SEGREGATION VERSUS SELF-DETERMINATION: A BLACK AND WHITE DEBATE ON CANADA’S FIRST AFRICENTRIC SCHOOL

by

Shaun Sheng Yuan Chen

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto

© Copyright by Shaun Sheng Yuan Chen 2010

Segregation Versus Self-Determination: A Black and White Debate on Canada’s First Africentric School

Shaun Sheng Yuan Chen

Master of Arts

Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto

2010 Abstract

The racialized realities faced by Black students provide an impetus to examine the controversy over Canada’s first Africentric Alternative School, approved on January 29,

2008 by the Toronto District School Board. Newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor, as well as speeches by delegations and trustees, provide a rich snapshot of the arguments put forth in the heated political debate. Through the lens of equity and critical race theory, the diverse and divergent stances taken by both proponents and opponents of the school are analysed and understood. A conceptual framework of hidden and public transcripts (Scott, 1990) is used to distinguish arguments that reflect on the lived experiences of Black students from those that reiterate the dominant discourses of liberal democratic societies. The findings emerge as three opposing sets of themes that reveal a transcript reflective of the ongoing salience of racism within ostensibly liberal claims to racial equality.

ii

Acknowledgments

Little did I know when I was first elected a public school board trustee that I would play a part in one of the most controversial educational decisions of our time, let alone write a thesis about it. Luckily I have had several guiding lights along the way.

First and foremost is my supervisor, Dr. Margrit Eichler, whose undying quest for social justice has made the world a better place. I am truly grateful for her unwavering guidance and thank her, most of all, for believing in me. I am also indebted to Dr. Kari

Dehli, who sat on my thesis committee and provided invaluable feedback that helped fine-tune my findings.

My appreciation goes out to my professors and peers at the Ontario Institute for

Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, for their contributions and support of educational research. Thanks also to my fellow trustees and colleagues at the Toronto

District School Board and the countless individuals who contributed to the Africentric school debate.

Most of all, I thank my family and especially my parents, Kuo Tsai Chen and

Yueh Ming Chen, for their unconditional love and support.

It was my grandfather who taught me the value of education. I dedicate this thesis to the loving memory of Tao An Liu (March 26, 1916 – November 13, 2009).

iii

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments...... iii

Table of Contents...... iv

List of Tables ...... v

List of Appendices ...... vi

1 Introduction...... 1

2 Making Sense of the Africentric School Debate...... 8

2.1 Understanding a Political Debate...... 9

2.2 Exploring Lived Experiences...... 11

2.3 Challenging Racial Hierarchy...... 14

2.4 Reconstructing the Africentric School Debate ...... 17

3 Methodology ...... 19

3.1 School Board Meeting Transcript...... 20

3.2 Newspaper Articles, Editorials and Letters ...... 21

3.3 Content Analysis...... 21

4 Findings and Analysis...... 25

4.1 Presence of Racism Versus Absence of Racism...... 27

4.2 Self-Determination Versus Segregation ...... 38

4.3 Equity Versus Formal Equality...... 47

4.4 Other Arguments...... 55

4.5 Examining Newspaper Reporting...... 58

5 Conclusions...... 62

References...... 64

Appendices...... 68

iv

List of Tables

Table 1 – Frequency of Arguments re Presence of Racism Theme by Source...... 28

Table 2 – Positions of Delegations by Race (White Versus Person of Colour or Mixed)...... 29

Table 3 – Recorded Votes of Trustees by Race (White Versus Person of Colour or Mixed)...... 29

Table 4 – Positions of Delegations by Sex ...... 30

Table 5 – Recorded Votes of Trustees by Sex...... 30

Table 6 – Frequency of Arguments re Absence of Racism Theme by Source...... 34

Table 7 – Frequency of Arguments re Self-Determination Theme by Source ...... 39

Table 8 – Frequency of Arguments re Segregation Theme by Source...... 43

Table 9 – Frequency of Arguments re Equity Theme by Source ...... 47

Table 10 – Frequency of Arguments re Formal Equality Theme by Source...... 53

Table 11 – Frequency of Other Arguments by Source ...... 56

Table 12 – Frequency of Arguments For and Against the Africentric School by Newspaper...... 60

v

List of Appendices

Appendix A – Race, Sex, Social Position and Debate Position of Delegations at January 29, 2008 Toronto District School Board Meeting ...... 68

Appendix B – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School by Delegation...... 69

Appendix C – Race, Sex, Position Taken and Recorded Vote of Trustees at January 29, 2008 Toronto District School Board Meeting...... 70

Appendix D – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School by Trustee ...... 71

Appendix E – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in the National Post , January 26 to February 1, 2008...... 72

Appendix F – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in the National Post ...... 73

Appendix G – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in The Globe and Mail , January 26 to February 1, 2008 ...... 74

Appendix H – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in The Globe and Mail ...... 75

Appendix I – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in The Toronto Star , January 26 to February 1, 2008 ...... 76

Appendix J – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in The Toronto Star ...... 77

Appendix K – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in Share , January 24, January 31 and February 7, 2008 ...... 78

Appendix L – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in Share ...... 79

vi 1

Chapter 1 Introduction

More than a dozen television cameras line the room as scores of community activists fill the seats. Countless observers are quickly ushered to the second floor gallery. Those left standing can opt for a simultaneous video broadcast set up in a separate room for today’s special meeting. It is a grand setting at the Toronto District

School Board headquarters at 5050 Yonge Street, fitting for the anticipated debate and decision on a controversial Africentric school proposal. The glaring lights of television cameras are a stark reminder of the extraordinary media presence in the room: a record 92 journalists eagerly awaiting the evening’s agenda. First up are 22 delegations of parents, community leaders, educators and researchers who have come to speak on the proposed school. Trustee speeches are to follow, culminating in a vote to determine if Canada’s largest school board will establish the country’s reportedly first Africentric Alternative

School.

The chair strikes his gavel, calling the meeting to order. A rare moment of silence overtakes the room. The tension is unmistakable, yet so are the determined faces of both advocates and naysayers hoping to sway the vote. They sit with anticipation, some perusing the staff recommendations while others linger in thought. All have gathered here in search of answers. What is the best way to tackle Black student disengagement?

Is an Africentric school the solution to Black student underachievement? How will the board combat a 40% dropout rate of Black students? In comparison, over three-quarters of all students graduate from high school. For me, the big question is on how I will vote

2 tonight. As a trustee, I have tried to grapple with a myriad of contradicting arguments both for and against the school. A literature review by board researchers found “no definitive or conclusive evidence about what is the best organizational structure or framework…for closing the achievement gap between Black and White students”

(Manning, 2008, p. 12). It is a stern warning from staff that there is no clear path out of the challenges before us.

Despite the uncertainty, staff has offered the proposed school as one of several measures to improve the achievement of Black students. Under consideration is the development of an Africentric program model, including recommendations for school site location, grade levels, staffing and support services. Also on the table is a three-year pilot program to integrate “the histories, cultures, experiences and contributions of people of African descent and other racialized groups into the curriculum, teaching methodologies and social environment” in three existing schools. 1 Attention has largely focused on the Africentric school—which has also been called a Black-focused school,

Black-only school or Black school. The different labels, each with its own meanings and assumptions, exemplify the complexities of the debate. Such terms as segregation, multiculturalism and racism have also been thrown into the public debate, along with arguments around a lack of funding and support by the provincial government.

Public reaction has ranged from the full support of those who hail the proposal as equity-based to the complete and utter disagreement of opponents arguing it is anything but equality. Scanning the list of delegations, I am certain the perspectives coming forth

1 From the official minutes of the January 29, 2008 special meeting of the Toronto District School Board.

3 tonight will be just as divergent and diverse. I look around the room at my colleagues on the board. Seated to my right is Etobicoke-Lakeshore trustee Bruce Davis, a union- endorsed Liberal who recently convinced the board to establish a new elementary school with an arts-based curriculum. Gary Crawford, on my left, ran for provincial parliament last year as the Conservative candidate in Scarborough Southwest, the riding he currently represents as trustee. Some commentators attributed Conservative leader John Tory’s controversial plan for publicly funded faith-based schools to his party’s election defeat. I suspect Gary will not support the Africentric school due to comparisons between it and religious schools, but nonetheless I ask him how he plans to vote. Pausing for a moment, he responds, “I’m going to listen to the speeches first.” I plan to do the same. While my left-leaning tendencies dictate that I support the Africentric school, there is sometimes that one unexpected speech or new piece of information that compels me to change my mind.

The next two hours are a whirlwind of emotional pleas, political tirades, facts and sobering experiences shared by twenty-two delegations taking the podium at the front of the boardroom. Each speaker is introduced by name and given up to five minutes to make submissions. Board chair John Campbell methodically reminds speakers when they have 30 seconds remaining on the clock. On occasion he asks observers to remain silent and not interrupt. Booing is rare, but a telling silence often accompanies the speeches of those opposed to the school, while applause generally follows in support of proponents. It is evident the majority of community members in the room want the board to approve the Africentric school proposal. In contrast, the media silently observe.

Dozens of writers sit in the general audience jotting down notes or typing diligently into

4 their handhelds. A line-up of television cameras forms a grandiose backdrop to the unfolding events. As the cameras roll, the evening’s proceedings are broadcast live on local television station Rogers TV.

Community leader Donna Harrow is eighth to take the microphone. She and fellow activist Angela Wilson were instrumental in authoring an alternative school proposal that became the impetus for the staff recommendations. There are, she asserts,

“alternative schools within this system that have never had to dance this dance.” Some audience members nod in agreement. I think back to the business-as-usual approval of the specialized elementary arts school and realize tonight is nothing short of extraordinary. An important distinction, however, is the centrality of race in the

Africentric school debate—as was religion in the Tory proposal to fund faith-based schools. I wonder if the failure of the latter is any indication of what will happen tonight.

Will the notion of institutionalized segregation in the pre-Civil Rights era cause trustees to reject a Black-focused school? Or will the Africentric proposal prevail on its own merits, providing an alternative program option open to all students? For Donna, there seems to be no question about it as she relentlessly concludes, “Ladies and gentlemen, this is a day that we need to remember.”

Another 14 delegations speak, followed by a heated debate among trustees. As expected, the overall arguments draw from a wide range of perspectives, values and beliefs. Trustee Crawford sees school choice as a “right” for parents to decide their children’s education, while trustee Davis describes a lack of racial diversity in the teaching profession. Davenport trustee Maria Rodrigues downrightly attributes “systemic discrimination in the public school system” to the disproportionate dropout rate. A

5 dramatic exchange ensues when Scarborough-Centre trustee Scott Harrison suggests,

“Our teachers do push some students through to the trades because they see (that these students are) good with their hands.” Trustee Davis immediately rebukes, “They can be engineers, too.” Trustees on both sides echo the call for culturally relevant pedagogy, including Mari Rutka, who explains, “I support learning through African-inspired teaching…and I believe it should be taught to all students.” The Willowdale trustee says she does not support the school—and nor does York South-Weston trustee Chris Tonks, who believes “other social issues” contribute to student disengagement. He is the last to speak.

It is 10 p.m. and the moment of truth is in sight. After a strenuous four-hour debate, I am prepared to move forward in support of the school. In the meeting are 21 trustees, including trustee Tonks who has phoned in. For any measure to pass tonight, it will require a majority of 11 out of 21 votes. The question is asked, “Those in favour?”

The chair reads out the names of trustees rising in support: Sheila Ward, Irene Atkinson,

James Pasternak, Sheila Cary-Meagher, Maria Rodrigues, Gary Crawford, Shaun Chen,

Bruce Davis, Chris Bolton, Nadia Bello, and Michael Coteau. “Those opposed?”

Trustee Chris Tonks on teleconferencing is joined by fellow dissenters Scott Harrison,

Howard Goodman, Gerri Gershon, John Hastings, Josh Matlow, Stephnie Payne, Soo

Wong, and Mari Rutka. Student trustees Gerald Mak and Aurelija Jusyte, whose votes are recorded but not included, are also not in favour. Chair John Campbell opts to forgo his vote. Silence falls upon the room as the chair looks to staff for confirmation of the results. Then ever so matter-of-factly, the words fall from his lips: “It’s carried.”

6

The room erupts in applause as shrieks of excitement fill the air. I look over to see Angela and Donna embraced in a victory they could only have imagined before today. In an instant the activist duo is surrounded by a slew of photographers attempting to capture an unforgettable moment. A few trustees clap and smile subtly. Senior staff members look on with their usual poker faces. Some in the audience, however, appear less than pleased. Faces of disappointment linger in the sidelines of an otherwise joyous moment, prompting my stomach to briefly sink. Did I make the right decision? Had I (or another supporting trustee) voted against, the vote would have been 10-10 and failed on a tie. The undercurrent of disagreement in the boardroom makes even the slightest bit of uncertainty almost impossible to swallow. Tonight’s meeting was meant to give closure to the Africentric school debate, but instead I am left with many more questions than answers.

The following day, news of the approved Africentric school catapults into national headlines. A front-page report by Natalie Alcoba in the National Post reads,

“Board OKs Afrocentric school; slain teenager’s mother says it is segregation,” referring to a passionate plea against the school by Loreen Small, whose son Jordan Manners was shot to death in a TDSB high school just eight months ago. The controversial decision also makes the front pages of The Globe and Mail and The Toronto Star , thus dominating coverage in Canada’s top three English newspapers (Penney, 2009). The conscience of a nation is set on the Africentric school debate, which has provoked a plethora of public discourses on race, racism and education. Filled with rhetoric and dichotomies, it is a running battle of conflicting words and statements, fuelling further confusion to an already complicated and discursive debate. How are such terms as segregation and

7 multiculturalism used and what meanings are they given? Which arguments for and against the school did trustees use to defend their positions? How do these and other arguments reveal public perspectives and assumptions on what the school will be and for whom? Do the arguments speak to the underlying impetus of improving student success, or are they merely reflections of a racist society?

8

Chapter 2 Making Sense of the Africentric School Debate

In this thesis, I look back to the January 29, 2008 board decision and attempt to make sense of the arguments made by trustees and delegations, as well as those presented in the print media, both for and against the Africentric school. There is need for such research as the merits of the decision continue to be debated. Divisiveness remains even within the Black community, with such proponents as long-time advocate George Dei, a professor in the Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education at the Ontario

Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, calling for united support of a “pilot scheme” that can be “transferred into mainstream schools to help all students”

(Dei, 2008, p. 19). At the same time, some critics continue to argue the school has placed the TDSB on a slippery slope towards segregation through the creation of separate programs for other racial groups. In March 2008, St. Paul’s trustee Josh Matlow proposed a series of motions calling on the board to work towards closing the achievement gaps faced by students of Spanish, Somali, Arabic, Vietnamese, Persian and

Portuguese descent.

What is needed in the Africentric school debate is a critical analysis within an equity framework that attempts to make sense of the diverse and divergent views presented in the political debate. Such analysis recognizes that schooling has “largely failed in its promise to promote a more egalitarian society” and, instead, “in content and process, contributes to the subordination of substantial segments of the population”

(Wotherspoon, 2009, p. 33). Specifically, the education of Black students must be

9 understood in the context of social practices that maintain or reinforce racial hierarchy.

Through the lens of equity, the “social dimensions that contribute to differing educational experiences and outcomes” (Wotherspoon, 2009, p. 232) are acknowledged.

This thesis not only contributes to the knowledge base of Africentric schooling, but also facilitates a deeper understanding of the TDSB decision among policy makers, politicians, educators, administrators, activists, parents, students, journalists, and the general public. The findings provide an analysis of the controversial debate, arguments both for and against, on what was ultimately hailed as a historic public school board decision to open Canada’s first Africentric Alternative School.

2.1 Understanding a Political Debate

Is there a universal truth in the Africentric school debate? How does one determine right or wrong in a political debate laced with rhetoric as well as seemingly valid points on both sides? In order to make sense of the Africentric school debate, it is important to first explore the nature of it. Foucault (1980) looks at discourse as language used to constitute knowledge in a specific place and time. Truth is not universal but socially constructed through discourse and political forces working to uphold the values and beliefs of those in power (Foucault, 1980). In essence, the Africentric school debate was a contestation between two opposing sides over truth and power. The arguments put forth were aimed at creating a particular truth to serve a particular political purpose. In a myriad of truths, what is ultimately the right or wrong answer in the Africentric school debate?

10

The actors in the debate, including trustees and delegations, use discourse to represent and construct themselves in specific roles and identities (van Dijk, 1997).

Trustee Davis, for example, is an elected board member and representative of the

Etobicoke-Lakeshore constituency. He discusses the need for diverse teachers and program options to help students succeed. In doing so, he presents himself as an equity- minded Liberal and Africentric school supporter. In fact, the Africentric school debate saw trustees and delegations standing by clear-cut positions and carefully crafted sets of arguments, thereby displaying themselves as either proponents or opponents of the school. This was especially true of trustees, who in the end faced a binary choice between a yes or no vote. Their divergent stances epitomize both the political and dichotomous nature of the debate.

Institutional constraints also helped to shape the debate. Delegations, for example, were required to submit in advance a written request to appear before the board.

The 22 delegations that spoke at the meeting had successfully followed the board’s public input process. Normally the board limits delegations to a maximum of 10 per meeting, but an exception was made in this case to allow all requests due to overwhelming public interest in the Africentric school proposal. As usual, each delegation was allowed a maximum of five minutes to make submissions to the board. They were not permitted to engage in any dialogue, but could answer questions posed to them by trustees. Similarly, trustees had up to five minutes to present their case, with an opportunity to direct questions to staff through the chair.

Indeed the final board decision was political, fuelled by a flurry of forceful arguments from both sides. What was often ignored in the ensuing hysteria was a critical

11 discussion on race and racism in the current school system. The dilemma was at times presented as a simple debate over a problem and its proposed solution: the problem being a 40% dropout rate among Black students and the Africentric school as its solution. The issues at the heart of the matter, however, are much more complex. Understanding them requires contextualization and careful consideration of the lived experiences of Black students. Critical race theory suggests there is a collective “voice” (Delgado, 1990, p. 98) spoken by people of colour from racialized experiences (Tate, 1997). Academics have used this theory in educational research “not to determine whether racism exists but to determine the manner in which racial meanings and identities provide the basis for action, that being educational decision making for students of colour” (Evans, 2007, p. 166).

The ideas stemming from critical race theory form a theoretical framework for this thesis. The racialized realities of Black students provide a lens through which the

Africentric school debate is analysed and understood. I begin by exploring lived realities in the education system, starting with the example of my own journey to a decision on the

Africentric school. Then, I position such narratives in the context of dominant discourses on race and racism in Canadian society.

2.2 Exploring Lived Experiences

The truth is, for months I wrestled with a decision on the Africentric school. My initial instinct told me it was somehow too simple, almost naïve, to expect a single alternative school to significantly affect a system-wide 40% dropout rate of Black students. Something did not feel right about establishing a stand-alone school—with all the supposed ingredients of success—without enacting sustainable modifications across

12 the system. As I listened to countless parents calling out for change, I heard cries over a curriculum that was not inclusive and all too often a narrative of Eurocentric values and perspectives. If regular schools were not meeting the needs of certain Black students, why deny the opportunity to develop a different model of teaching and learning within an alternative school setting? If the status quo is not working, it may help to try something new. In the end, I was persuaded to support the Africentric school by the call for curriculum and pedagogical practices reflective of diverse communities.

Through personal experience, I understood the importance of inclusive education.

In November 2007, I attended the world premiere of Iris Chang: The Rape of Nanking .

The docudrama shares the journey of an American journalist to shed light on Second

World War atrocities committed by the Japanese Imperial Army in China. It was the first time I heard about the ‘forgotten Holocaust’ of Asia, where thousands of women and children were forced into sexual slavery and countless innocent civilians were killed en masse. What struck me afterwards was that I never learned this history in my formal education. Born and raised in Toronto, I am a product of the TDSB. In my high school history classes, I was taught about Nazi concentration camps and the genocide of millions of Jews in Europe—a dark chapter of humanity we ought not to forget—but learned very little about what happened in Asia during this time. It troubled me that I was exposed to certain histories and not others.

In the film, a Chinese survivor of the Nanking massacre recounts her ordeal of over half a century ago. I experienced deep empathy listening to the painful experiences of an elderly woman I had never met. But beyond the dictates of human conscience over such tragic loss, there was a deeper personal connection to her story. Like Iris Chang, I

13 am also of Chinese descent. I am connected to my place of ancestry, its peoples and histories. In this regard, I was not well-served by the TDSB. My own experience proved that pedagogy can be exclusionary. Would I have been more engaged if the history I learned spoke to my ethnic roots? Culturally responsive teaching, which incorporates diverse cultural knowledge and experiences, is a means to improve student learning (Gay,

2000). Could it be a part of the solution to engage and support the success of Black students? Not only was I convinced the answer was yes, but that evaluating the

Africentric school proposal required an understanding of the lived realities facing Black students.

I examined existing research and found common threads in the educational experiences of Black children across North America. A study involving three American high schools, for example, looked at the responses of administrators to an increasing number of Black students and the struggles they faced in the school system, such as negative stereotypes, colour-blindness, and prevailing school images and curriculum that served the interests of those in power (Evans, 2007). Similarly, schools in Ontario have grappled to meet the needs of increasingly diverse student populations as a result of demographic change (Dei, 2008). Black/African-Canadian students have been disengaged to the point of leaving school in part by the absence of Africentricity, “a world-view embraced in opposition to the subjugation of non-White peoples by

Eurocentrism” (Dei, 1996, p. 181). Within a culture of power in the education system, the societal norms and values of the White middle-class have been standardized and taught (Delpit, 1988).

14

Professor Dei (1996) and a team of graduate students studied the narratives of 195

Black youths who were attending or dropped out of high school in Toronto. The researchers uncovered multiple challenges facing Black students, including differential treatment, low expectations, a lack of Black teachers and the absence of culturally relevant curriculum (Dei, 1996). One of the students, Jane, expressed frustration over not learning about Black role models, saying, “All those who have done something worth mentioning in the school books are White men” (Dei, 1996, p. 173). Another student,

Jean-Brenda, aspires to be a teacher and talked hypothetically about the role-modeling of a Black teacher: “You know, I’d be able to learn how hard or how easy it was for that person to become a teacher and the experiences that they went through, maybe, in terms of racism they had” (Dei, 1996, p.174).

Such narratives of Black students paint a dire reality of biases and exclusion in their educational experiences. They provide a lens through which the existing school system is clearly seen as unable to meet Black student needs. They also play a critical role in contesting the dominant discourses on race and racism in Canada and other liberal democracies.

2.3 Challenging Racial Hierarchy

From his study in a Malay village of how class relations play out through discourse, Scott (1990) argues the existence of a hidden transcript juxtaposed against a public transcript. A non-dominant group creates “out of its ordeal” the narratives of a hidden transcript that challenges the dominant group (Scott, 1990, p. xii). Meanwhile, the narratives of a public transcript are used to legitimize and glorify a “self-portrait of

15 dominant elites as they would have themselves seen” (Scott, 1990, p. 18). The public transcript paints the picture of a unanimous dominant group, while those oppressed are shown as willing participants in their subordination (Bell, 2003). As such, narratives are not simply stories and descriptions—they are also “active” and thus carry “social and political implications” (Potter & Wetherell, 1987, p. 6). Narratives can therefore challenge or uphold social hierarchies “in which people are stratified on a continuum of economic, political and social power” based on such identities as race, gender, sexuality and class (Burke & Eichler, 2006, p. 1).

With respect to race, Bell (2003) argues that “Whites as the dominant group are less likely than People of Color to be aware of the hidden transcript,” while the public transcript is well-known by all members of society (p. 5). It is no surprise, then, that the average citizen may unknowingly reiterate the public transcript through racialized descriptions, explanations and stories (Wetherell & Potter, 1992). By analysing the

Canadian media’s coverage of three cultural events involving race, Tator and Henry

(2000) uncover the use of racialized discourses to construct the ‘other’ through: descriptions of protestors as extremist and militant (p. 127); accusations of “reverse racism” (p. 128); arguments around the principles, values and norms of a liberal democratic society (p. 128); trivialization over “systemic forms of inequality” (p. 129); and the linking of protest activities to division, tension and conflict (p. 130). Liberal arguments are also used to reinforce images of a harmonious and tolerant society

(Wetherell & Potter, 1992). Public rhetoric is one way in which views are perpetuated of a “coherent and integrated society working as a productive machine,” whose imagined history is one of progress (Wetherell & Potter, 1992, p. 209).

16

While the dominant discourse affirms those in power by presenting an illusion of integration in spite of marginalized realities, the experiences of White people and people of colour continue to differ in all facets of life, including housing, employment and education (Bell, 2003). Different from such earlier forms of racism as slavery and institutionalized segregation, present-day racism in Canada and other liberal democratic societies is less overt yet “deeply embedded in the collective belief system and practices that operate within social, cultural, political and economic systems” (Tator & Henry,

2000, p. 124). Canadian ideals and values are situated “within the mythical norms that define ‘Canadianness’—that is, to be White, male, heterosexual, Christian and English- speaking” (Tator & Henry, 2000, p. 123). Those racialized outside this imagined community experience a tension between their lived experiences as people of colour and the dominant discourses of “democratic racism” (Henry, Tator, Mattis, & Rees, 2000, p.

19).

The Black student narratives explored earlier constitute the hidden transcript in education, which contests the public transcript of dominant discourses in liberal democratic societies. Past studies in school boards have looked to people of colour to give voice to their own realities (Evans, 2007). The lived experiences of students of colour provide a useful context to political debates concerning their schooling. Within a framework based on equity and critical race theory, arguments in a debate are used to support either the hidden transcript that serves to empower racialized students, or the public transcript that seeks to maintain racial hierarchy.

17

2.4 Reconstructing the Africentric School Debate

My intention for this thesis is not to prove that racism and racial bias exist.

Instead, I delve into the Africentric school debate with the assumption that Black students experience racism in their day-to-day lives in a racist society. To make sense of the debate, I look to equity and critical race theory, relying on Black students’ lived experiences as a voice in contrast and contradiction to the dominant discourses on race and racism (Delgado, 1990; Tate, 1997).

While political in nature, the Africentric school debate reveals a transcript reflective of cultural assumptions and systemic social patterns. My main research question is: how and to what extent do the major arguments reflect and reproduce prevailing discourses on race and racism? To answer this, I analyse arguments used by both opponents and proponents of the school. Does an argument ignore the realities of racial bias in the public school system—and further reiterate such illusions in the public transcript as harmony in a multicultural society? Or does it give voice to the hidden transcript that recognizes racialized experiences, thus challenging the status quo? I also attempt to make sense of arguments used by opponents that are also arguably anti-racist, such as equal treatment for all students.

The approval of the Africentric Alternative School, however, does not necessarily suggest the hidden transcript has prevailed in greater society. Since the school is an alternative option, it by no means represents a monumental systemic shift in educational norms. On February 9, 2008 The Toronto Star reported on an Angus Reid poll to measure public support for the Africentric school. I note that the question asked refers to

18 the school as “Black-based,” a term that can be misunderstood as “Black-only.” The results were that:

“Sixty-four per cent of the 451 GTA [Greater Toronto Area] respondents stated

they were strongly opposed to Black-based schools, while 18 per cent said they

were moderately opposed. Two per cent strongly supported the move, while 12

per cent expressed moderate support” (Huffman, 2008).

It follows, then, that despite board approval of the Africentric school, public opinion largely supports the prevailing public transcript that maintains the status quo. It is no surprise that within the constructs of liberal democratic values (Henry et al., 2000), the general public remains largely against the Africentric school.

In the political debate, race plays a central role and thus my research questions are centred on race. Individuals are stratified, however, in multiple ways through hierarchies such as gender, sexuality and class, in addition to race (Burke & Eichler, 2006). As such,

I offer wherever possible a more inclusive analysis that recognizes intersectionality.

19

Chapter 3 Methodology

I began this thesis with a narrative of personal observations and questions arising from my participation as a trustee in the January 29, 2008 board meeting. My role placed me in a position of privilege, where I spoke as an elected representative of the

Scarborough-Rouge River constituency and had the opportunity to ask questions of delegations and staff. The information provided to me in advance, including staff reports and recommendations, as well as my knowledge of board policies and procedures, allowed me to effectively navigate, observe and participate in the decision making process as it unfolded. On the one hand, my position of privilege afforded me access to the Africentric school debate. Simultaneously, however, it confined me to vote and thus speak within a binary framing of the Africentric issue that left little room for doubts or nuances.

The arguments I consider in the thesis are those put forth by delegations and trustees at the TDSB, as well as those published in newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor. I rely on two sets of social artifacts: (a) a transcript of the January

29, 2008 board meeting where trustees debated and heard from twenty-two delegations; and (b) a collection of newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor concerning the Africentric school, published during the seven-day period from January 26 to

February 1, 2008. I note one exception: for the weekly newspaper Share , one issue before and after the seven-day period are included, whereas the other newspapers are

20 daily publications. While the artifacts yield overlapping results, this outcome is expected and helps validate the data used.

3.1 School Board Meeting Transcript

To produce the first artifact, I relied on a DVD recording of the January 29, 2008 meeting obtained from the TDSB communications department. The public meeting was also broadcasted live on Rogers TV. By carefully reviewing and re-reviewing the DVD,

I transcribed the meeting word-for-word as stated by each delegation and trustee during the meeting. Any audience applause or reaction, such as booing, was noted. Any evidently unintended interruptions in the speeches, such as ‘ums’ or coughs, were not recorded as they were deemed irrelevant.

There were 21 trustees and 22 delegations of parents, community leaders, educators and researchers present at the meeting. One trustee, Cathy Dandy, was not in attendance. Of the 21 trustees present, 19 spoke to the recommendations. Sections of the speeches made by trustees Bruce Davis and John Hastings were either inaudible or not clearly audible on the DVD. Wherever possible, words were made out. The missing text is estimated to be no more than 15 seconds of speech in each instance. The two trustees who did not speak to the proposal were John Campbell, who presided as chair and did not vote on any of the recommendations, and Howard Goodman, who voted against the

Africentric school. Furthermore, trustee Irene Atkinson, who voted in favour, did not make any specific arguments. She said, “Mr. Chair, I’ll be very brief. I’m supporting all four motions.”

21

3.2 Newspaper Articles, Editorials and Letters

To assemble a collection of newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor concerning the Africentric school, I searched the following publications in information database ProQuest: National Post , The Globe and Mail , and The Toronto Star . These newspapers were included because they represent the top three English newspapers in

Canada in terms of circulation (Penney, 2009). The ProQuest search was limited to articles dated January 26 to February 1, 2008 and included the follow search terms:

Africentric, Afrocentric, Black-focused, Black school, and Toronto District School

Board.

I also included local newspaper Share , which serves Toronto’s Black community.

Share was not available electronically so print copies were obtained from the publication’s Toronto head office. Since Share is printed weekly, the issue dates of

January 24, January 31 and February 7, 2008 were included. The inclusion of Share is intended to privilege non-dominant voices that contribute to the hidden transcript.

The articles, editorials and letters to the editor selected were those that concerned the TDSB and its Africentric school. The publication timeframe of one week—three days prior to and following the January 29, 2008 board decision—was in order to limit the number of newspaper articles to a suitable amount for analysis.

3.3 Content Analysis

Following the collection of data, I applied a content analysis to the arguments found in the artifacts (Berg, 2007). First, I listed all the various arguments put forth on

22 the Africentric school. Then, I used an inductive approach to identify broader themes arising out of similar or related arguments. The themes were categorized as either for or against the Africentric school. Below, I outline the specific procedures followed for each of the artifacts used.

For the meeting transcript, I started off with an initial read-through for a general sense of the arguments made. For each of the 22 delegations, I assigned a delegation code (D1, D2, … , D22) and noted the speaker’s race, sex, social position and position taken on the Africentric school (see Appendix A). Then, I carefully perused each individual delegation speech. As I read each speech, I noted the argument(s), if any, put forth by each person to support their stance on the school. The result was a table with row headings containing all the possible arguments, grouped by themes, and column headings containing all the delegations by delegation code (see Appendix B). If a particular argument was used by the delegation, a “1” was entered in the table accordingly, otherwise it was left blank. Finally, I tallied the arguments found to determine the frequency of arguments and themes among all the delegations that presented.

Essentially the same procedure was applied to the trustee speeches. For every board member, I assigned a trustee code (T1, T2, … , T23) and noted the trustee’s race, sex, ward represented, as well as position taken and recorded vote on the Africentric school (see Appendix C). Then, I carefully perused each individual trustee speech. As I read each speech, I noted the argument(s), if any, put forth by each person to support their stance on the school. The result was a table with row headings containing all the possible arguments, grouped by themes, and column headings containing all the trustees by trustee

23 code (see Appendix D). If a particular argument was used by the trustee, a “1” was entered in the table accordingly, otherwise it was left blank. Finally, I tallied the arguments found to determine the frequency of arguments and themes among all the trustees.

A similar procedure was followed for the newspaper pieces. I began with an initial read-through of each article for its stated or implied position and a general sense of the arguments presented. Then, systematically for each article, I assigned an article code and noted the edition, date and page on which it was published, as well as the type of article (news, column, editorial or letter), its author, title and position taken, if any, on the

Africentric school. By carefully perusing each piece, I then noted the argument(s) made, if any. The result was a table with row headings containing all the possible arguments, grouped by themes, and column headings containing all the articles by article code. If a particular argument was found in the article, a “1” was entered in the table accordingly, otherwise it was left blank. Finally, I tallied the arguments found to determine the frequency of arguments and themes among all the newspapers.

The end result was a list of news pieces, columns, editorials and letters, as well as a table of arguments found, for each of the four publications: National Post (see

Appendices E and F), The Globe and Mail (see Appendices G and H), The Toronto Star

(see Appendices I and J), and Share (see Appendices K and L). By listing and categorising arguments in this way, I was able to determine if and how well each publication presented both sides of the debate. The editorial pieces also offered insight into the stance of the newspaper itself. For comparative and statistical purposes, I also

24 tallied the frequency of themes and individual arguments from all sources for overall totals.

25

Chapter 4 Findings and Analysis

“Every subordinate group creates, out of its ordeal, a ‘hidden transcript’ that represents a critique of power spoken behind the back of the dominant … Domination generates a hegemonic public conduct and a backstage discourse consisting of what cannot be spoken in the face of power” (Scott, 1990, p. xii).

The Africentric school debate yields rich data on societal norms and views, complex and complicated as they are, concerning race and racism. In what follows, I attempt to make sense of the debate by reconstructing it based on an analysis of the arguments put forth. Themes arising out of similar or related arguments are interpreted through the lens of equity and critical race theory. The theoretical framework previously described helps to provide insight into the social context in which arguments for and against the Africentric school are analysed and understood. Each theme and its arguments support either the public transcript that privileges those in power, or the hidden transcript that challenges existing social hierarchies by giving voice to the non- dominant (Scott, 1990).

The perspectives found in the arguments used by Africentric school proponents, who more often than not spoke of the need for equity, are in line with those in the hidden transcript. Rejected are notions of a fully integrated and harmonious society, as segregation is evident in ghettoized schools and neighbourhoods marked by enclaves.

Themes and arguments connected to the hidden transcript acknowledge the lived experiences of Black students, such as low expectations and a lack of culturally relevant

26 curriculum in the school system (Dei, 1996). They recognize the consequences of racial hierarchy and the effort, whether consciously or not, to maintain or further it through power and privilege. The hidden transcript holds that equity is a means to equality, where differential treatment is warranted for empowerment, and that social bias and inequality arise out of multiple stratifications (Burke & Eichler, 2006).

On the other hand, opponents of the Africentric school used arguments connected to the public transcript, which assumes colour-blindness and supports an illusion of integration (Bell, 2003). Diversity and multiculturalism are seen merely as positive features of a liberal democratic society marked by peace and harmony (Tator & Henry,

2000). Alas, there is a failure to acknowledge racial hierarchy and recognize its resultant oppression. Accusations of racism are deemed radical or far-fetched, while individual and familial responsibility is seen as key to success in a fully integrated society filled with opportunity. Indeed, the discourses of democratic racism include multiculturalism, liberal values and national identity; as well as political correctness, denial, colour blindness, equal opportunity, victim-blaming, White victimization, reverse racism, otherness and moral panic (Henry et al., 2000). Burke and Eichler (2006) describe problems found in policy that result in social bias and inequality, including the denial or maintaining of hierarchy, adoption of the dominant perspective, appropriation, and pathologization, objectification or victim-blaming of the non-dominant group. The concepts in their framework are useful in helping to identify arguments that support the public transcript.

Arising out of the arguments found in the artifacts are three main themes in favour of the Africentric school: (a) presence of racism; (b) self-determination; and (c) equity.

27

There are also three main themes against the school: (a) absence of racism; (b) segregation; and (c) formal equality. The ordering of these themes is deliberate: the themes for and against the Africentric school are in direct contrast and contradiction to one another. They form three contesting pairs of themes: (a) presence of racism versus absence of racism; (b) self-determination versus segregation; and (c) equity versus formal equality.

To make sense of the Africentric school debate, I examine the various terms used and reconcile the conflicting meanings they are given. For example, the term segregation is used and understood differently by proponents and opponents of the school. In a similar way, equality is constructed in different contexts by those against the school than those in favour of it. Below, I explore and analyse each pair of contesting themes, starting with the pro-Africentric school theme. This particular order is intended to privilege non-dominant narratives in the hidden transcript that are reiterated in the arguments used by Africentric school proponents. Such narratives help to inform and support the theoretical framework used to subsequently analyse the corresponding theme used by opponents.

4.1 Presence of Racism Versus Absence of Racism

The presence of racism theme used in favour of the Africentric school includes arguments around systemic racism and discrimination, low expectations of Black students, lack of diverse educators, and Black student disengagement. Table 1 shows the frequency of arguments in the presence of racism theme by source. The most popular

28 argument under this theme, accounting for almost half of all the arguments made, is the existence of systemic racism and discrimination.

Arguments re Presence of Racism Theme (For Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument Systemic racism/discrimination 4 3 1 0 4 3 15 Black student disengagement 3 2 0 0 1 4 10 Low expectations of Black students 1 0 0 0 0 3 4 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 0 1 0 0 1 1 3 Total by Source 8 6 1 0 6 11 32

Table 1 – Frequency of Arguments re Presence of Racism Theme by Source

Arguments under the presence of racism theme account for 15.2% of all pro-

Africentric arguments. The theme confirms a direct connection to the hidden transcript, in which experiences of lived racism are “spoken behind the back of the dominant”

(Scott, 1990, p. xii). In Share , racism is the second most popular theme behind equity.

This is not surprising given that Share serves the Black community and is therefore prone to examine the effects of racism and racial bias in the educational experiences of Black students. At the other end of the spectrum, there is an absence of arguments published in

The Globe and Mail that speak to racialized realities in the school system. As for the board decision, six trustees used arguments under the presence of racism theme to justify their votes in favour of the Africentric school proposal: Nadia Bello, Sheila Cary-

Meagher, Shaun Chen (myself), Bruce Davis, Maria Rodrigues, and Sheila Ward.

29

Table 2 shows the positions of delegations by race, categorised as either White

(Caucasian), or person of colour or mixed. Among delegations, there is a strong correlation between status as a person of colour and taking a position in favour of the

Africentric school. Meanwhile, White (Caucasian) delegations were just slightly more likely to take a position against.

Delegations For Against White (Caucasian) 2 3 Person of Colour or Mixed 10 5

Table 2 – Positions of Delegations by Race (White Versus Person of Colour or Mixed)

Among trustees, however, there is no correlation between status as a person of colour and taking a position in favour of the Africentric school. In fact, trustees who were people of colour or of mixed race were equally likely to vote either for or against the Africentric school, while White (Caucasian) trustees were more likely to vote in favour. Table 3 shows the recorded votes of trustees by race.

Trustees For Against White (Caucasian) 7 5 Person of Colour or Mixed 4 4

Table 3 – Recorded Votes of Trustees by Race (White Versus Person of Colour or Mixed)

Table 4 shows the positions of delegations by sex. Among delegations, women were more likely than men to support the Africentric school. Similar to race, there is a strong correlation between the non-dominant group—women, in this case—and taking a position in favour of the school. On the other hand, men were equally likely to be either for or against.

30

Delegations For Against Male 5 5 Female 7 3

Table 4 – Positions of Delegations by Sex

As for the recorded votes of trustees, both sexes were slightly more likely than not to support the Africentric school. It is interesting to note that trustees who are members of the dominant group for both race and gender—that is, White (Caucasian) men—were in both cases more likely to take a position in favour. Table 5 shows the recorded votes of trustees by sex.

Trustees For Against Male 6 5 Female 5 4

Table 5 – Recorded Votes of Trustees by Sex

Trustee Rodrigues, a woman of colour, is the first board member to speak at the

January 29, 2008 meeting. Her outright call on the board is to recognize an organisational culture of racism that has adversely affected Black children and youth.

“We must all acknowledge that there is systemic discrimination in the public school system,” she says. I echo her concerns: “The experiences of these young Black students are framed by racism, and we have to understand that.” Black community leader Angela

Wilson connects this racism to the history of slavery endured by Black people. “We have a system that was built on racism,” she says, pointing out that publicly funded education was established through the Common Schools Act at a time when “we (Blacks) were still slaves.” Assertions of systemic racism and discrimination are supported by past studies, which reveal that Black students experience differential treatment and prejudice

31 according to their race (Dei, 1996). Black pupils have talked about “encounters with authority and power structures they perceived not to work in their interest” (Dei, 1996, p.

172).

The problems associated with these negative perceptions are echoed by trustees

Cary-Meagher and Coteau, who question the higher rates of suspensions and expulsions among Black students. Trustee Cary-Meagher claims that discipline is being disproportionately applied to “mostly Black males,” in effect driving them out of the education system. One of two Black members of the board, trustee Coteau asserts that

Black students should not be suspended “for just any reason.” Black activist and educator Murphy Browne says the Safe Schools Act has contributed to the high number of Black youth being pushed out of school and inadvertently into the “school-to-jail pipeline.” According to Angela Wilson, courageous educators are needed to help empower Black students to self-determination, as “one who opens school doors closes prison doors.”

Yet for the Black students who manage to persist through school doors, there still remains what trustee Bello refers to as “systemic alienation.” Part of it stems from low expectations, which transpires in many ways. Grade four teacher Nigel Barriffe talks about the struggle he and his sister, now a school principal, endured in their schooling.

“They told our parents we should be streamlined into, you know, level four and that maybe you guys should be a tradesperson,” he explains to trustees. His is a striking testament to the issue of academic streamlining being imposed on Black students. Pat

Watson’s column in Share on January 24, 2008 talks about the need for committed teachers to inspire and speak out against the low expectations for Black children. She

32 writes, “Sadly, there are also teachers who are, themselves, Black and have to face the tough decisions of whether to stand up—usually unsupported—against the unfair treatment and low expectations placed on Black students by other teachers.”

Black teachers are needed in schools not only to promote fairness but to also serve as positive examples. Research findings point to the importance of Black educators in supporting Black student success. Henry (1994) argues that the lack of Black teachers as role models is a key factor contributing to the underachievement and marginalization of

Black children. Student narratives have also expressed frustration over the lack of role- modeling by Black teachers (Dei, 1996). According to trustee Davis, who is White, there is a discrepancy in racial diversity between educators and students in the TDSB. He explains, “When I go into a school and I sit up on the stage with the teachers and the staff, they are White, and I look at the gym floor and I see the United Nations. That

(discrepancy) has got to change.”

Share ’s January 24, 2008 editorial contends that while there are Black students succeeding in school, the Africentric school “is not about them,” but “about those students who, for whatever reason, are turned off and have tuned out.” Murphy Browne points out in her February 7, 2008 Share column that in 1995, the Royal Commission on

Learning suggested Africentric schooling as a way to tackle Black student disengagement. Some see the Africentric school as an immediate solution within a longer-term plan to engage Black students via board-wide modifications. Trustee Bello says the school as a pilot project will lay the groundwork for “real systemic change” in all schools across the board. Similarly, Michelle Cho, speaking as a delegation on behalf of the Toronto Coalition for Equity in Education and the Urban Alliance on Race Relations,

33 describes the Africentric school as part of “a larger anti-racist organizational change initiative needed of the TDSB.”

The arguments under the presence of racism theme constitute a stark counter- narrative against the status quo. They speak to Black students’ lived experiences, shedding light on the dark realities of racial bias and racism they face on a day-to-day basis. Such narratives reflect the hidden transcript of non-dominant voices, which I now use to help analyse the opposing theme that claims the absence of racism.

Used against the Africentric school, arguments under the absence of racism theme include matters concerning the family, parental involvement, personal discipline and decision making, as well as issues of poverty and illiteracy. It is also argued under this theme that the achievement gap has been misrepresented, that problems faced by Black students are similarly faced by non-Black students, and that discrimination and racism are minimal. Table 6 shows the frequency of arguments under the absence of racism theme by source. The most popular arguments pertained to family support and parental involvement.

Overall, the absence of racism theme is the most popular among those against the

Africentric school, accounting for 33.6% of all arguments used by opponents. It is the most popular theme against the school in the National Post and The Toronto Star as well as in speeches by trustees and delegations. Interestingly, The Globe and Mail , which has zero arguments under the presence of racism theme, printed just one argument under the absence of racism theme. This shows the newspaper’s preference not to cast the

Africentric school as an issue concerning racism. Meanwhile, S hare published

34 extensively on the presence of racism theme but featured only one argument under the absence of racism theme, implying the newspaper holds strongly that racism is considered a factor in the debate. Six trustees made arguments under the absence of racism theme and subsequently voted against the school: Scott Harrison, Josh Matlow,

Stephnie Payne, Mari Rutka, Chris Tonks, and Soo Wong.

Arguments re Absence of Racism Theme (Against Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument Family support and parental involvement 4 5 2 0 4 1 16 Problems are affecting all students 1 4 1 1 4 0 11 Poverty 0 4 2 0 3 0 9 Personal discipline and decision making 2 1 1 0 0 0 4 Illiteracy 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Discrimination/racism is minimal 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total by Source 10 15 6 1 11 1 44

Table 6 – Frequency of Arguments re Absence of Racism Theme by Source

Some of the most compelling arguments put forth against the Africentric school focus on social, cultural, individual and familial factors outside of the educational system.

In effect, the arguments imply that racial bias within the school system is not as relevant, if at all, as other external influences. Trustee Payne, for example, is a Black woman who talks about the success of her children:

“My two kids…are Canadian-born Black Canadians and they were educated in

the system and they’ve done very well. They’re very successful, young

productive members of the democratic society … They had a mother and a father

35

who taught them about Africentricity. I taught them some of the things my

mother taught me and that I know from my history. We were there for my

children. It is a community, it is parents, and it is the school. Does everything

have to be left to the school? I don’t think so.”

Trustee Payne does not deny the role of schools in educating her children, but she clearly prefers focusing on the roles of parents and families. She starts off by sharing the success of her two Black children, who were born in Canada. Her narrative is essentially that of liberal democratic societies, where colour-blindness proposes that anyone can be successful since race does not matter (Henry et al., 2000, p. 27). In the same vein, delegation Henry Raston, a White man who identifies himself as a retired engineer and

World War Two veteran, suggests that race be put aside because “unless the parents are fully involved together with the school in their child’s education, the child will not learn.”

While parental involvement may be an important factor to student achievement, it does not adequately address the school-based challenges faced by Black pupils, such as differential treatment and low expectations, which require a shift in pedagogical practices.

The speech by trustee Payne, however, is not entirely colour-blind. She continues to say that Africentric education is important, but that it can be taught in the home. In effect, she suggests the onus of inclusive curriculum be removed from schools and placed onto families. What the speech fails to recognize is that the social and cultural capital of

Black parents are different. The situations, configurations, experiences and knowledge of

Black families cannot be essentialized. While trustee Payne was able to very well teach her children about Africentricity, which was passed down to her by her mother, it cannot

36 be assumed that all Black children can receive similar treatment by default. Poverty and other issues resulting from multiple social stratifications may limit or prevent opportunities for learning (Burke & Eichler, 2006). Furthermore, to suggest that

Africentricity be taught by Black parents in the privacy of their own homes is to suggest it not be taught in the public realm, that is, in all schools to benefit all learners. This contradicts another argument used by opponents that proposes Africentricity not be limited to just one alternative school.

Trustee Wong, a woman of colour, also shifts the onus onto Black families, pointing to research showing that “environmental and cultural practices” explain the achievement gap between White and “minority” students. Citing a Californian study, she lists a number of influences on high academic performance: “One, focus on the future; two, strength of work ethics; three, expanding the family-school relations; four, strengthen social ethics; five, valuing child rearing practices...” Such arguments ring familiar to the racialization of Blacks in the United States in the late-twentieth century, when “defective black cultural norms” and “familial disorganization” were unjustly attributed to the rise of the welfare system (Omi & Winant, 1986, p. 66). In the earliest landmark study, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy ,

Myrdal (1944) uncovered a dominant perspective in the United States of the Black family as socially disorganized. Indeed, the Africentric school proposal does not dismiss the need for parental and community involvement. Research has looked at the implications of successful parental involvement on Black students: greater respect by teachers, learning supported through parent-teacher communications, curriculum influenced by

Black parents, and higher expectations on the student (Goodall, 1996).

37

Alas, the connection is not made by trustee Wong and others on how the

Africentric school prevents such goals from being realized. One can further argue that an alternative model better allows for teachers and administrators to effectively pilot new ways to reach out to Black parents. Similarly, the Africentric school can foster a culture where such issues as poverty and illiteracy are acknowledged and addressed. Opponents, however, do not see the racialization of greater societal problems as relevant. “We are churning out kids, Black and White, who cannot read … This cannot be saved or you know resurrected or whatever by building a new school,” says delegation Lyn Powers, a

White woman and forensic handwriting examiner. To address poverty, society in general needs “teen centres, more daycare facilities, more social workers, more homework facilities with instructors, more parent support centres,” writes David Gladstone, of

Toronto, in a letter to The Toronto Star published January 29, 2008.

The colour-blind perspective also extends to arguments focusing on personal discipline and decision making. “Hard work,” says the National Post ’s January 31, 2008 editorial, drives academic achievement “for students of all races.” Delegation Andre

Levy, a Black father of Caribbean descent who grew up in the Jane and Finch priority neighbourhood, says Black students “do not need an Africentric school, what they need is more encouragement, discipline, a plan, the setting of goals.” Individual responsibility, like parental involvement, is undoubtedly an important ingredient in the recipe for success. Black student narratives, however, express a desire for Black teachers as role models (Dei, 1996), who may then inspire them to set their sights on a teaching career.

Encouragement can also be gained through culturally relevant curriculum (Gay, 2000), which is lacking in regular schools (Dei, 1996).

38

Still, some continue to contend that racism and discrimination are absent or limited. Delegation Henry Raston, who is White, says racial discrimination “is minimal if there is any at all in the school system.” This represents a denial of racial hierarchy

(Burke & Eichler, 2006), in spite of testimonials that confirm experiences of racism in schooling. Implied in the discourse of denial is the assumption that “because Canada is a society that upholds the ideals of a liberal democracy, it could not possibly be racist”

(Henry et al., 2000, p. 26).

According to trustee Tonks, who talks in great length about his multiracial background and the various ethnicities of his grandparents, “who immigrated to Canada for better opportunities,” the board is not to blame for disengaged Black students. He asserts, “I do not believe this is the fault of the TDSB, but there are other social issues that have contributed to this disenfranchisement and marginalization.”

4.2 Self-Determination Versus Segregation

Used by Africentric school proponents, the arguments under the self- determination theme include creating a space for Black students and parents to experience belonging and empowerment. Arguments also point to existing forms of separation within the current school system, as well as neighbourhoods segregated by race and poverty through enclaves and ghettos. Table 7 shows the frequency of arguments under the self-determination theme by source. The call for community ownership and participation in the Africentric school is among the most popular arguments under this theme.

39

Arguments re Self-Determination Theme (For Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument Need for community ownership/participation 2 3 1 1 4 4 15 Empowerment, by choice 3 3 1 1 4 3 15 Separation within current system 4 0 2 0 4 3 13 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 4 2 0 0 3 2 11 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 3 0 2 0 4 0 9 Will create a space for belonging 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 Total by Source 16 9 6 2 19 12 64

Table 7 – Frequency of Arguments re Self-Determination Theme by Source

In total, the self-determination theme accounts for 30.5% of all arguments used in favour of the Africentric school. Among delegations and trustees, as well as in the

National Post , The Toronto Star and Share , it is the second most popular pro-Africentric school theme. The Globe and Mail , similar to its lack of reporting on racism, printed a mere two arguments connected to the self-determination theme—including a quote of

Black community leader Angela Wilson proclaiming, “It’s not about segregation, it’s about self-determination.” A number of trustees voiced arguments under the self- determination theme in support of the Africentric school proposal, including: Nadia

Bello, Chris Bolton, Sheila Cary-Meagher, Shaun Chen (myself), Gary Crawford, Bruce

Davis, James Pasternak, and Maria Rodrigues.

Used in support of the Africentric school, many proponents spoke about self- determination as empowerment and pointed to the various forms separation and segregation currently in existing schools and communities. One public misconception is that the Africentric school is only open to Black children, hence the use of such terms as

40

Black school and Black-only school. Three delegations took time to point out that the school will be open to any student regardless of their skin colour. Black community leader Donna Harrow suggests children can attend to be “nurtured and supported into success,” whether they are, according to teacher Nigel Barriffe, “White, Black, purple, green—any child is welcome.” White parent Arlo Kempf, also an educator and doctoral student at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, describes the school as “multiculturalism for the twenty-first century.” The delegations are correct, as board staff has confirmed that the Africentric school will be open to students of any race.

Arguments are also used to distinguish self-determination from institutionalized segregation, which is used to maintain oppression. At the board, I talk about segregation in a historical context:

“In the United States, the idea of segregation came about in the late nineteenth

century and legalized segregation continued into the 1960s. It was used to uphold

existing hierarchies of race, and those hierarchies were to force and to segregate

and to relegate people of colour into separation, into separate washrooms, separate

water fountains, to the back of the bus. We need to understand that the proposal

we are talking about today is not segregation. It is not segregation by force, it is

segregation by choice.”

Looking back at my speech, the term “segregation by choice” can present a conceptual oxymoron. If segregation implies reinforcement or maintaining of social hierarchy by force, then by definition it does not involve choice.

41

Separation in the Africentric school is not the result of a dominant group acting upon a non-dominant group. Instead, it is the consequence of a conscious choice by

Black parents and students who believe such a school serves to empower their success.

Differential treatment is acceptable and justified when it reduces social hierarchy (Burke

& Eichler, 2006). June Veecock, of Markham, reminds readers of her letter to Share printed February 7, 2008 that “no parent will be forced to send their child or children to this school.” For those who do, the Africentric school promises a safe space where Black children and youth can escape the racialized experiences they have endured in the regular system (Dei, 1996).

Instead of institutionalized segregation, trustee Bello sees the Africentric school as a opportunity to foster a environment where students feel they belong. Black youth who have dropped out of school speak about the “symptoms” of disengagement, one of which is “a deep identification with the experience of not feeling as though they

‘belonged’ ” (Dei, 1997, p. 266). Trustee Bello, a woman of colour, says “it is with belonging in mind” that she supports the school. She explains,

“This is about a community of people and a group of youth who want to belong

and who want to be included, and they have been told by all kinds of systemic

institutions including schools, including family, that they do not belong. You

don’t belong in this classroom, in this school, in this university, in this

neighbourhood, in this city, in this country. Success happens when adults make

spaces for young people to belong.”

42

Others, meanwhile, point to the forms of separation that already exist in education. “Mystified” by public cries of segregation, Michael Milech from Montreal says students attending religious and cultural schools graduate to become fully capable citizens. “No one claims that Catholic schools or Greek schools are the second-coming of apartheid; why would black schools be any more deleterious?” he asks in a February 1,

2008 letter in the National Post . Likewise, Haroon Siddiqui of The Toronto Star asserts in his January 27, 2009 column that:

“We do not mind ‘segregation’ by wealth (private schools); by gender (boys’ and

girls’ private schools); by religion (public Catholic and private Protestant, Jewish,

etc., schools); by language (English/French and, in Alberta, Ukrainian); by sexual

preference (gay and lesbian schools within the Toronto board); and by subject (art

and other alternative schools). So, why get on our high horses when it comes to

black schools?”

The city itself is also segregated according to trustee Cary-Meagher, who references recent reports that confirm poverty in Toronto is a racialized phenomenon.

Holding up a map of the city that illustrates neighbourhoods suffering from poverty, she claims the schools in these areas are largely attended by students who “ain’t white” but instead are racialized. “So you talk about segregation, it’s here,” laments the long-time trustee. Following the board’s decision, Toronto Star columnist Jim Coyle admits he is a

“reluctant convert.” In his January 31, 2008 column, he points to existing racial realities that helped convince him otherwise. He writes, “It began to seem a bit precocious— given the realities of life in this city, how wealth and opportunity are distributed, the

43 dearth of black faces in legislatures, city councils and corporate boards—to wax righteous about the pitfalls of segregation or apartheid.”

Meanwhile, the segregation theme used against the Africentric school centres on the notion that segregation is fascist or racist. It is argued that a segregated school will result in cultural exclusion, self-victimization and lower standards. On the other hand, diversity in schools would foster tolerance and understanding. Table 8 shows the frequency of arguments under the segregation theme by source. The two most popular arguments under this theme are that segregation is fascist or racist and that multiculturalism is removed while cultural exclusion is promoted in the Africentric school.

Arguments re Segregation Theme (Against Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 3 4 2 2 1 0 12 Segregation as fascist/racist 3 0 3 2 4 0 12 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 1 1 0 1 0 0 3 Promotes self-victimization 1 2 0 0 0 0 3 Low standards in segregated schools 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total by Source 9 7 5 5 5 0 31

Table 8 – Frequency of Arguments re Segregation Theme by Source

Overall, segregation is the second most popular theme against the Africentric school, accounting for 23.7% of all arguments used by opponents. Segregation is the second-most popular theme among delegations. Black parent Andre Levy, speaking to the board, provides a definition of segregation as “the division of humankind when

44 characterized by distinct and universal physical characteristics, which includes but is not limited to the colour of their skin.” He asserts that the Africentric school “will be no different.” Segregation came up in each of the mainstream newspapers exactly five times, while Share published no arguments under this theme. Three trustees used arguments under the segregation theme to argue their case against the Africentric school, including: Gerri Gershon, Josh Matlow, and Chris Tonks.

One of the most intensely observed delegation speeches was that of Loreen Small.

The shooting death of her son Jordan Manners inside C.W. Jeffreys Collegiate Institute, a

TDSB secondary school, was a high profile homicide case in 2007 that renewed attention on youth violence. Speaking to trustees, the Black mother compares the Africentric school to institutionalized segregation:

“Martin Luther King and how many of our fathers fought to come together so

Black and Whites can be together, right, for us to sit in the front of the bus

together … Let us not be an all-Black school. What we’re doing is we’re

segregating each other … This Black school thing, no, it ain’t right.”

The National Post on January 31, 2008 also argues against the Africentric school based on segregation, referring to the pre-Civil Rights era when it was used by Whites to oppress Blacks. States the editorial: “Segregating black students in a separate-but-equal building and teaching them that Africans invented Pythagorean theorem won’t help a soul. It will merely serve to turn the school into one long, endless field trip back to

1954.”

45

Evidently the fact is missed, by both Loreen Small and the National Post , that the

Africentric school plan originates from an alternative school proposal submitted to the board by two Black women, Angela Wilson and Donna Harrow, whose intention is not to subordinate Black children but rather to enable them. The creation of a safe space by the non-dominant group, in the absence of coercion or oppression by the dominant, is neither racist nor fascist—it is empowerment. In spite of this, delegation Lyn Pygmy Powers argues the plan will not work and the board has yet to look at the facts. She claims that currently “segregated schools” in the southern United States are resulting in lower standards of education. She adds that from speaking with American teachers during a recent trip, she learned that seven out of eight Black students in “segregated schools inevitably end up receiving approximately 50% less than (those in) the White schools.”

Opposing trustees Gershon, Matlow, and Tonks also disagree with a proposal that effectively separates students, since it will remove diversity and promote cultural exclusion. A White man, trustee Matlow submits the Africentric school “certainly will not” attract non-Black students, despite it being open to all students regardless of their skin colour. Trustee Tonks, who is multiracial, says he has difficulty supporting a plan

“that implicitly or explicitly has the effect of separating our children along ethnic or racial lines.” Trustee Gershon, a White woman and former president of the Canadian

Schools Boards Association, talks about Canada’s education system in a narrative that deeply resembles that of liberal democratic discourses:

“Our public school system in Canada is the one institution where kids of every

colour, culture and religion can come together, whether it’s in the classroom or on

46

the playing field, to gain an appreciation of one another, to gain understanding

and to gain tolerance.”

Multiculturalism can undoubtedly promote cultural understanding, but

“declarations of the need for tolerance and harmony tend to conceal the messy business of structural and systemic inequality and the unequal relations of power” (Henry et al.,

2000, p. 30). While it is true that children gain appreciation, understanding and tolerance from social interaction, the impetus behind the Africentric school is not a grand celebration of diversity but a concerted effort to address the very real issues of racial bias faced by Black students. Still, delegation Usha Kelley Maharaj insists there is a “greater danger” in “the acceptance of self image of victim.” The woman of colour asserts the

Africentric school is built on the dangerous notion of students as “victims of mainstream society,” an assumption that “has the real potential of entrenching the victim paradigm for its students.”

Concluding her remarks, trustee Gershon speaks to the dangers of separation:

“Separating kids according to their colour…is simply not the answer for them as individuals or our society as a whole.” The last time there was any sort of legalized separation in greater society, however, was the racism-driven segregation of Blacks by force. The difference between institutionalized segregation, and that of allowing for empowerment through choice, needs to be recognized. On May 21, 2008 trustee Gershon switched her vote, the only original opponent to do so, by supporting the final plan for the

Africentric school. No other trustees moved from their original positions.

47

4.3 Equity Versus Formal Equality

Central to the equity theme used by Africentric school proponents is the argument that different student needs are met in different ways. Arguments under this theme point to the status quo of Eurocentricity in public education and the need for inclusive and culturally relevant curriculum, including Africentric teaching and learning in all schools.

As well, arguments contend that an Africentric school falls within the process for establishing alternative programs at the TDSB and that a 40% dropout rate of Black students is unacceptable. According to table 9, which shows the frequency of arguments under the equity theme by source, the 40% dropout rate of Black students is the most popular argument under this theme.

Arguments re Equity Theme (For Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument 40% drop-out rate of Black students 5 4 3 2 6 9 29 Need to meet different student needs 4 5 3 1 5 5 23 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 4 2 3 2 4 2 17 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 3 2 1 0 3 4 13 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 Eurocentric education system 1 0 1 0 2 2 6 Total by Source 18 14 12 6 21 23 94

Table 9 – Frequency of Arguments re Equity Theme by Source

Accounting for 44.8% of all arguments used in favour of the Africentric school, equity is by far the most popular theme in the entire debate. In fact, equity is the top theme in trustee and delegation speeches as well as in all four newspapers examined in

48 this study. Equity is used in more than half of the pro-Africentric arguments found in the

National Post and in The Globe and Mail . The widely cited 40% dropout rate is included as an argument under equity and helps to boost the theme’s popularity. A record nine trustees used equity-related arguments to back their support for the Africentric school:

Chris Bolton, Sheila Cary-Meagher, Shaun Chen (myself), Michael Coteau, Gary

Crawford, Bruce Davis, James Pasternak, Maria Rodrigues, and Sheila Ward.

Equity is “a pathway to achieving equality,” which values equal rights for all

(Burke & Eichler, 2006, p. 11). It does not imply, however, that all groups must be treated the same. In some cases, achieving equity means treating people differently in order to reduce social hierarchy (Burke & Eichler, 2006). Trustee Pasternak says the board “must adhere to the truism that one approach of education will not necessarily work for all.” He is one of several proponents who believe in meeting different student needs in different ways. Displaying a city map of alternative schools within the TDSB, trustee Davis points to the many options available for children across the system. One of the schools, an Etobicoke middle school for the arts, was recently approved by the board as a result of his advocacy. “Parents who are fighting to keep their children in school have alternatives if they believe their current school is not meeting their children’s needs,” he says.

Similarly, trustee Crawford argues that constituents who want an Africentric school should be given the choice to have one. He says the school is “about giving parents and communities the ability and choice to make decisions for their kids they think are important.” The TDSB, in fact, has an alternative schools policy that allows for parent groups to propose different models of education for their children. The board

49 defines alternative schools as “sites that are unique in pedagogy, forms of governance, and staff involvement, and have strong parental and/or student involvement; environments vary and provide an educational experience suited to individual learning styles/preferences and/or needs.”2 As a result, there are over 40 alternative schools located across the city. According to community leader Donna Harrow, not one has ever

“had to dance this dance.” She explains,

“We as Black people are being asked to shuffle through a process that was made

by the Toronto District School Board … We have asked and this has turned into a

fiasco. Have you ever seen so many media sitting here? Did Alpha go through

that? Alpha is a school that has little blond, blue-eyed children who are in an

alternative school and nobody said anything about segregation. No one!”

An alternative school provides the opportunity to develop culturally relevant pedagogical practices and curriculum, which is presently missing in schools (Dei, 1996).

Proponents argue the Africentric school provides a testing ground or pilot site where inclusive curriculum and best pedagogical practices are tried, developed and eventually rolled out to all schools. Such thinking mirrors the establishment of minority studies, such as women’s studies and Aboriginal studies, as sites for specialized knowledge production.

Speaking on behalf of the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, delegation Afua Marcus says an Africentic program empowers Black students to be

2 From Policy P.062 CUR: Alternative Schools adopted on June 27, 2007 by the Toronto District School Board.

50

“engaged by seeing their past and present stories be reflected in a well-rounded curriculum.” Activist Murphy Browne, who also teaches in the TDSB elementary Black culture program, provides examples of the many contributions and experiences of African people throughout history. Thornton and Lucy Blackburn, for example, founded a

Toronto taxicab operation in 1836. She says the naming of a community centre in their honour was refused, while “within walking distance…are community centres named after

White men.” While the calls for inclusive curriculum and pedagogy are focused on race in the Africentric debate, intersectionality suggests that textbooks and teaching practices ought to be examined for gender and other biases as well.

Africentric education is about more than just Black history lessons. In The

Toronto Star on January 28, 2008, one day prior to the board vote, Black columnist

Royson James urges board approval of the school by describing how an Africentric curriculum might be designed and delivered:

“Drawing from a broad spectrum of approaches to black-focused schools, the

Toronto experiment would likely feature a staff that’s majority black, an

Africentric curriculum that propagates a world view that’s positive toward and

supportive of African peoples; instill African values; include an approach to

interpersonal relationships that is more disciplinary and ‘conservative’ than

contemporary western thought; likely require students to wear uniforms; include a

spiritual consciousness as opposed to organized religion; and seek the resources

and assistance of a supportive academic and broader black community.”

51

Dei (1996) argues for a similar worldview, one that unites people of colour against the norms of Eurocentrism. Throughout the debate, Africentric school proponents question what Murphy Browne describes as “the European-centred education system

(that) has been made to seem normal, but it does not work for many of our children.” She contrasts “huge units” of classroom lessons on the Middle Ages in Europe, to a school she knows where over 90% of the student population is of Chinese descent. Joe Jacobs of

Toronto, who self-identifies as White, questions in a January 29, 2008 letter in The

Toronto Star the subjection of students of colour to a Eurocentric curriculum. Their families, he asserts, “have no connection to Europe, other than perhaps through colonialism.”

The dire consequence, as pointed out by many in the debate, is that 40% of Black students do not complete high school in the TDSB. Since the dropout rate is board-wide, the creation of just one Africentric school is insufficient, says high school teacher Amani

Ausar. “There must be a series of Africentric schools in every corner of the city from

(kindergarten) to (grade) twelve,” the Black educator argues. He brings up a point that is important yet generally overlooked in a debate focused more on race than geographic equity. As Angela Wilson mentions, there are segregated neighbourhoods “such as Jane and Finch, Malvern, St. Jamestown, Rexdale,” where young people are receiving “ghetto education.” Nigel Barriffe, who teaches thirty-four grade four students at Greenholme

Junior Middle School in Rexdale, highlights the stark reality that “thirteen of my children just might not pass.”

As for the dropout rate, it is used generically in reference to Black students in the

TDSB. For true equity to be achieved, it is necessary to examine differences (Burke &

52

Eichler, 2006) and not assume uniformity among all Black students. Girls, for example, may encounter educational experiences differently than boys, and differences also exist among girls. Also to consider is the country or region of origin, which may play a role in determining the types of differentiated teaching and learning that are necessary. Pat

Watson deconstructs the 40% dropout rate in her January 24, 2008 column in Share .

Compared to a 23% dropout rate of all students, she says the dropout rates of Black students include: a 40% dropout rate for students of Caribbean descent, 32% for those of

East African descent, and 26% for West African descendents. Understanding “the complexity of factors that make up students’ backgrounds,” as the columnist puts it, can only help the “attempt by concerned parents and educators to structure a curriculum in response.”

On the other hand, opponents used arguments under the formal equality theme to suggest that an Africentric school does not support student success for all. Instead, it unfairly privileges an Africentric curriculum and will eventually lead to more culturally segregated schools. The most popular argument under this theme, however, is that an

Africentric curriculum should be in all schools. This argument was also used by proponents under the equity theme. Table 10 shows the frequency of arguments under the formal equality theme by source.

The least popular of all themes in the debate is formal equality, which suggests all students should be treated equally or the same. Formal equality arguments were used 22 times by Africentric school opponents. Given that equity was used 94 times and was by far the most popular theme, this makes equity versus formal equality the least contested of the thematic pairs. Both the National Post and Share published just one argument

53 under the formal equality theme. The artifact yielding the most instances is the transcript of speeches by trustees, four of whom make arguments related to formal equality in opposition to the Africentric school. They include: Josh Matlow, Mari Rutka, Chris

Tonks, and Soo Wong.

Arguments re Formal Equality Theme (Against Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 2 3 1 2 1 1 10 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 2 1 0 1 2 0 6 Does not support student success for all 0 4 0 0 0 0 4 Privileges Africentric curriculum 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 Total by Source 5 8 1 4 3 1 22

Table 10 – Frequency of Arguments re Formal Equality Theme by Source

Opponents argue that the approval of the Africentric school will result in many culturally segregated schools across the system. The one board member to use this slippery slope argument is trustee Tonks, a lawyer by profession, who warns, “Mark my words, if we allow this type of model to be implemented we will have many groups before us.” While trustee Tonks makes it clear the school does not lead to segregation, he says it is a path down which he does not wish to send the board. Delegation Henry

Raston suggests the equality provisions under the Canadian Charter of Rights and

Freedoms prevents the board from refusing other groups asking for their own schools.

Following the Africentric school’s approval, he suggests,

54

“There may be West Indians or Chinese or Italians and you will not be able to

refuse it because the Charter of Rights requires that everybody be treated equally,

having the same rights and the same obligations and treated equally by the

government and institutions and commissions.”

When equality is understood as an “underlying societal value” (Burke & Eichler,

2006, p. 11), the ways in which it is achieved will necessarily take on different forms for different groups of students. At the TDSB, the alternative schools policy allows for any group to submit a proposal for a specialized program. The principle of equality is applied in the sense that any parent or community may pitch an alternative model of education.

Whether or not a school or program is approved depends on the specific needs of each community, independent of the approval or denial of the Africentric school.

The argument of formal equality is similarly used to suggest the Africentric school does not support student success for all. For trustee Matlow, the plan “doesn’t respond to Black students who are struggling just as much or just as little as some students in any given school.” Likewise, trustee Wong implies that the problems facing

Black students also affect other students. She poses the questions:

“How does the proposed school address the many learning environment factors

that (are) attributed to student achievement? … How does this proposed model, an

alternative model, meet this goal for all of our students? … The board must

champion programs and services that support student achievement for all students

in our system.”

55

While non-Black students also encounter difficulties, it is important to consider the lived experiences of Black students in determining how racial bias specifically affects their schooling. Undoubtedly there is an array of factors contributing to how well students perform in general. What needs to be also acknowledged are the ways in which underachievement is compounded by the specific realities faced by Black students.

Equity then seeks to address the needs of Black students in ways that work best for them.

Yet for some opponents, such special treatment for Black students is not only unwarranted, it also unfairly privileges Africentricity. “Just as the board needs to continue moving away from a Eurocentric curriculum, it cannot now open a school with an Africentric curriculum,” says delegation Usha Kelley Majaraj, a woman of colour.

Similarly, in a letter printed in The Globe and Mail on January 31, 2008, Dan Tweyman writes,

“I find it particularly perverse that mere months after Ontarians (led in no small

part by Torontonians) overwhelmingly rejected a proposal to allow publicly

funded Jewish and Muslim schools, Toronto District School Board trustees have

voted to allow a publicly funded black-focused school … I fear the new maxim of

‘No special schools for anybody (unless you’re Catholic or black)’ makes even

less (sense)” (p. A16).

4.4 Other Arguments

There are also numerous other arguments used in the Africentric debate that do not fit under the main themes identified in this study. These arguments were made by either proponents or opponents of the Africentric school and, in some cases, by both

56 proponents and opponents to back their respective positions. Table 11 shows the frequency of the other arguments by source.

Other Arguments (F=For Africentric; A=Against Africentric) Delegations Trustees National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Argument Lack of support from provincial government (A) 0 1 2 4 3 2 12 Need for further research (A) 2 1 2 2 2 0 9 Lack of funding (A) 1 1 2 1 2 1 8 Need for additional resources/supports (F) 0 2 0 0 2 4 8 Need for top-notch staff/educators (F) 2 0 0 0 2 4 8 Need for further research (F) 2 0 0 0 1 1 4 Need for additional resources/supports (A) 0 2 0 1 0 0 3 Additional community consultation needed (A) 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 Total by Source 8 7 7 8 12 12 54

Table 11 – Frequency of Other Arguments by Source

One other argument used exclusively in support of the Africentric school is the need for top-notch staff and educators. In essence, the argument speaks to a matter that presumes approval of the school, while the debate itself concerns whether or not the school should be approved. The issue is indeed related to equity, but is not included under the equity theme, which focuses rather on reasons to approve the Africentric school.

The other arguments used exclusively against the Africentric school concern additional community consultation, inadequate funding, and a lack of support from the provincial government. With respect to further public input, the board has arguably sought sufficient consultation. The January 29, 2008 board meeting allowed for

57 presentations from all delegations that requested to appear, a total of 22, which went beyond the board’s usual practice of allowing a maximum of 10. Prior to the board decision, Black community forums were hosted at Northview Heights Secondary School on December 1, 2007 and Winston Churchill Collegiate Institute on December 8, 2007 to solicit public input on improving Black student achievement. At these forums, TDSB trustees and senior staff heard from approximately 100 community members, parents and educators.

As for inadequate funding, the board is authorised to approve new alternative schools along with any budgetary impacts. While it may be true that the board is financially limited, it is also tasked with setting priorities and determining what programs and policies are approved and implemented. The argument of a lack of funding is thus effectively used as a discursive position that encourages opposition to the Africentric school. Likewise, arguments around a lack of support from the provincial government and its leader, Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty, serve to persuade followers to take a similar stance. The reality is that the province leaves programming decisions around alternative schools in the hands of local school boards.

Arguments used by both sides in the debate in support of their respective positions include the need for further research as well as additional resources and supports.

Arguably there has been sufficient research on issues related to Africentric schooling, including a literature review by board researchers (see Manning, 2008). As for the call for additional resources and supports, similar to the argument for top-notch educators, it presumes approval of the Africentric school. The debate, however, is primarily concerned with whether or not the school should be approved.

58

4.5 Examining Newspaper Reporting

Like the debate itself, the media reporting on the Africentric school was wide- ranging and reflective of myriad perspectives and divergent positions. By far the mainstream newspaper with the most coverage on the Africentric school is The Toronto

Star , with a total of twenty news stories, columns, editorials and letters published during the one-week period from January 26 to February 1, 2008. The Toronto Star ’s coverage was double that of the National Post , which follows with a total of 10 published pieces, and subsequently The Globe and Mail with 8 pieces. Local Black community newspaper

Share printed fifteen pieces in its three issues dated January 24, January 31 and February

7, 2008.

Each newspaper also takes a clear stance on the Africentric school. Editorials published in The Globe and Mail on February 1, 2008 and National Post on January 31,

2008 express disagreement with the board’s approval of the school. The Globe and

Mail ’s editorial starts off with a quote from Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty, who says,

“I think the trustees have leapt before they took a good look.” This sets the tone for a position based of building “social cohesion and tolerance” in regular schools. In comparison, the National Post ’s editorial is relatively blunt, articulating numerous reasons why the decision is “misguided.” The opinion suggests a need for “members of their own community,” that is, the Black community, to address such manifestations of poverty as “drugs, gangs, teen pregnancy, (and) dismissive attitudes toward education and hard work.”

59

On the other hand, editorials published in The Toronto Star on January 31, 2008 and Share on January 24, January 31 and February 7, 2008 are in support of the

Africentric school. While The Toronto Star ’s editorial raises a number of unanswered questions, it also talks about using the “experimental school” to develop a model of best practices that can be “expanded to other schools,” thereby expressing tacit approval of the decision. It is also important to note the editorial’s final word: “At the end of the day, successfully integrating and educating all students is the key to multiculturalism and a tolerant society.” Meanwhile, the three editorials published in Share touch on virtually every argument in favour of the Africentric school, from Black student disengagement and segregation within existing schools to calls for additional resources and community engagement. Share is the only newspaper out of the four to publish their editorial prior to the board decision.

Except for the National Post , the collective arguments found in each newspaper reflect the publication’s editorial stance on the Africentric school. For example, 69% of the arguments found in The Globe and Mail are against the school. Similarly on the flip side, 66% of the arguments found in The Toronto Star , and an overwhelming 92% of arguments found in Share , are in the school’s favour. Since Share is a local newspaper serving the Black community, it is expected to privilege non-dominant voices and therefore pro-Africentric arguments based on lived experiences of racism. The one exception, as mentioned, is the National Post , which published an equal number of arguments both for and against the school. Despite the newspaper’s strong editorial position against the school, it nonetheless gave equal coverage to the views of both

Africentric school opponents and proponents.

60

Which newspaper best represents public opinion on the Africentric school? To answer this question, a measure of public opinion is needed to weigh against the arguments reported by each of the newspapers. One such measure is the Angus Reid poll for The Toronto Star . The poll results published on February 9, 2008 found that 64% of people were strongly opposed to the Africentric school (Huffman, 2008). Using this as a point of comparison, The Globe and Mail ’s 69% of arguments against the school is closest in percentage to the reality captured by the Angus Reid poll. With that said, it is important to point out that public opinion can rapidly change, as evidenced by polls conducted during elections and those concerning other controversial social and political issues.

Nevertheless a number of conclusions can be drawn about the newspapers included in this study based on the types of arguments they reported on the Africentric school. Table 12 shows the frequency of arguments for and against the Africentric school by newspaper.

Frequency of Arguments National Post The Globe and Mail The Toronto Star Share Total by Position For the Africentric School 19 8 51 55 133 Against the Africentric School 19 18 26 5 68 Total by Newspaper 38 26 77 60 201

Table 12 – Frequency of Arguments For and Against the Africentric School by Newspaper

61

In summary, The Globe and Mail best represents the public transcript, Share best represents the hidden transcript, and the National Post best represents equal coverage of both sides of the story.

62

Chapter 5 Conclusions

As with liberalism, the Africentric school debate is “full of paradoxes and contradictions and assumes different meanings, depending on one’s social location and angle of vision” (Henry et al., 2000, p. 30). Emerging on one side of the debate are the

Africentric school opponents, reiterating the public transcript of societal views on race and racism. Their arguments can range from the subtleness of an underlying racist tone to the explicitness of outright racist statements, but it is their defense of such liberal ideals as multiculturalism, harmony and tolerance that is perhaps most intriguing. Herein lie some of the most convincing, well-intentioned and seemingly progressive arguments made against the Africentric school.

Through the interpretive lens of equity and critical race theory, such arguments used against the school are juxtaposed against the hidden transcript of Black students’ lived experiences of racism. It becomes clear, then, that the perspectives put forth by opponents rest on misinformation and false assumptions on what the school will be and for whom. The arguments fail to address the underlying impetus of improving Black student outcomes. They also fail to understand the direness of current racialized realities and the means through which equality is achieved. Rather, they serve to help demonstrate how racism is deeply embedded within ostensibly liberal claims to racial equality.

Clearly the hysteria around the Africentric school is not by chance, but instead driven by public conceptions, or misconceptions, of race and racism. Such notions are

63 informed and affected by deep-rooted liberal values and a history of institutionalised segregation in North America.

At the time of the board decision, public opinion on the Africentric debate appeared to be decisive. The Angus Reid poll suggested a large majority of the public was opposed to a “Black-based” school (Huffman, 2008). Despite such overwhelmingly opposition to the Africentric school, a majority of the board’s publicly elected trustees voted against the status quo—a moment of recognition and victory for the hidden transcript of racialized realities.

As the Africentric Alternative School opened it doors in September 2009, the fate of its promises linger in uncertainty. A 40% dropout rate persists among Black children, not all of whom can attend the one Africentric school. Is another generation bound to cry out in yet another concerted call for change? Or will the Africentric school pave the path for systemic progress in all schools across the city?

Only time will tell.

64

References

Bell, L. A. (2003). Telling tales: What stories can teach us about racism. Race Ethnicity

and Education , 6(1), 3-28.

Berg, B. L. (2007). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences (6th ed.).

Boston: Pearson Education.

Burke, M. A., & Eichler, M. (2006). The BIAS FREE framework . Geneva: Global Forum

for Health Research.

Dei, G. J. S. (1996). The role of Afrocentricity in the inclusive curriculum in Canadian

schools. Canadian Journal of Education/Revue canadienne de l'éducation , 21(2),

170-186.

Dei, G. J. S. (1997). The social construction of a ‘drop-out’: Dispelling the myth. In G. J.

S. Dei, J. Mazzuca, E. McIsaac, & J. Zine (Eds.), Reconstructing 'drop-out': A

critical ethnography of the dynamics of black students' disengagement from

school (pp. 263-273). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Dei, G. J. S. (2008). Schooling as community: Race, schooling, and the education of

African youth. Journal of Black Studies , 38(3), 346-366.

Dei, G. J. S. (2008, February 21). Interesting lessons in panic over Africentric school.

Share , pp. 7, 19.

65

Delgado, R. (1990). When a story is just a story: Does voice really matter? Virginia Law

Review , 76(1), 95-111.

Delpit, L. D. (1988). The silenced dialogue: Power and pedagogy in educating other

people’s children. Harvard Educational Review , 58(3), 280-298.

Essed, P. (1991). Understanding everyday racism: An interdisciplinary theory . Newbury

Park: Sage.

Evans, A. E. (2007). School leaders and their sensemaking about race and demographic

change. Educational Administration Quarterly , 43(2), 159-188.

Foucault, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972-

1977 . New York: Pantheon Books.

Gay, G. (2000). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research, and practice . New

York: Teachers College Press.

Goodall, V. E. (1996). Teachers and parents: Co-educators for the successful education of

black students. In K. S. Brathwaite, & C. E. James (Eds.), Educating African

Canadians (pp. 131-141). Toronto: John Lorimer and Company.

Henry, F. (1994). The Caribbean diaspora in Toronto: Learning to live with racism .

Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Henry, F., Tator, C., Mattis, W., & Rees, T. (2000). The colour of democracy: Racism in

Canadian society (2nd ed.). Toronto: Harcourt Brace and Company.

66

Huffman, T. (2008, February 9). Poll shows resistance to black-focused schools. The

Toronto Star .

Manning, S. (2008). The effectiveness of Africentric (black-focused) schools in closing

student success and achievement gaps: A review of the literature . Toronto:

Toronto District School Board.

Myrdal, G. (1944). An American dilemma: The Negro problem and modern democracy .

New York: Harper and Brothers.

Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1986). Racial formation in the United States: From the 1960s to

the 1980s . New York: Routledge.

Penney, S. (2009). Circulation data report 2008. Toronto: Canadian Newspaper

Association.

Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social psychology: Beyond attitudes

and behaviour . London: Sage.

Scott, J. C. (1990). Domination and the arts of resistance: Hidden transcripts . New

Haven: Yale University Press.

Tate, W. F. (1997). Critical race theory and education: History, theory, and implications.

Review of Research in Education , 22, 195-247.

Tator, C., & Henry, F. (2000). The role and practice of racialized discourse in culture and

cultural production. Journal of Canadian Studies , 35(3), 120-137.

67 van Dijk, T. A. (1997). Discourse as interaction in society. In T. A. van Dijk (Ed.),

Discourse as social interaction, discourse studies: A multidisciplinary

introduction, volume 2 (pp. 1-37). London: Sage.

Wetherell, M., & Potter, J. (1992). Mapping the language of racism: Discourse and the

legitimation of exploitation . New York: Columbia University Press.

Wotherspoon, T. (2009). The sociology of education in Canada (3rd ed.). Toronto:

Oxford University Press.

Appendices

Delegation Name Race Sex Social Position Debate Code Position D1 Vickie McPhee Black Female Activist; parent For D2 Michelle Cho Korean Female Representative of Toronto Coalition for Equity in For Education and Urban Alliance on Race Relations D3 Lyn Powers White (Caucasian) Female Forensic handwriting examiner Against D4 Yolisa Dalamba Black Female Activist For D5 Loreen Small Black Female Parent Against D6 Frank Lockhart Black Male Concerned citizen None D7 Henry Raston White (Caucasian) Male Retired engineer; WWII veteran Against D8 Donna Harrow Black Female Activist For D9 Douglas Campbell White (Caucasian) Male Former mayoral candidate Against D10 Gila Gladstone-Martow White (Caucasian) Female Optometrist; parent For D11 Courtney Betty Black Male - None D12 Arlo Kempf White (Caucasian) Male Educator and researcher; parent For D13 Angela Wilson Black Female Activist For D14 Nigel Barriffe Black Male Educator For D15 Afua Marcus Black Male Representative of Ontario Council of Agencies For Serving Immigrants D16 Audley James Black Male Pastor Against D17 Winston LaRose Black Male - For D18 Mac Hassan South Asian Male Parent Against D19 Murphy Browne Black Female Activist For D20 Andre S. Levy Black Male Concerned citizen; parent Against D21 Amani Ausar Black Male Educator For D22 Usha Kelley Maharaj South Asian Female Educator Against

Appendix A – Race, Sex, Social Position and Debate Position of Delegations at January 29, 2008 Toronto District School Board Meeting

68

Theme Arg. Argument Freq. D1 D2 D3 D4 D5 D6 D7 D8 D9 D10 D11 D12 D13 D14 D15 D16 D17 D18 D19 D20 D21 D22

(F=For; A=Against) Code

Presence of Racism F11 Black student disengagement 3 1 1 1 (F) F12 Systemic racism/discrimination 4 1 1 1 1 F13 Low expectations of Black students 1 1 F14 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 0 Presence of Racism (F) – Total 8 Self-Determination F21 Separation within current system 4 1 1 1 1 (F) F22 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 4 1 1 1 1 F23 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 3 1 1 1 F24 Empowerment, by choice 3 1 1 1 F25 Will create a space for belonging 0 F26 Need for community ownership/participation 2 1 1 Self-Determination (F) – Total 16 Equity F31 Need to meet different student needs 4 1 1 1 1 (F) F32 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 3 1 1 1 F33 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 4 1 1 1 1 F34 40% drop-out rate of Black students 5 1 1 1 1 1 F35 Eurocentric education system 1 1 F36 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Equity (F) – Total 18 Other F41 Need for further research 2 1 1 (F) F42 Need for top-notch staff/educators 2 1 1 F43 Need for additional resources/supports 0 Other (F) – Total 4 Absence of Racism A11 Personal discipline and decision making 2 1 1 (A) A12 Illiteracy 1 1 A13 Problems are affecting all students 1 1 A14 Family support and parental involvement 4 1 1 1 1 A15 Discrimination/racism is minimal 1 1 A16 Poverty 0 A17 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 1 1 Absence of Racism (A) – Total 10 Segregation A21 Low standards in segregated schools 1 1 (A) A22 Segregation as fascist/racist 3 1 1 1 A23 Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 3 1 1 1 A24 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 1 1 A25 Promotes self-victimization 1 1 Segregation (A) – Total 9 Formal Equality A31 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 2 1 1 (A) A32 Privileges Africentric curriculum 1 1 A33 Does not support student success for all 0 A34 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 2 1 1 Formal Equality (A) – Total 5 Other A41 Lack of funding 1 1 (A) A42 Additional community consultation needed 1 1 A43 Need for further research 2 1 1 A44 Need for additional resources/supports 0 A45 Lack of support from provincial government 0

Other (A) – Total 4 69

Appendix B – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School by Delegation

Trustee Name Race Sex Ward Position Recorded Code Taken Vote T1 Maria Rodrigues Latin American Female Davenport For For T2 Gerri Gershon White (Caucasian) Female Don Valley West Against Against T3 Josh Matlow White (Caucasian) Male St. Paul's Against Against T4 James Pasternak White (Caucasian) Male York Centre For For T5 Soo Wong Chinese Female Scarborough-Agincourt Against Against T6 Nadia Bello South Asian Female Scarborough East For For T7 Aurelija Jusyte White (Caucasian) Female - Against Against** T8 Gerald Mak Chinese Male - Against Against** T9 Stephnie Payne Black Female York West Against Against T10 Shaun Chen Chinese Male Scarborough-Rouge River For For T11 Chris Bolton White (Caucasian) Male Trinity-Spadina For For T12 Sheila Cary-Meagher White (Caucasian) Female Beaches-East York For For T13 Gary Crawford White (Caucasian) Male Scarborough Southwest For For T14 Scott Harrison White (Caucasian) Male Scarborough Centre Against Against T15 Sheila Ward White (Caucasian) Female Toronto Centre-Rosedale For For T16 Bruce Davis White (Caucasian) Male Etobicoke-Lakeshore For For T17 Mari Rutka Mixed Female Willowdale Against Against T18 Irene Atkinson White (Caucasian) Female Parkdale-High Park For For T19 Michael Coteau Black Male Don Valley East For For T20 John Hastings White (Caucasian) Male Etobicoke North Against Against T21 Chris Tonks Mixed Male York South-Weston Against Against T22* Howard Goodman White (Caucasian) Male Eglinton-Lawrence None Against T23* John Campbell White (Caucasian) Male Etobicoke Centre None None

* Did not speak to indicate position taken on the Africentric school ** Votes of student trustees are recorded but do not count toward the decision

Appendix C – Race, Sex, Position Taken and Recorded Vote of Trustees at January 29, 2008 Toronto District School Board Meeting

70

Theme Arg. Argument Freq. T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 T9 T10 T11 T12 T13 T14 T15 T16 T17 T18 T19 T20 T21

(F=For; A=Against) Code

Presence of Racism F11 Black student disengagement 2 1 1 (F) F12 Systemic racism/discrimination 3 1 1 1 F13 Low expectations of Black students 0 F14 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 1 1 Presence of Racism (F) – Total 6 Self-Determination F21 Separation within current system 0 (F) F22 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 2 1 1 F23 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 0 F24 Empowerment, by choice 3 1 1 1 F25 Will create a space for belonging 1 1 F26 Need for community ownership/participation 3 1 1 1 Self-Determination (F) – Total 9 Equity F31 Need to meet different student needs 5 1 1 1 1 1 (F) F32 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 2 1 1 F33 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 2 1 1 F34 40% drop-out rate of Black students 4 1 1 1 1 F35 Eurocentric education system 0 F36 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Equity (F) – Total 14 Other F41 Need for further research 0 (F) F42 Need for top-notch staff/educators 0 F43 Need for additional resources/supports 2 1 1 Other (F) – Total 2 Absence of Racism A11 Personal discipline and decision making 1 1 (A) A12 Illiteracy 1 1 A13 Problems are affecting all students 4 1 1 1 1 A14 Family support and parental involvement 5 1 1 1 1 1 A15 Discrimination/racism is minimal 0 A16 Poverty 4 1 1 1 1 A17 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 0 Absence of Racism (A) – Total 15 Segregation A21 Low standards in segregated schools 0 (A) A22 Segregation as fascist/racist 0 A23 Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 4 1 1 1 1 A24 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 1 1 A25 Promotes self-victimization 2 1 1 Segregation (A) – Total 7 Formal Equality A31 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 1 1 (A) A32 Privileges Africentric curriculum 0 A33 Does not support student success for all 4 1 1 1 1 A34 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 3 1 1 1 Formal Equality (A) – Total 8 Other A41 Lack of funding 1 1 (A) A42 Additional community consultation needed 0 A43 Need for further research 1 1 A44 Need for additional resources/supports 2 1 1 A45 Lack of support from provincial government 1 1

Other (A) – Total 5 71

Appendix D – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School by Trustee

Article Edition Date Page Type Author Title Position Code Taken N1 National 29/01/2008 A1 News Natalie Alcoba Black schools plan called None ‘immature’: Leaders Speak Out N2 National 30/01/2008 A1 News Natalie Alcoba Board OKs Afrocentric school: None Slain teenager’s mother says it is segregation N3 All But 31/01/2008 A1 News Natalie Alcoba Questions abound for Afrocentric None Toronto school: Toronto trustees expect funding details by May N4 Toronto 31/01/2008 A11 News - ‘Martin Luther King fought so Against blacks and whites could be together’ N5 Toronto 31/01/2008 A11 Column Stephnie Payne School trustee explains why she Against voted ‘no’: Concept of ‘black’ school ‘divisive’ N6 National 31/01/2008 A14 Editorial National Post In Toronto, separate but equal Against N7 National 01/02/2008 A12 News Jordana Huber Up to parents to stop school: Against Premier N8 National 01/02/2008 A17 Letter Michael Do educators know what None Milech ‘Afrocentric’ even means N9 National 01/02/2008 A17 Letter Mark S. Rash Do educators know what For ‘Afrocentric’ even means N10 National 01/02/2008 A18 Column Colby Cosh ‘Separate But Equal’ Vs. For ‘Integrated But Failing’

Appendix E – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in the National Post , January 26 to February 1, 2008

72

Theme Arg. Argument Freq. N1 N2 N3 N4 N5 N6 N7 N8 N9 N10

(F=For; A=Against) Code

Presence of Racism F11 Black student disengagement 0 (F) F12 Systemic racism/discrimination 1 1 F13 Low expectations of Black students 0 F14 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 0 Presence of Racism (F) – Total 1 Self-Determination F21 Separation within current system 2 1 1 (F) F22 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 0 F23 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 2 1 1 F24 Empowerment, by choice 1 1 F25 Will create a space for belonging 0 F26 Need for community ownership/participation 1 1 Self-Determination (F) – Total 6 Equity F31 Need to meet different student needs 3 1 1 1 (F) F32 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 1 1 F33 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 3 1 1 1 F34 40% drop-out rate of Black students 3 1 1 1 F35 Eurocentric education system 1 1 F36 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Equity (F) – Total 12 Other F41 Need for further research 0 (F) F42 Need for top-notch staff/educators 0 F43 Need for additional resources/supports 0 Other (F) – Total 0 Absence of Racism A11 Personal discipline and decision making 1 1 (A) A12 Illiteracy 0 A13 Problems are affecting all students 1 1 A14 Family support and parental involvement 2 1 1 A15 Discrimination/racism is minimal 0 A16 Poverty 2 1 1 A17 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 0 Absence of Racism (A) – Total 6 Segregation A21 Low standards in segregated schools 0 (A) A22 Segregation as fascist/racist 3 1 1 1 A23 Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 2 1 1 A24 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 0 A25 Promotes self-victimization 0 Segregation (A) – Total 5 Formal Equality A31 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 0 (A) A32 Privileges Africentric curriculum 0 A33 Does not support student success for all 0 A34 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Formal Equality (A) – Total 1 Other A41 Lack of funding 2 1 1 (A) A42 Additional community consultation needed 1 1 A43 Need for further research 2 1 1 A44 Need for additional resources/supports 0 A45 Lack of support from provincial government 2 1 1

Other (A) – Total 7 73

Appendix F – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in the National Post

Article Edition Date Page Type Author Title Position Code Taken G1 - 29/01/2008 A12 News Caroline Alphonso Board had a plan to limit safety- None report backlash G2 - 30/01/2008 A1 News Caroline Alphonso, Trustees narrowly approve None James Bradshaw contentious Afro-centric school G3 - 31/01/2008 A11 Column John Barber Lesson in the black-school For debate is when the system isn’t working: experiment G4 - 31/01/2008 A11 News James Bradshaw, Multiple Afrocentric schools None Caroline Alphonso suggested G5 - 31/01/2008 A16 Letter Jane Savage Black and white Against G6 - 31/01/2008 A16 Letter Dan Tweyman Black and white Against G7 - 01/02/2008 A18 News James Bradshaw, Premier, educator against black- Against Karen Howlett focused schools G8 - 01/02/2008 A22 Editorial The Globe and Mail Why it’s a bad idea Against

Appendix G – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in The Globe and Mail , January 26 to February 1, 2008

74

Theme Arg. Argument Freq. G1 G2 G3 G4 G5 G6 G7 G8

(F=For; A=Against) Code

Presence of Racism F11 Black student disengagement 0 (F) F12 Systemic racism/discrimination 0 F13 Low expectations of Black students 0 F14 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 0 Presence of Racism (F) – Total 0 Self-Determination F21 Separation within current system 0 (F) F22 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 0 F23 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 0 F24 Empowerment, by choice 1 1 F25 Will create a space for belonging 0 F26 Need for community ownership/participation 1 1 Self-Determination (F) – Total 2 Equity F31 Need to meet different student needs 1 1 (F) F32 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 0 F33 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 2 1 1 F34 40% drop-out rate of Black students 2 1 1 F35 Eurocentric education system 0 F36 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Equity (F) – Total 6 Other F41 Need for further research 0 (F) F42 Need for top-notch staff/educators 0 F43 Need for additional resources/supports 0 Other (F) – Total 0 Absence of Racism A11 Personal discipline and decision making 0 (A) A12 Illiteracy 0 A13 Problems are affecting all students 1 1 A14 Family support and parental involvement 0 A15 Discrimination/racism is minimal 0 A16 Poverty 0 A17 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 0 Absence of Racism (A) – Total 1 Segregation A21 Low standards in segregated schools 0 (A) A22 Segregation as fascist/racist 2 1 1 A23 Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 2 1 1 A24 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 1 1 A25 Promotes self-victimization 0 Segregation (A) – Total 5 Formal Equality A31 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 1 1 (A) A32 Privileges Africentric curriculum 1 1 A33 Does not support student success for all 0 A34 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 2 1 1 Formal Equality (A) – Total 4 Other A41 Lack of funding 1 1 (A) A42 Additional community consultation needed 0 A43 Need for further research 2 1 1 A44 Need for additional resources/supports 1 1 A45 Lack of support from provincial government 4 1 1 1 1

Other (A) – Total 8 75

Appendix H – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in The Globe and Mail

Article Edition Date Page Type Author Title Position Code Taken R1A ONT 26/01/2008 AA7 Letter Paul Zazulak Can black-focused schools work? Against R1B ONT 26/01/2008 AA7 Letter Kathy Millard Can black-focused schools work? For R1C ONT 26/01/2008 AA7 Letter Lenna Rhodes Can black-focused schools work? Against R2 ONT 27/01/2008 A15 Column Haroon Siddiqui Gaza, Afghanistan and black schools For R3 MET 28/01/2008 A6 Column Royson James Board shouldn’t shy away from ‘black’ school For R4 ONT 29/01/2008 A7 News Louise Brown Africentric studies buoy school: Inspiring pilot-test courses get For high marks from students, teachers R5 ONT 29/01/2008 A7 News Kristin Rushowy Board asks for order None R6 ONT 29/01/2008 AA7 Letter Joe Jacobs Segregation already exists For R7 ONT 29/01/2008 AA7 Letter David Gladstone Support, not schools, needed Against R8 MET 30/01/2008 A1 News Louise Brown Yes to black-focused school None R9 MET 30/01/2008 A9 News - Voices None R10 ONT 30/01/2008 AA5 Letter Cordel Browne Black students deserve a dedicated school For R11 MET 31/01/2008 A1 News Kristin Rushowy More black-focused schools? Province won’t help out but school None board chief says demand will drive size of the program R12 ONT 31/01/2008 A6 Column Jim Coyle Building a base to give a voice For R13 ONT 31/01/2008 A6 News Linda Diebel Family fuelled the fight: Nurturing support for young Jamaican For immigrants helped them battle as adults for Africentric school R14 ONT 31/01/2008 A7 News Daniel Girard Basic facts on black-focused schools: How many students, where None school will be, and who can attend among many questions R15 ONT 31/01/2008 A7 News - Michael Coteau for, Stephnie Payne against: Trustees explain their None vote R16 ONT 31/01/2008 AA4 Editorial The Toronto Star One black school is not a cure-all For R17A ONT 31/01/2008 AA5 Letter Arlene Terry A step forward or back For R17B ONT 31/01/2008 AA5 Letter Scott Vokey A step forward or back Against R17C ONT 31/01/2008 AA5 Letter Charles Cook A step forward or back For R17D ONT 31/01/2008 AA5 Letter Max Williams A step forward or back Against R17E ONT 31/01/2008 AA5 Letter Donna Knight A step forward or back For R17F ONT 31/01/2008 AA5 Letter Andrea Valentini A step forward or back Against R18 ONT 01/02/2008 A15 News Robert Benzie McGuinty turns up the heat on trustees: Pressure school board to None reverse decision, Premier tells citizens R19 ONT 01/02/2008 AA4 News - McGuinty cool to Africentric school Against R20 ONT 01/02/2008 AA5 Letter Jim Smith It won’t be easy for school to defy the odds Against

76

Appendix I – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in The Toronto Star , January 26 to February 1, 2008

Theme Arg. Argument Freq. R1A R1B R1C R2 R3 R4 R5 R6 R7 R8 R9 R10 R11 R12 R13 R14 R15 R16 R17 R17 R17 R17 R17 R17 R18 R19 R20

(F=For; Code

A=Against) Presence of F11 Black student disengagement 1 1 Racism F12 Systemic racism/discrimination 4 1 1 1 1 (F) F13 Low expectations of Black students 0 F14 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 1 1 Presence of Racism (F) – Total 6 Self- F21 Separation within current system 4 1 1 1 1 Determination F22 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 3 1 1 1 (F) F23 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 4 1 1 1 1 F24 Empowerment, by choice 4 1 1 1 1 F25 Will create a space for belonging 0 F26 Need for community ownership/participation 4 1 1 1 1 Self-Determination (F) – Total 19 Equity F31 Need to meet different student needs 5 1 1 1 1 1 (F) F32 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 3 1 1 1 F33 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 4 1 1 1 1 F34 40% drop-out rate of Black students 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 F35 Eurocentric education system 2 1 1 F36 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Equity (F) – Total 21 Other F41 Need for further research 1 1 (F) F42 Need for top-notch staff/educators 2 1 1 F43 Need for additional resources/supports 2 1 1 Other (F) – Total 5 Absence of A11 Personal discipline and decision making 0 Racism A12 Illiteracy 0 (A) A13 Problems are affecting all students 4 1 1 1 1 A14 Family support and parental involvement 4 1 1 1 1 A15 Discrimination/racism is minimal 0 A16 Poverty 3 1 1 1 A17 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 0 Absence of Racism (A) – Total 11 Segregation A21 Low standards in segregated schools 0 (A) A22 Segregation as fascist/racist 4 1 1 1 1 A23 Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 1 1 A24 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 0 A25 Promotes self-victimization 0 Segregation (A) – Total 5 Formal A31 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 2 1 1 Equality A32 Privileges Africentric curriculum 0 (A) A33 Does not support student success for all 0 A34 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Formal Equality (A) – Total 3 Other A41 Lack of funding 2 1 1 (A) A42 Additional community consultation needed 0 A43 Need for further research 2 1 1 A44 Need for additional resources/supports 0 A45 Lack of support from provincial government 3 1 1 1

Other (A) – Total 7 77

Appendix J – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in The Toronto Star

Article Edition Date Page Type Author Title Position Code Taken S1 - 24/01/2008 1 News Ron Fanfair TDSB must explore all options None to help Black youth: Ex-minister speaks out on Black-focused schools S2 - 24/01/2008 6 Column Lloyd McKell TDSB must include Africentric For perspective S3 - 24/01/2008 6 Editorial Share Black schools worth a try For S4 - 24/01/2008 7 Column Pat Watson Africentric schools need For committed teachers S5 - 31/01/2008 1 News Ron Fanfair TDSB approves Black-focused None school S6 - 31/01/2008 6 Editorial Share Finally! For S7 - 31/01/2008 7 Column Murphy Browne Hateful anti-Black graffiti at For York troubling S8 - 07/02/2008 1 News Ron Fanfair Wynne challenged to support None Africentric school S9 - 07/02/2008 5 News Ron Fanfair Jeffers to visit university where For he was a student activist S10 - 07/02/2008 6 Editorial Share McGuinty is wrong! For S11 - 07/02/2008 6 Column Lennox Farrell Leadership or cheerleader-ship For from premier? S12 - 07/02/2008 6 Column Sandra Carnegie-Douglas JCA urges community to support For decision S13 - 07/02/2008 7 Column Murphy Browne We cannot let McGuinty derail For school to help our kids S14 - 07/02/2008 7 Column Pat Watson What is McGuinty doing about For failing students? S15 - 07/02/2008 7 Letter June Veecock Disappointed with opposition to For TDSB decision 78

Appendix K – List of Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Africentric School in Share , January 24, January 31 and February 7, 2008

Theme Arg. Argument Freq. S1 S2 S3 S4 S5 S6 S7 S8 S9 S10 S11 S12 S13 S14 S15

(F=For; A=Against) Code

Presence of Racism F11 Black student disengagement 4 1 1 1 1 (F) F12 Systemic racism/discrimination 3 1 1 1 F13 Low expectations of Black students 3 1 1 1 F14 Student diversity not reflected in staff/educators 1 1 Presence of Racism (F) – Total 11 Self-Determination F21 Separation within current system 3 1 1 1 (F) F22 Neighbourhoods segregated by race/poverty 2 1 1 F23 Not segregation, school will be open to all children 0 F24 Empowerment, by choice 3 1 1 1 F25 Will create a space for belonging 0 F26 Need for community ownership/participation 4 1 1 1 1 Self-Determination (F) – Total 12 Equity F31 Need to meet different student needs 5 1 1 1 1 1 (F) F32 Within process for establishing Alternative programs 4 1 1 1 1 F33 Need for inclusive/culturally-relevant curriculum 2 1 1 F34 40% drop-out rate of Black students 9 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 F35 Eurocentric education system 2 1 1 F36 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Equity (F) – Total 23 Other F41 Need for further research 1 1 (F) F42 Need for top-notch staff/educators 4 1 1 1 1 F43 Need for additional resources/supports 4 1 1 1 1 Other (F) – Total 9 Absence of Racism A11 Personal discipline and decision making 0 (A) A12 Illiteracy 0 A13 Problems are affecting all students 0 A14 Family support and parental involvement 1 1 A15 Discrimination/racism is minimal 0 A16 Poverty 0 A17 Achievement gap has been misrepresented 0 Absence of Racism (A) – Total 1 Segregation A21 Low standards in segregated schools 0 (A) A22 Segregation as fascist/racist 0 A23 Removes multiculturalism, promotes cultural exclusion 0 A24 Diversity in schools fosters tolerance/understanding 0 A25 Promotes self-victimization 0 Segregation (A) – Total 0 Formal Equality A31 Will lead to more culturally segregated schools 0 (A) A32 Privileges Africentric curriculum 0 A33 Does not support student success for all 0 A34 Africentric curriculum should be in all schools 1 1 Formal Equality (A) – Total 1 Other A41 Lack of funding 1 1 (A) A42 Additional community consultation needed 0 A43 Need for further research 0 A44 Need for additional resources/supports 0 A45 Lack of support from provincial government 2 1 1

Other (A) – Total 3 79

Appendix L – Frequency of Themes and Arguments Made For and Against the Africentric School in Share