CIPE

an inclusive map of international relations theories and authors Florent Frasson-Quenoz

Cuadernos del Cuadernos .º 21, junio  14

1886 Los Cuadernos de trabajo del Centro de Investigaciones y Proyectos Especiales, CIPE, de la Facultad de Finanzas, Gobierno y Relaciones Internacionales, son una contribución a la investigación, al desarrollo del conocimiento, a los debates con especial significado y alcance en las políticas públicas, las finanzas, la economía y las relaciones internacionales. En los Cuadernos se expresan los avances de las líneas y los grupos de investigación del CIPE y, por tanto, son una muestra de los procesos académicos e intelectuales que adelantan profesores, investigadores y estudiantes de la Universidad Externado de Colombia. El CIPE tiene tres gru- pos de investigación reconocidos por COLCIENCIAS: Observatorio de Análisis de los Sistemas Internacionales, OASIS; Observatorio de Políticas, Ejecución y Resultados de la Administración Pública, OPERA; Observatorio de Economía y Operaciones Numéricas, ODEON.

       Juan Carlos Henao      ,     Roberto Hinestrosa Rey cin del  Frédéric Massé

ISSN 1794-7715

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Florent Frasson-Quenoz Externado de Colombia University Working Paper

“The History of science is always ri- concept of political right and left, I started cher than its rational reconstruction” building a conceptual map of Interna- Lakatos, 1971, p. 104 tional Relations Theories (irt).

Introduction

One of the main obstacles when one tries to explain what it means to understand the world with analytical tools is the absence of an inclusive chart that presents the similarities and differences between one theory and the other. In this paper I will try to explain what this chart could look like, and position the main authors and theories of International Panorama.it, 15/06/2009 Relations on it. My intellectual questioning started Unfortunately, IR theorizing is not a two- when I read a 2009 paper by Ole Waever dimensional phenomenon and a repre- on , in which he presented sentation inspired from the semicircular Waltz’s theory of theory. In this very same right and left divide could not render its paper Waltz explains how the construc- complexity. ’s mapping tion of an intellectual representation is of irt (2006, p. 29) was considering two an indispensable first step in the direction dimensions of irt from an ontological of creating a new theory. Following this standpoint. This particular map was a very advice, and remembering my younger good starting point but, as I experimented days when I was trying to understand the with my students, using this particular map documentos de trabajo 4

in order to explain ontological contending Both Wendt’s and Adler’s map of irt points of view was more than challenging. were somehow disturbing for my students. As I was trying to use Wendt’s map to ex- Such questions as “How neorealism can plain the different theories and contending be both -and at the same time- holist and paradigms, I had to admit that IR theorizing individualist?”, “Is not the English School is not only multidimensional ontologically materialist more than idealist?” or “Is not but also epistemologically. When in 1997 the English School at the crossroads of all Emanuel Adler argued that constructivism theories and not constructivism?” were was in fact situated at the crossroads of all questions that needed a long and detailed irt he used Wendt’s map and “simply” response. located constructivism in the middle of it. Those questions were sufficient to justify a new investigative problem: How Alexander Wendt’s map of irt could the major theories of International Relations be represented on a single map? The three variables I consider im- portant in order to draw this map are: the grade of confidence in relation to the possibility of change, the analytical refer- ent and the philosophical inclination of the different authors. In the firsts pages of this paper I will explain those variables and then I will try to explain how the main thinkers and tendencies of irt can be located on the map. (2006, p. 29) How to represent Emanuel Adler’s map of irt three variables on a two-dimensional map?

One of the first and most important dif- ficulties one faces when one tries to think the variety and multidimensionality of irt is the fact that International Relations is not considered by all its students as a sci- ence per se. This problem is not particular to our discipline but a concern for all social sciences. It is true that the inquiry (1997, p. 331) process in our branch of knowledge pro- 5 duction does not correspond to the canons Following the first conception, it of heuristics as stated by George Pólaya in would be possible to give a comparable 1957: First understand the problem faced, explanation to IR phenomena as “exact second establish a plan to solve it, third scientists” do of natural phenomena: implement the plan and, fourth, confirm objective causes that exist independently the solution. from the conscientiousness of actors, al- This very same problem about “what ways produce the same effects. Following is scientific?” is at the root of the second the second one, it would be impossible interparadigmatical –or great-debate in IR to produce explanations because the re- (Kaplan, 1966). The fact of the matter is searcher is always considered a part of the that some scholars of IR were so profoundly problem he is observing. For reflexivists unsettled by this question that they were only the interpretation – not explanation drawn to reformulate their theories in order - of facts is possible. to make them more “scientific” (neorealism What could be viewed as a peculiar and neoliberalism). Here, “more “scientif- characteristic of the irt, the division ic”” would mean a science constructed on a between positivist and reflexivist, is not. materialistic base and a systematic problem In fact, this schism is an expression of a solving approach. Nevertheless, as John much deeper philosophical divide. Since Mearsheimer stated, his scientific theory the beginning of recorded occidental of IR “only gets it right 75% of the time” philosophical thought a division between (2013), far from the 100% IR scholars seek. dualism (Plato) and monism (Thales or Phrased simply, in spite of their best efforts Heraclitus) persist and this divide has IR scholars have not been able to gain the irrigated debates in all sciences, not only recognition they are looking for. My bot- social ones. tom line here is that methods are one of If we reflect on the debate in theoreti- the variables one has to consider if one is cal physics about the existence of “time”, to represent accurately the variety of irt. the parallels we can draw with social sci- But the methods chosen to lead an ences are illustrative. When physicists try inquiry are fundamentally linked to the to give an answer to the simple question methodological standpoint a researcher “Does time exist?” the variety of responses adopts (Jackson, 2011, p. 30). Since is striking. Lee Smolin (2013) explains the behavioral charge against the proto- that time can be measured because it is scientific construction of knowledge in the created through the relations between ma- late 1960’s and early 1970’s, two method- terial elements in the universe. Sean Car- ological conceptions are in contention: an roll (2010) defends the idea that “time” is explicative or rationalist/positivist concep- a dimension more of the reality we live in tion and a comprehensive or reflectivist/ and that all moments in time are equally reflexivist one (Kehoane, 1998). real, consequently that all moments in documentos de trabajo 6

time exist simultaneously. In 2001, Julian siderations, such as rationality –materi- Barbour argued that if materiality was real, ally defined- and utilitarianism (Keohane “time” was an illusion created by human & Martin, 1995, p. 39). The latter are minds. In his view, just as a movie is a suc- drawing on social relativity of reality and cession of images, time is a succession of consequently are magnifying the impor- slices of matter. But for others (Mauldin, tance of the revolving logic of agents and 2010), the reality of “time” is simple com- the importance of values (Onuf, 2013). mon sense so there is no time to waste Those considerations steer the atten- speculating about its reality. tion of theorists on particular sectors of This example shows that social sci- the human activity. Military issues and entists are not the only ones wondering economics are more studied by positivists about such fundamental questions as: and networks and ethics are more studied What is a problem? What is the problem by reflexivists. Usually, realists and liberals to study? How can we bring a solution are presented as positivists and construc- to a problem? What is the solution to a tivists and critical theorists as reflexivists. problem? A direct consequence of the philo- My argument here is that irt are as sophical option taken by theorists is that diverse as any other theories of any other their attention is drawn to a particular science and that the fact that some IR analytical referent – second variable con- theorists reject the views of others is not sidered. sufficient proof to state that one particular Positivists are prone to reduce their stream of thought could be presented as analysis of international relations -the the exclusive representative of the theoreti- global set of interactions- to what is cal thought in IR. considered as existing in international So the first variable I want to detail politics, the state and the anarchical nature is the philosophical inclination of the of their interactions. Historically, realists researcher. The most important divide and liberals were lead to focus on state between IR theorists is salient when we relations. Using the same basic assump- consider the response they give to the tion that reality is materially defined, they question: “Is reality existing indepen- were considering the connections between dently from the observer?” those actors as founded on their will to Some theorists will argue that reality dominate territories and the possibility of exists independently others will argue the cooperation on a competitive scene (Mor- contrary. Depending on the response they genthau, 2005; Carr, 1940 and Wilson). will give their explanation/interpretation Nevertheless, through a series of de- of what is happening in the world will bates (third debate) the focus of theorists be drastically different. The formers will was gradually widened. States and the sys- base their thinking on materialistic con- tem of states ceased to be the sole analyti- 7 cal referent and the scope of inquiry was Group of individuals and Individuals. opened to non-state actors and, in some Those referents are echoing the first four. cases, to individuals. Since the late 1950’s, But the philosophical standpoint from liberals started to consider the autonomy which reflexivist theorists are observing of international institutions (Hass, 1958, the world leads us to change the vocabu- 1964; Mitrany, 1965), the relevance of lary. The term humanity is used to high- private actors such as multinationals in light the importance of the global level an interdependent configuration (Keo- of analysis considered but, at the same hane y Nye, 1977) and finally the impact time, the term suggests the existence of a of individual behavior on international common destiny shared between highly relations (Keck & Sikkink, 1998; Maoz disparate individuals and group of indi- & Gat, 2001). viduals. In the same fashion, the term In order to represent this multiplica- “state” and the terms “social structures” tion of analytical referent I have chosen echo one another. When positivists use the to divide the horizontal axis of the map term state it is because they are studying in four different spaces, each one rep- one specific social structure but, unlike resenting a different analytical referent. reflexivists, they do not feel the need to From left to right: System or society of study any other social structure because states, states, group of individuals and they assume that these do not have the individuals. same relevance in the explanation. Finally, The first referent bears two distinctive when positivists and reflexivists use the names because depending on the theorists two referent “group of individuals” and considered some will use the term system “individuals” they do not do it in the same and others the term society. Each of those way. The first group accentuate the mate- terms focuses the attention on the same rial determination of behavior, the second level of analysis (Boulding, 1956; Mc- group put emphasis on the relevance of Clelland, 1966; Singer, 1961), but the identity and values. term system brings to mind a mechanical The third and last variable is the least functioning of human relations moved by problematic of the three: the grade of material forces and the term society evokes confidence vis a vis change. Every theory materially based human relations regulat- postulates that the pattern of behavior ed by norms. Essentially this distinction is can or cannot change. This confidence in made in order to differentiate between the the possibility of change depends on the postures realists and liberals adopt when basic assumptions stated. Depending on they implement their theoretical tools. the theory or theorist considered the grade On the other hand of the same axis, of confidence varies. In order to translate from right to left, the same four divisions this variation I propose a division in four are made: Humanity, Social structures, different degrees –top-down-: change documentos de trabajo 8

is impossible, superficial or precarious hierarchical). Others would argue that if change, marginal or gradual change and the structure remains fundamentally the profound or speedy change. same, changes in behavior can occur during Except for the first grade – change is lapses of time -longer or shorter depending impossible - the confidence in the possibil- on the case- and can be quicker or slower ity of change has two relevant dimensions: (from one type of Balance of power to an- depth and pace. Some scholars argue that other, from one kind of ethic to another). change occurs but this change can be Depending on the analytical referent and superficial, marginal or profound, that is the philosophical stand point chosen by the to say it modifies the structure of interna- researcher the degree of confidence in the tional relations (from purely anarchical to possibility of change will vary.

Blank map of International Relations theories and authors 9

How to place the different theories and authors of International Relations on the map?

Realism

The main characteristic of realist thinkers Balance of Power can last long enough to is that we can locate them on a much re- allow a change in the way states relate to duced space on the map. This particularity each other (from permanent conflict and can be explained by the fact that realists war to relative peace). In the same way, rely on a limited number of hypothesis Schweller (1996) and Zakaria (1998) study (materialist rationality, centrality of state, states and put the emphasis on the pluri- international anarchy and utilitarianism). dimensionality of state relations (politics, Consequently, realists only consider two economics, legal and moral). Nevertheless, possible analytical referents: state and in- the conclusions they draw from those con- ternational system. The interpenetration siderations are much more pessimistic than of the different streams of realist thinking Morgenthau´s and Grieco´s. In their view, is explained by this fact. the repetition of history (endless repetition Morgenthau (2005) and Grieco of wars) is inevitable. (1993) are theorists who focus on the state On their part, Waltz (1979) and -its behavior- and what they consider to Gilpin (1981) are working on the basic be the appropriate way for states to handle hypothesis that the nature of the interna- themselves. For those two authors, the tional system (anarchy) determines states´ documentos de trabajo 10

behavior. Following this premise, states to understand if states will go to war; are less important than the structure in se second, the magnitude of the dilemma in order to explain international realties. or imbalance of threat can be determine Nonetheless, states’ rationality and utili- by the balance between offensive and de- tarianism lead them to minimize the cost fensive capabilities. For defensive realists of the completion of their goal –survival. the bottom line is that, despite the anar- Following this trend of thinking, states are chical nature of the international system, only prompt to initiate a costly war if they states can find ways to defend themselves think that the status quo no longer serves without threatening others. Thus, the pos- them well enough. In this configuration, sibility to maintain peace – on a relatively in spite of the anarchical nature of the long term- is significant (Waltz, 1979; international system and in spite of the Glaser & Kauffmann, 1998; Van Evera, permanent uncertainty states of relative 1998). On the other hand, for offensive peace –stalemates- can be attained. In their realists, because states are not only trying view, bi- or unipolarity can reduce the to survive but accumulate power, states probability of war. Mearsheimer (2001) always behave aggressively. The reasoning and Walt (1985), building on the same is as follows: in the absence of a superior premises are drawn to conclude that the authority states cannot be sure that today’s phenomenon of war is not only inevitable peaceful conditions will be maintained but also, most of the time, necessary if the tomorrow, consequently “self-help” is state is to complete its objective. the only mean at their disposal to fulfill The distinction between offensive their goal and the more power they gain and was first pinned by through any means necessary will make Jack Snyder in 1991. The offense-defense them more secure. Those elements lead reflection stems from the conclusions us to locate at the top realist thinkers make about the influence of the map and consider defensive real- of the (Jervis, 1978) ism as a tendency of realist thinking that and the Balance of Threat (Walt, 1985). contemplate the possibility of precarious Offense-defense theorists, primarily change. On the map, Van Evera and Gla- interested in explaining state behavior, ser, two partisans of the offense-defense developed on two main hypothesis: First, theory are situated in the middle of all the Security Dilemma and the Balance realist tendencies. of Threat are central concepts in order 11

Liberalism

Contrary to realists, liberal theories are go to war because they rely economically characterized by their diversity, and con- on each other –interdependence liberalism sequently by their dispersion on the map. -, liberals who consider that international From theorists focused on the study of institutions can mitigate the selfish ten- international society to those who center dencies in states’ behavior, liberals who their attention on the individual, Liberals defend the idea that the democratic po- consider a multiplicity of analytical refer- litical regime can and in fact is leading to ents. Not only that, the methodology they a minimization of the occurrence of the use ranges from positivist to reflexivist, phenomenon of war and finally, liberals that is to say that some value the world who argue that states are no longer the as an object moved by material and inde- relevant analytical referent and that the pendent forces and that others perceive attention of researchers has to be refocused it as something dependent of values and on the individual as the motor of change. identities of each individual. On the map I have decided to add To differentiate between all of those a fifth category -critical liberalism- and I will be using Jackson and Sorensen tax- to represent the thinking of Woodrow onomy of Liberalism. In their book (2003, Wilson and of John Ikenberry. In addi- pp. 98-125) they establish a four category: tion to those distinctions and following interdependence liberalism, institutional in Wendt’s footsteps (1992, pp. 392-393), liberalism, and I propose to differentiate between a weak sociological liberalism. Those categories and a strong stream of liberalism. allow us to distinguish between liberals Institutionalists (Rittberger and who think that states can be dissuaded to Mayer, 1993; Martin, 1998, 2012, 2013; documentos de trabajo 12

Simmons, 1998, 2013; and Young, 1999) widened to other actors such as Multi- are the liberals that are the most akin to nationals and ngos. Consequently, the realists. They build their argument on the concept of security is broadly defined and same premises –rationality and utilitarian- military defined security ceases to be the ism. Their argument is that the structure center of attention. Depending on the ac- of international society is determinant tor considered, issues such as economics, when we try to explain the behavior of environment and culture can be put on the states. If the structure of international rela- forefront of the research agenda. tions is still anarchical, the central concept Those three tendencies in liberal here is “normativity”. International insti- thinking are all characterized by the tutions, using the legitimacy state gave confidence their promoters have in the them -or the autonomy they gained over possibility of positive change. In other time- to produce norms, are considered words, institutionalists, republicans and to be essential regulators of state behavior interdenpendentists all agree to say that not anarchy in se. a factor -norm, democracy or exchanges, Republican theorists (Maoz, 1993, respectively- has a positive effect on the 1996, 1999; Oneal, 1996, 1999, 2000; path to progress and the establishment of and Russett, 1993, 1996, 1999, 2000) “the common good”. Nevertheless, all of taking on the basic premises of individual them point to the fact that this change can rationality, anarchical nature of interna- be neither profound nor speedy. tional relations and materiality, prefer Critical (Richardson, 2001, 2002) to develop their thinking using the state and sociological liberals (Deutsch, 1966; as the analytical referent. Contrary to and Keck and Sikkink, 1999) lead the neoclassical realists, republicans suppose researcher who chooses to follow their line that change in state´s behavior is primar- of argument to use the individual as the ily decided by the political regime under primary analytical referent. With those which they are organized. two streams of thought the methodol- Interdependence liberals (Rosecrance, ogy changes. From positivist it passes, in 1986; Keohane, 1977; Mitrany, 1948; some aspects, to refexivist. Values and and Hass, 1958) could be presented as identities of actors start to be regarded as strong liberals, that is, they break from determinant factors in the qualification of the positivist canons in International reality. The main difference between the Relations –centrality of state, as analytical two streams is to be found in the grade of referent and security, defined in military confidence authors have in the possibility terms. State is not considered any more of change. For critical liberals, in spite of as the primary referent and the scope is the fact that they consider liberal values 13 as the seeds of universal progress, those groups of individuals are to be evaluated very same values can be viewed as the sub- on the same basis because the free self- strate on which universal imperialism will determination of nations is raised as a blossom. Following this line of thought, pillar of international peace and security. critical liberals incite researchers to always In Ikenberry’s view the liberal order is con- bear in mind this possibility and to orient ditioning state, group of individuals and their reflection in a way that allows for the individual behavior. At the same time this selection of the better means to attain real particular order is consolidated by state´s, progress. Following the sociological trend group of individuals´ and individual of liberalism the researcher is led to take behavior. In the first place, the liberal the individual as an intrinsic progressive order was promoted by a hegemonic state agent. Contrary to critical liberals, socio- (United States) but this order has taken logical ones tend to view groups of indi- such a form that no one –states, group of vidual, states and the international society individuals or individual- would think to as obstacles on the path to progress that replace it and finally this lack of contesta- the individual is trying to walk. To put it tion toward the liberal order reinforces it. differently, individuals have to be freed Before taking on the English School, I from social contingences that constrain would like to point out that authors such them in order to become the motor of as James Rosenau and progress they should be. are hard to place on the map because their Wilsonianism and Ikenberry’s pro- work changed over time, considering the posal (2011) is characterized by the mul- different analytical referents in different tiplicity of analytical referents considered moments of time. The idea here would simultaneously. International society and be to consider the groupings (realists, the state are viewed as equally important liberals, etc.) as clouds that are morphing in the determination of the explanation depending on the author considered and of reality. In addition, for Wilsonianism, the time in which they are writing. documentos de trabajo 14

English School

Members of the English School (ES) are that rules/norms and institutions have the engaged in methodological pluralism but capacity to delay the inevitable moment of they do not privilege a particular dimen- war and the destruction of state society as sion of world politics. In their views “or- we know it. But for some of them –solidar- der” and “society” cannot be understood ists-, the current international society has, separately from geopolitical rivalries or for the first time in History, the capacity cultural influences (Suganami and Lin- to avoid going back to high degrees of klater, 2006, p. 119). violence and maybe mutate in a universal Depending on the author considered, solidarity based order. the ES can be close to the realist pro- But the majority of ES members – posal (Wight, 1960, 1977; and Porter and pluralists- are extremely cautious about Wight, 1996), the liberals (Vincent, 1974) this prospect because the change of ref- or the constructivist approach (Wheeler, erent –from state to individuals- would 2000). Nonetheless, all members of the imply considering cultural elements in ES have always insisted on the fact that the analysis and the construction of new the School had to be appreciated as a third patterns of behavior. If this were to be, way, between Hobbesian and Kantian per- the mutated society would have to be spectives. What ES members are arguing is built on some common moral values in 15 order to promote justice and consequently states created a set of norms and institu- maintain stability. But the matter of the tions that are able to maintain a certain fact is that, in a pluricultural world, the degree of order between them, transform- multiplicity of chances to wrongly choose ing the system in society. those common moral values is such that The divide between pluralists and this move could end up ruining any real solidarists in the ES is not represented on possibility to attain that goal. the map but could be understood as the Some ES members are confident in limit between those who have confidence the possibility of finding a common defi- in the fact that change could be profound nition of what would be the “good life”. or speedy and those who do not (on the This definition should be rooted in the map: superficial and precarious change or least common denominator: the “harm marginal and gradual change against pro- principle” or the virtue of political caution found or speedy change). Because the first (Jackson, 2000). ones think that there is no evidence that The basic problem to which ES the world has attained the sufficient ma- members try to find a solution is: How turity to choose a set of common values in can it be that, in spite of the absence of a order to step away from the international central authority in the world, a consider- society they are not confident in the pos- able grade of order exists in the relations sibility of change. The second ones think of sovereign states? (Suganami, 2010, p. that in fact we –as a group of individuals 23). The response ES members bring to but also individually- have reached this this question is built on a broadly defined point and that change will be profound. concept of international institutions. For The consequence of this diversity them, institutions, particularly interna- is that ES members are located in broad tional law and diplomacy, are the ones space that range from positivism to reflex- that allow sovereign states to interact and ivism and from a low degree of confidence communicate without to have to resort to in the possibility of change and a high one. violence. According to Bull, the system of documentos de trabajo 16

Constructivism

Constructivist approach to international cause they are most of the time identified relations presents itself as a “negative as constructivists the choice was made to reflection” of liberalism on the reflexivist include them in the constructivist “cloud”. side of the map. All constructivists have Because Peter Katzenstein and his col- a relatively strong confidence in the pos- leagues (1996) did choose to accentuate sibility of change. In fact, according to the importance of identity and changes of constructivist, change is the very charac- identity as the primary levers for behav- teristic of social world. ioral modifications, we situated him in Authors like Keck and Sikkink (1999) the vicinity of Margaret Keck and Kathrin could be located at the bottom of the map Sikkink. Nonetheless, if we were to use the because their work on Human Rights, different categorizations of constructivist civil society and networks lead them to thinking (Hopf, 1998; Checkel, 2006; consider the individual as the primary Reuss-Smit, 2005; Fierke, 2010; and analytical referent but also as the most Adler, 2013) in order to differentiate M. important factor of change of the inter- Keck and K. Sikkink from P. Katzenstein national normative framework and behav- there would be no doubt on the fact that ioral patterns of agents in global politics. Katzenstein is more of an “orthodox” con- But those authors, for being positivists structivist -or methodologically radical- and at the same time using sociological than his counterparts. In fact Katzenstein methods of investigation are situated at is not only using qualitative methods in the crossroads between liberal theories and order to find and organize data but he is constructivist approaches. However, be- also trying to trace back the construction 17 process of identities in order to interpret between those two analytical referents. His behavioral changes. methodological obedience is less contro- Placing Emanuel Adler (1998, Adler versial. Because he tries to trace back the & Barnett, 1998) on the map was done origins of the social learning process and on the basis that his investigative interests because he postulates the determining are considered in function of the analytical influence of identity on the behavior of referent “group of individuals”. In fact he is states, we made the choice to brand him focusing his attention on the influence of as a reflexivist. identity on the definition of the concept of F. Kratochvill (1989) and N. Onuf peace, the role of praxis in the conduct of (2012) study social structures. The former world politics and the concept of Security accentuate the role of norms, the latter Community (principally defined as a group the role of language on those structures. phenomenon). The bottom line here is that Both share the idea that change is inherent Adler is evaluating the formation of identity to social relations but that this change is processes in groups of individuals. It is true limited in depth and speed. According to that based on his 1997 paper Adler could the former the possibility to see “revolu- be identified as a conventional construc- tionary” norms institutionalized is limited tivist but reading carefully the conclusion because this would go against what agents he wrote (p. 330) we understand that if are disposed to consider possible. Accord- he admits the possibility to build bridges ing to the latter, in order for a change to between positivism and reflexivism he does occur it always needs to follow a long not cross that bridge. In his view the world process of institutionalization. is not uniquely and solely influenced by Cynthia Weber and Maja Zefhuss de- material forces. velop their argument using the humanity Alexander Wendt (2006) focuses is as a referent. Analyzing movie narratives, attention on states, that is, international Weber is preoccupied with reveling the politics. This distinctive feature for a mental structure that condition the vision constructivist makes the positioning on human beings have of the world (2008, the map difficult. If we were to break 2011). Maja Zefhuss is concerned with down his thinking conceptually speak- uncovering the abuses the world social ing, we could argue that Wendt studies structure produces. Currently her work a particular grouping of individuals –the on the relation of Ethics and War lead her state- and a specific social structure –the to criticize the “Just War” concept (2012). norms and values created by states at the For this very same reason, Zefhuss could international level. It is for this reason be best described more as a critical theorist that I placed A. Wendt at the crossroads than a constructivist. documentos de trabajo 18

Critical approaches

I will present Neomarxism and Critical difficulty to locate Wallerstein on the map theories in the same section. As Andrew resides in the terminology he uses. Since Linklater masterfully argued (2005) Marx- he prefers the use of the word “system” ism and its different avatars can be viewed over the word “structure” the question as essentially critical, but if we can see arises: shouldn’t he be located on the posi- them as part of the same branch, they do tivist side of the map? The response to this not form a sole set of propositions. question can be formulated in those terms. Because ad- Because Wallerstein’s proposal is rooted mits the possibility that a state can be relo- in Marxist thinking, the definition of the cated -or relocate itself- from the periphery word “system” he uses is much closer to to the semi periphery of the world system the one Marx gives of structure than the we can argue that he contemplates the pos- one Waltz gives to system. When Waller- sibility of change on the world stage. The stein considers the possibility of change 19 he does so thinking about the constraints single events. Furthermore I would argue produced by the global social structure, that because suffering is a highly subjec- the local ones and the interests of the tive variable, any social structure would be different groups involved in the decision prone to create and reproduce the condi- making process. If change is possible, at tions in which some would perceive some best it will be marginal, never profound kind of suffering. In fact social structures or quick. will always produce suffering, more easily Dependencia thinkers (Cardoso y so the invisible one. Faletto, 1969; Faletto, 1980, Frank, 1979 If we are to consider Critical Theo- and Amin, 1977) are also prone to con- rists, Andrew Linklater was placed on sider the possibility of change. If possible, the bottom part of the map because he this change would require a rupture in the demonstrated in his books (1900a, 1990b, patterns of relations both at the local and 1998) that, first, in his point of view global level. If one state were to change change is inherent to social interactions its relations with others it could have to and, second, that this change have been modify its internal social structures and profound and quick in the last hundred then find support on the international years. More so, Linklater tries to identify scale to transform the global social struc- the margins that could facilitate a more ture. Any attempt to do it alone would coherent change in our daily lives –margin result, as the Mexican case demonstrated, situated between discourse and practice. in a consolidation of the structure. Sometimes identified as a construc- Galtung’s structural theory of vio- tivist James Der Derian is an atypical lence (1969) was placed in the upper author that we choose to designate as a part of the map because this theory, in critical theorist. With methodologically spite of its commitment to denounce close ties to the postmodern Foucault injustices, implicitly states that change is and to the poststructuralist movement, impossible. States, group of individuals Der Derian focuses his attention on the or individuals will always be submitted to relations between social structures, lobby the violence produced by social structures and industrial groups, and the worldview (local or global). Galtung states that the they produce and perpetuate (2009). Still, lesser social conditions of some is trans- Der Derian never stops to try to find al- mitted through time and that the social ternative ways in order to promote global structures are resistant to change (1971, peace and security (Constantinou & Der p.81). We could object that Galtung hopes Derian, 2010). and works for this change to happen and As a consequence of their highly that in some particular cases this change critical posture Robert Cox and Richard happens. Nonetheless, the whole of the Ashley are much less confident in the social structures will not be torn down by possibility of change than Der Derian documentos de trabajo 20

and Linklater. Ashley notably wrote that and non-western theories are some of anyone who follows the narrative of mo- those missing approaches that I intend to dernity is condemned to reproduce its include on it at a further point. I nonethe- false promises (1987, p. 492). For Ashley, less feel confident that the map would not power is a part of discursive practices, or need any modification in order to do so. our way to think, act, and the way we One major concern could come from define ourselves. In his view, all discourses the fact that some theorists are trying to are the vehicle of oppressive pretentions build bridges between theories. Doing so, (1988). Discourse is the first and most it could be argued that the map would be- efficient tool to discipline and punish come useless. But even if those bridges can (Foucault, 1975). If some discourses are -and in fact should- be built, this would construed to liberate (feminism, resistance not affect the pertinence of mapping. In of the South, environmentalists) they fact, remembering the definition of what is will eventually produce new exclusions the theoretical pluralism could help. Some and sufferings (matriarchy, Hegemony of authors (Fearon and Wendt, 2002; Hall, the South or green intransigence). In this 2003; Mahoney and Goertz, 2006; Sil and context Robert Cox could be placed in Katzenstein, 2008, 2010a, 2010b; Lake, between Der Derian and Ashley because 2011; and Checkel, 2013) were listing a if he tries to denounce suffering and series of common elements of definition structural abuses he still relies on his inter- of “bridging”. The first and most impor- pretation of History and the influence of tant feature of this common definition social structure when he analyses human is that bridging is not about building an relations. In 2010 he predicted that the alternative paradigm. In that view there is world stage could change in two ways: no need to place on the map theoretical first, we could go back to a multipolar thinking that is based on the will to build Balance of Power or, second, we could bridges between theories because they are go back to a full-scale struggle for power. not to be considered as theories. This prediction shows he is not confident Finally, I would like to insist on the in the possibility of positive change – at fact that this map is first and foremost least in the short term. designed as a pedagogical tool for begin- ner students of International Relations. Some missing elements Its primary objective is to clarify the differences and similarities between the Not all of the theories of International main theoretical approaches. In that sense Relations are represented on this map. the particular location of one author can This has more to do with the lack of time always be discussed and modified depend- and the lack of sufficient knowledge, than ing on what particular feature of ‘their’ or the design of the map in itself. Feminism ‘his’ or ‘her’ thinking is considered. 21 ut h ors es and A and Th eor i es ons i ons R elat i onal Internat of M ap i ve Inclus A n documentos de trabajo 22

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