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Telling the Truth About Class
TELLING THE TRUTH ABOUT CLASS G. M. TAMÁS ne of the central questions of social theory has been the relationship Obetween class and knowledge, and this has also been a crucial question in the history of socialism. Differences between people – acting and knowing subjects – may influence our view of the chances of valid cognition. If there are irreconcilable discrepancies between people’s positions, going perhaps as far as incommensurability, then unified and rational knowledge resulting from a reasoned dialogue among persons is patently impossible. The Humean notion of ‘passions’, the Nietzschean notions of ‘resentment’ and ‘genealogy’, allude to the possible influence of such an incommensurability upon our ability to discover truth. Class may be regarded as a problem either in epistemology or in the philosophy of history, but I think that this separation is unwarranted, since if we separate epistemology and the philosophy of history (which is parallel to other such separations characteristic of bourgeois society itself) we cannot possibly avoid the rigidly-posed conundrum known as relativism. In speak- ing about class (and truth, and class and truth) we are the heirs of two socialist intellectual traditions, profoundly at variance with one another, although often intertwined politically and emotionally. I hope to show that, up to a point, such fusion and confusion is inevitable. All versions of socialist endeavour can and should be classified into two principal kinds, one inaugurated by Rousseau, the other by Marx. The two have opposite visions of the social subject in need of liberation, and these visions have determined everything from rarefied epistemological posi- tions concerning language and consciousness to social and political attitudes concerning wealth, culture, equality, sexuality and much else. -
The Place of Normativity in the Political Ontology of Ernesto Laclau*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE The Place of Normativity in the Political Ontology of Ernesto Laclau* Daniel de Mendonça Universidade Federal de Pelotas, Brazil This article is a reflection on normativity in the field of political theory, with the ontological dimension found in Ernesto Laclau’s discourse theory as a presupposition. We base ourselves on the premise that, as a political theorist (rather than a political philosopher), Laclau has developed a political theory with great analytical applicability, which is also significantly useful for thinking about the role and limits of political normativity. We sustain that the normative, widely understood as a set of precepts or politically desirable situations, has a limited place in the area of discourse theory. In order to carry out our proposal, this paper is divided into five parts. Firstly, we deal with the post-foundationalist position found in Laclau’s thought. Following that, we present him as a political theorist. We then analyse the notions of ideology and discourse, central to the political ontology present in discourse theory. Following that, we discuss antagonism and dislocation, categories used to explain the incompleteness of social meanings, ac- cording to Laclau. Lastly, in the light of the ontological presuppositions presented, we seek to establish the possibilities and limits of political normativity, bearing in mind the discourse theory developed by him. Keywords: Post-structuralism; post-foundationalism; discourse theory; normativity; Ernesto Laclau. Introduction he work of Ernesto Laclau has been a theoretical effort to present an interpre- Ttation of the political as an area specific to and explanatory of social relations, particularly since Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (HSS from now on), co-authored with Chantal Mouffe. -
Confucian Marxism and Its Implications in the Current Age of Globalization
CONFUCIAN MARXISM AND ITS IMPLICATIONS IN THE CURRENT AGE OF GLOBALIZATION Chen Weigang I. The Issue: Culture and Peripheral Justice One does not need to embrace Samuel Huntington’s theory of the clash of civilizations to recognize the increasing salience of cultural and ethnic confl ict in the post-Cold War world.1 Indeed, recent major trends in the developing world, from the spectacular growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Muslim countries to the rapid ascendancy of Confucian nationalism in East Asia,2 all demonstrate clearly that cul- ture and cultural identities have become the driving force in global politics today. How, then, do we explain the intriguing fact that precisely at the moment when the West scores a decisive victory over all political and economic alternatives, when capitalism is universally accepted as the only feasible way to rationally organize a modern economy, and when Third-World industrialization tears down the traditional North-South structure thereby marking the beginning of an age of capitalist global- ization, there has emerged across non-Western societies an ever more powerful anti-Western backlash and an ever stronger aspiration for 1 Huntington, Samuel, The Clash of Civilizations: Remaking of World Order (New York: Touchstone, 1996). 2 In 1993, Hanoi published, at great expense, a romanized Vietnamese translation (in fi fteen volumes with almost eight thousand pages) of “The Imperially Authorized Compendium of Institutions and Institutional Cases of the Great South” (“The Great South” was the Vietnamese imperial name for Vietnam, adopted in the late 1830s). The “Compendium of Institutions” had been compiled originally in classical Chinese by senior mandarins of the Vietnamese court at Hue in the 1840s. -
History of Modern and Contemporary Ideologies
PLAN DE COURS HISTORY OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY IDEOLOGIES Conférence de méthode for the cours magistral of Samuel Hayat UP 17737 Wednesdays from 12.30h to 14.30 in room 23 at 27 Rue Saint Guillaume and UP 17541 Wednesdays from 14.45h to 16.45 in room 23 at 27 Rue Saint Guillaume Professeur : Maurits de Jongh (PhD Candidate at Sciences Po – CEVIPOF ; contact : [email protected]) Année universitaire 2015/2016 : Semestre d’automne DESCRIPTIF DU COURS This conférence de méthode offers an introduction to the history of political ideas. But contrary to the usual narratives, the focus will not be on great authors. Closely following the cours magistral lectures of Samuel Hayat, our discussions focus on the history of ideologies, i.e. comprehensive sets of ideas about what society is and should be. Starting with the emergence of the modern State up to the most contemporary debates, this course will give students an overview of the main ideological trends that framed our political conceptual world(s). Required Readings: The mandatory readings (mostly excerpts from larger texts, varying from 20 to 60 pages per week) for this conférence de méthode will be shared with students via google drive. For the most part, the mandatory readings overlap with the readings included in the syllabus of Samuel Hayat’s cours magistral lectures. Please note that there is a no digital devices policy (laptops, phones, tablets, etc.) for this class. Students are required to print the mandatory readings and bring them, when assigned, hard-copy to class. Plan des séances S1 09 / 09 /2015: Introduction - Ideologies in the history of political thought Mandatory Reading: Michael Freeden ‘Should ideologies be ill-reputed?’ in Ideology. -
Masses, Turbo-Capitalism and Power in Jean Baudrillard's Social
International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science No. 3, Year 2/2018 MASSES, TURBO-CAPITALISM AND POWER IN JEAN BAUDRILLARD’S SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ONTOTHEOLOGY PhD. Prof. Spiros MAKRIS Assistant Professor in Political Theory University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, GREECE Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT If postmodern Jean Baudrillard (1929-2007) could be defined as a theorist of power - to the extent that for some this is a contradiction by definition, although something very similar takes place in the case of Michel Foucault, he could be defined as a theorist of meta-power in the globalized era of turbo-capitalism. In his late texts (2005), which were published in 2010, the eminent French philosopher builds a provocative theory about power by using the classic concepts of domination and hegemony within the contemporary social, economic, political and ideological context of neoliberal globalization. In these papers, he analyzes in-depth the meta- power of hegemony in comparison with the power of domination. Actually, by signifying the critical passage of postwar capitalism from the phase of production to the phase of consumption, as Zygmunt Bauman does in his relevant work, Baudrillard formulates a meta-power theory as the equivalent of what he defines as turbo-capitalism. What is at stake is no longer the conventional issues of state sovereignty, Marx-inspired concept of alienation and Critical Theory-like negative dialectics but the crucial questions of hegemony, hostage and evilness. In short, Jean Baudrillard builds a new ontological and by extension disciplinary and theoretical field concerning global power, where the ‘Empire of Good’, or turbo-capitalism in his own terminology, is reborn in a totally catastrophic way (see simulation in the sense of a capitalist hypocrisy) either as an ‘Axis of Evil’ or as the ‘problem of terror’ (see simulacrum in the sense of a Lacanian stage of image within which turbo-capitalism represses, through a Freudian process of repelling, its unfamiliar self/i.e. -
Enacting Democracy: Deliberation, Agonism, and the Empty Place of Political Action
Enacting democracy: Deliberation, agonism, and the empty place of political action Erin Pineda1 Department of Political Science, Yale University [email protected] Abstract Despite the celebrated place of political action – and in particular, the kinds of contentious collective action characterized by protest – in the history of modern democracy, it is notably absent in recent deliberative and agonist theorizing. In the midst of a debate centered on the dynamics of conflict, consensus, disagreement, diversity, and popular sovereignty in a democracy, a curiously empty place has opened up between the two sides: while the political action of social movements and collectivities operates as an important referent for both deliberative democrats and their agonist critics, both have tended to stop short of theorizing the ways social movements act to provoke, promote, and protest particular forms and modes of our shared public and democratic life. This paper argues that contentious, collective political action, though involving both deliberative and agonistic elements, is not well-captured by either theory. A better understanding of the dynamics of political action -- both descriptively and normatively -- is crucial to any understanding of the kinds of social and democratic changes valued by both deliberative democrats and agonists. Introduction In some ways, the most potent image of the history of democracy is that of the people, filling the streets or the public square, engaged in the contentious, collective act of protest. From a bloody, revolutionary baptism at the Bastille to more recent events – revolutionary, reformist, or somewhere in between – in Tahrir Square, Gezi Park, and dozens of “Occupy” sites across the U.S., the particular forms of political action undertaken by citizens in assembly, organized dissent, and collective demonstration have proven a vital part not only of foundings (and re-foundings), but have served as incomparable mechanisms for the maintenance, reform, revitalization, disruption and transformation of political practices and institutions. -
Embattled Legacy “Post-Marxism” and the Social and Political Theory of Karl Marx by Atilio A
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Boron / POST-MARXISM AND MARX’S THEORY Embattled Legacy “Post-Marxism” and the Social and Political Theory of Karl Marx by Atilio A. Boron The theoretical crisis in political science and sociology resulting from the collapse of the paradigms that have organized the intellectual activities of these disciplines since the postwar years has opened a void that has become the battleground of a host of new theories and epistemological approaches. Yet, the throne left vacant by “structural-functionalism” in Western sociol- ogy and the quick exhaustion of the “behavioralist revolution” in political science is, some 30 years later, still embarrassingly empty. The numerous candidates scrambling for the succession have so far been unable to conquer the realm, although some of these theoretical contenders, such as the “ratio- nal-choice” approach, have managed to penetrate almost everywhere. How- ever, the incurable theoretical and epistemological flaws of this approach permit us to anticipate that its future in a discipline as millenarian as political science will be not very bright and in all likelihood short. One of the candidates for the throne, certainly not the strongest but still significant, is “post-Marxism.” The tremendous transformations experi- enced by capitalist societies since the 1970s, combined with the disintegra- tion of the Soviet Union and the “popular democracies” of Eastern Europe, brought to the foreground the so-called crisis of Marxism and the necessity of its radical overhauling. One of the most ambitious proposals in this regard is post-Marxism, conceived of as a synthesis of the theoretical legacy of Karl Atilio A. -
Post-Politics and the Aesthetic Imagination,” Edited Collection (DEADLINE: MAY 20)
H-Democracy CFP: “Post-Politics and the Aesthetic Imagination,” Edited Collection (DEADLINE: MAY 20) Discussion published by Juan Meneses on Sunday, May 16, 2021 “Post-Politics and the Aesthetic Imagination” CFP for Edited Collection This Call for Papers seeks abstracts for essays that reflect on the analytical bridges that might exist between post-political theory and the study of aesthetics broadly conceived. The main question the project aims to answer is the following: Decades after everything was declared to be political, what are the affordances, triumphs, and pitfalls of a post-political theory of aesthetics? The work of theorists of post-politics such as Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe, Ernesto Laclau, Alain Badiou, Slavoj Žižek, and Erik Swyngedouw among others has exposed the processes by which political action is currently being eroded, sites for its practice are increasingly disappearing, and political agency is in need of urgent revitalization. At the same time, much post-political critical discourse has concentrated on connecting the saturation of the practice of politics, as well as its subsequent evacuation, with the need to formulate new and alternative ways to generate meaningful political change. While post-political theory has featured in analyses traditionally labelled “political,” a more explicit reflection on the contours, scope, and interpretive value of post- political theory for the study of aesthetics is absent in the critical theory corpus and it can offer a crucial contribution. At the core are questions: What does the post- political stand for exactly, and how can issues concerning representation (textual, visual, aural, etc. as well as political) be rethought through this lens? Related Citation: Juan Meneses. -
Democracia Y Conflicto En Contextos Pluralistas DEPOIMENTO
Democracia y conflicto en contextos pluralistas DEPOIMENTO Democracia y conflicto en contextos pluralistas: entrevista con Chantal Mouffe Democracy and conflict in pluralist contexts: an interview with Chantal Mouffe Entrevista con: Chantal Mouffe Profesora e investigadora, Centre for the Study of Democracy/ RAMOS, Aura Helena et al. Democracia y conflicto en contextos University of Westminster. pluralistas: entrevista con Chantal Mouffe. História, Ciências, Saúde – [email protected] Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro, v.21, n.2, abr.-jun. 2014, p.749-763. Concedida a: Resumen Aura Helena Ramos Chantal Mouffe, junto al teórico político argentino Ernesto Laclau Profesora, Faculdade de Educação (1935-2014), lanzó, en 1985, las bases de la teoría del discurso. Luego, e Programa de Pós-graduação em desarrolló su trabajo en el sentido de profundizar como influyen las Educação, Cultura e Comunicação formulaciones de la teoría del discurso en el análisis de las democracias em Periferias Urbanas/Universidade contemporáneas. Abordando el conflicto como una producción del do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Rua São Francisco Xavier, 524 encuentro de la diferencia, Mouffe lo comprende como un aspecto 20550-900 – Rio de Janeiro – RJ indeleble en la constitución del social. En este encuentro con la autora, – Brasil buscamos reflexionar algunos temas y problemáticas centrales de [email protected] su trabajo, y las implicaciones de su teoría en el campo educacional contemporáneo. Anna Luiza A. R. Martins de Oliveira Palabras clave: Chantal Mouffe (1943- ); teoría del discurso; democracia pluralista; derechos humanos; cultura. Profesora, Programa de Pós- graduação em Educação Contemporânea/Universidade Abstract Federal de Pernambuco (UFPE). Av. Professor Moraes Rego, 1235 Chantal Mouffe, along with Argentinian political theorist Ernesto Laclau (1935- 50670-901 – Recife – PE – Brasil 2014), laid down the bases of discourse theory in 1985. -
Habermas: Testing the Political Estelle Ferrarese
Habermas: Testing the Political Estelle Ferrarese To cite this version: Estelle Ferrarese. Habermas: Testing the Political. Thesis Eleven, SAGE Publications, 2015. halshs- 01251486 HAL Id: halshs-01251486 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01251486 Submitted on 16 Jan 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Page Proof Instructions and Queries Journal Title: THE Article Number: 602176 No. Query Please confirm that all author information, including names, affiliations, sequence, and contact details, is correct. Please review the entire document for typographical errors, mathematical errors, and any other necessary corrections; check headings, tables, and figures. Please ensure that you have obtained and enclosed all necessary permissions for the reproduction of artistic works, (e.g. illustrations, photographs, charts, maps, other visual material, etc.) not owned by yourself. Please refer to your publishing agreement for further information. Please note that this proof represents your final opportunity to review your article prior -
Subject of Politics, Politics of the Subject Emesto Laclau
Subject of Politics, Politics of the Subject Emesto Laclau he question of the relationship (Complementarity?, Tension?, Mutual T exclusion?) between universalism and particularism occupies a central place in the current political and theoretical agenda. Universal values are seen either as dead or - at the very least - as threatened. What is more important, the positive character of those values is no longer taken for granted. On the one hand, under the banner of multiculturalism, the classical values of the Enlight enment are under fire, and considered as little more than the cultural preserve of Western imperialism. On the other hand, the whole debate concerning the end of modernity, the assault on foundational ism in its various expressions, has tended to establish an essential link between the obsolete notion of a ground of history and society, and the actual contents which, from the Enlight enment onwards, have played that role of ground. It is important, however, to realize that these two debates have not advanced along symmetrical lines, that argumentative strategies have tended to move from one to the other in unex pected ways, and that many apparently paradoxical combinations have been shown to be possible. Thus, the so-called postmodern approaches can be seen as weakening the imperialist foundationalism of Western Enlightenment and opening the way to a more democratic cultural pluralism; but they can also be perceived as underpinning a notion of »weak« identity which is incompatible with the strong cultural attachments required by a »politics of authenticity«. And universal values can be seen as a strong assertion of the »ethnia of the West« (as in the later Husserl), but also as a way of fostering - at least tendentially - an attitude of respect and tolerance vis-à-vis cultural diversity. -
DEMOPOLIS Democracy Before Liberalism in Theory and Practice
Trim: 228mm 152mm Top: 11.774mm Gutter: 18.98mm × CUUK3282-FM CUUK3282/Ober ISBN: 978 1 316 51036 0 April 18, 2017 12:53 DEMOPOLIS Democracy before Liberalism in Theory and Practice JOSIAH OBER Stanford University, California v Trim: 228mm 152mm Top: 11.774mm Gutter: 18.98mm × CUUK3282-FM CUUK3282/Ober ISBN: 978 1 316 51036 0 April 18, 2017 12:53 Contents List of Figures page xi List of Tables xii Preface: Democracy before Liberalism xiii Acknowledgments xvii Note on the Text xix 1 Basic Democracy 1 1.1 Political Theory 1 1.2 Why before Liberalism? 5 1.3 Normative Theory, Positive Theory, History 11 1.4 Sketch of the Argument 14 2 The Meaning of Democracy in Classical Athens 18 2.1 Athenian Political History 19 2.2 Original Greek Defnition 22 2.3 Mature Greek Defnition 29 3 Founding Demopolis 34 3.1 Founders and the Ends of the State 36 3.2 Authority and Citizenship 44 3.3 Participation 48 3.4 Legislation 50 3.5 Entrenchment 52 3.6 Exit, Entrance, Assent 54 3.7 Naming the Regime 57 4 Legitimacy and Civic Education 59 4.1 Material Goods and Democratic Goods 60 4.2 Limited-Access States 63 4.3 Hobbes’s Challenge 64 4.4 Civic Education 71 ix Trim: 228mm 152mm Top: 11.774mm Gutter: 18.98mm × CUUK3282-FM CUUK3282/Ober ISBN: 978 1 316 51036 0 April 18, 2017 12:53 x Contents 5 Human Capacities and Civic Participation 77 5.1 Sociability 79 5.2 Rationality 83 5.3 Communication 87 5.4 Exercise of Capacities as a Democratic Good 88 5.5 Free Exercise and Participatory Citizenship 93 5.6 From Capacities to Security and Prosperity 98 6 Civic Dignity