels and shopping centers flourish in a setting that could well be Palm Beach or Beverly Hills. -
Philippine Presidential Campaign Heats Up
Philippine presidential campaign heats up MANILA Philippines (UPI) -- Imelda Marcos' criticism was About 20,000 people turned out Mon- Aquino's widow stirs 20,000 prompted by the announcement of day for a campaign rally where Be-nig- no the opposition candidacy of former Aquino's widow spoke before a toe is also a candidate Corazon Aquino, the opposition Miss International Aurora 'Au-A- u" photo of slam opposition leader's widow, told the crowd she Pijuan Manotoc, 34 huge the The elections are the first for the showing blood flowing from promised over the body of her hus- Pijuan Manotoc is the former wife leader 200-se- at National Assembly " since band "I would continue his fight ' to of golfing champion Tommy Mano- his headspeHing "Marcos President Ferdinand Marcos lifted With for May 14 restore democracy to the Phil- toc, now married to Imelda Marcos' the campaign years of law 1981 lady Imel- nine martial in daughter, and soil lists Manotoc as elections heating up, first They are regarded as a critical test ippines of She spoke in front of a backdrop her husband because divorce not da Marcos accused the opposition of his government, buffeted by pro- is ' of the picturing her husband sprawled on recognized in the mainly Roman feasting on the carcass tests the of oppo- beauty queen since assassination the runway at Manila Airport, where Catholic Philippines dead" by running a sition leader Bemgno Aquino once married to her son-in-la- w as a he was shot Aug 21 after returning Imee Marcos secretly married candidate In the first major opposition -
Special Collections Division University of Washington Libraries Box 352900 Seattle, Washington, 98195-2900 USA (206) 543-1929
Special Collections Division University of Washington Libraries Box 352900 Seattle, Washington, 98195-2900 USA (206) 543-1929 This document forms part of the Preliminary Guide to the Cannery Workers and Farm Laborers Union Local 7 Records. To find out more about the history, context, arrangement, availability and restrictions on this collection, click on the following link: http://digital.lib.washington.edu/findingaids/permalink/CanneryWorkersandFarmLaborersUnionLocal7SeattleWash3927/ Special Collections home page: http://www.lib.washington.edu/specialcollections/ Search Collection Guides: http://digital.lib.washington.edu/findingaids/search CANNERY WORKERS' AND FARM LABORERS' UNION. LOCAL NO. 7 1998 UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON LIBRARIES MANUSCRIPTS AND UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES CANNERY WORKERS' AND FARM LABORERS' UNION. LOCAL NO. 7 Accession No. 3927-001 GUIDE HISTORY The Cannery Workers' and Farm Laborers' Union was organized June 19, 1933 in Seattle to represent the primarily Filipino-American laborers who worked in the Alaska salmon canneries. Filipino Alaskeros first appeared in the canneries around 1911. In the 1920s as exclusionary immigration laws went into effect, they replaced the Japanese, who had replaced the Chinese in the canneries. Workers were recruited through labor contractors who were paid to provide a work crew for the summer canning season. The contractor paid workers wages and other expenses. This system led to many abuses and harsh working conditions from which grew the movement toward unionization. The CWFLU, under the leadership of its first President, Virgil Duyungan, was chartered as Local 19257 by the American Federation of Labor in 1933. On December 1, 1936 an agent of a labor contractor murdered Duyungan and Secretary Aurelio Simon.