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The American Dream, As Defined by James Truslow Adams, Has Been

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The American Dream, As Defined by James Truslow Adams, Has Been The Character of the American Dream Nagayo Homma The American Dream, as definedby James Truslow Adams, has been not justa dream of materialaffluence, but also a dream of the self-fulfillmentof each individual.Indeed, as AngelloPellegrini ex- plains,there have been two American dreams-the collectiveand the individual,apart from the dream of the New World as El Dorado or an earthlyparadise. John Winthrop'slay sermon on "a City upon a Hill"has symbolizedthe American Dream of the collectivekind, whileBenjamin Franklin'sAutobiography has representedthe Ameri- can Dream on the individuallevel. On both levels-theindividual and the collective-theAmerican Dream has had an apocalyptic character-anend of the old and a beginningof the new. We may, therefore,approach the American Dream as a visionof paradoxical tension.The very successof buildingcommunity-for example,the Bible Commonwealth of colonialMassachusetts-as a viablesocial and economicorder has oftenbeen decriedas a betrayalof theoriginal dream. The faithin progresson the one hand and the apocalyptic ideologyof American Protestantismon the otherhave run through the developmentof American societyas contrapuntalthemes. The historyof American literaturehas been, in a sense,a history of the paradox of the American Dream as the American Nightmare. For examples, we can cite Nathaniel Hawthorne's "The Celestial Railroad,"Nathanael West's "A Cool Million,"and of course,F. Scott Fitzgerald'sThe Great Gatsby. But perhaps the profoundest nay- sayers against the American Dream were Henry Adams and Mark Twain. Defying the despair of these literaryfigures, however, the non-WASP immigrants of the latenineteenth and the early twentieth centuriesheld on to the American Dream, although the image of the Promised Land changed from America as a melting pot of human races to America as a societyof ethnic pluralism. Popular culture in America has been closelyconnected with the idea of the American Dream, as indicatedby studiesof advertisingduring the Depression and of popular novels during the affluentyears of postwar America. 215 In the early 1980s President Reagan seemed to have restored the national faith in the American Dream, but the decline of the tra- ditional orientation toward future generations and the blurring of reality and illusion in American politics accelerated by President Reagan's own actions seem to be making the future of the American Dream dim once again. H. Richard Niebuhr'sThe Kingdom of God in America Revisited:The ReligiousDimension of the American Dream Shoichi Oshimo Since early colonialtimes, religionhas been so closely related in various ways to the development of American cultureand one of the featuresof itsrelations to cultureis seen in the fact that religion served as a prolificsource of the American dream. Therefore,through the effortto explore how religionstirred successive aspirations of the American dream, we can clarifyan important part of the char- acterof American culture.But, at the same time,we may be involved in a difficultyof discerningreligious elements when aspirationsare transformed into the achievements of the secular world. "By devotingitself to the American dream," as William A. Clebsch emphasized, "religionhas been not only ambidextrous but ambivalent as well." Therefore, we should make an effortto comprehend the religiousdimensions of the American dream insteadof separatingthe religiousaspects-the sacred from secularachievements, the profane in the pursuit of the dream through the history of the American people. According to H. Richard Niebuhr we may admit that such dimensions as with which we are to deal are reveaied through the dynamic relationsbetween religionand culture or more precisely "Christand culture." Niebuhr sought to discover in The Social Sources of Denomi- nationalism (1929) the nature of the relationof religionto culture. Although this book has become a classicin the sociologyof religion in America, he was not satisfiedwith that approach. The sociological approach "seemed relevantenough to the institutionalizedchurches" 216 but he wished to explain "the Christianmovement which produced these churches." It is in this movement that Niebuhr tried to find the unity which American Christianitypossesses despite its many demoniational varieties.He also triedto explain in this movement "thisfaith which is independent ,...and which molds cultureinstead of being molded by it." These attempts were to be realizedin his The Kingdom of God in America (1937). The thesisof this book is that the idea of the kingdom of God had been dominant idea in the development of American Christianity, even though the idea had not always menat the same thing. "Ameri- can Christianityand American culturecannot be understood at all," he declared, "save on the basis of faithin a sovereign,living, loving God." Emphasizing the important role played by the idea of the kingdom of God in the mid-thirtiesNiebuhr suggested that thisidea seemed closely relatedto the American dream. We are surprisedto find thatNiebuhr's understanding of American religioushistory was so deep that it need not be modified by the resultsof continualrevisionism over half a century. At the same time it should be remembered that his understandingwas not only based on a scholarlyeffort of researchbut reflecteda sinceresearch for the American Dream. The American Dream: The Case of Wilson Hidesaburo Kusama Woodrow Wilson's dream was "to found the League of Nations and to see the United Statesplaying a major role there." Most of the studiesof the "League debate" seem to have been done on the basis of the conventionalview that Wilson'sLeague of Nations ideals died at the time of the Congressionalrejection of the Versailles treaties.The writer'sinterest is to examine the impact of Wilson's League idealson the U.S. response to the United Nations,the second- generationinternational peace organization,and then to re-examine the conventional view. The present writer used to view Wilson's League idealswith Arthur S. Link's "higher realism,"but recently, feelingthat viewpoint not sufficientto explain Wilson's diplomacy, 217 he has wanted to examine Wilson's League ideals and policies from the new viewpoint of their embodying the idea of "compensation for being the model nation." In Chapter 1 Universal CollectiveSecurity, the writer insistson Wilson's originalLeague ideal,with the U.S.A. itselfas the model, expressed as early as his days as presidentof Princeton University. Wilson'sattempt to globalizethe Monroe Doctrine can be interpreted as the one that Wilson could not accept the U.S. national interest alone while Japan's possible "Asian Monroe Doctrine" was being worried about. The billto approve the Versaillestreaties was rejected after a big debate. Truman, on the contrary,trying not to repeat Wilson's failure,consulted with Senator Vandenberg, who had been criticalof Roosevelt and Hull' about every problem concerning the U.N. plans. Thus, Truman thoroughly adjusted national interests. Therefore,the U.S. undertook overallcooperation with the U.N. ac- tivities.The firstpostwar decade or so can be said to be the years in which Wilson's dream was realized. In Chapter 2 Pioneer of Multiple InternationalCooperation, the writerintroduces Wilson's internationalsocial policies, modelled on his domestic policies.The writer'sintroduction also includes Wil- sonian diplomacy as carried out by Daniels, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico. In Chapter 3 National Self-Determinationand Limits, the writer points out that Roosevelt and the post-war leaders followed Wilson's progressiveprinciples and the conservativeapplication of them. In Chapter 4 U.N. Debate, the writerintroduces the views of about 20 American scholars segmenting each of the four decades U.N. activities. A Dream of 'the Great Society': LBJ's War on Poverty Revisited Wataru Omori In the Spring of 1964, PresidentLyndon Johnson was impatiently settingout an ambitious agenda of his own, intended to go beyond the 'Kennedy legacy'. The Great Society message of January 1965 illustratedthis. Its pivotalprogram was 'a nationalwar on poverty' 218 Whose outcome must inevitably be 'total victory'. Johnson was en- chanted with greatness. The seven-yearspan of the Great Society program Which witnessed arise of internal conflict and violence was in truth Without precedent in American experience. Why did the program developed in such an unexpected Way? An unconditionalWar on povertyseems to symbolizethe 1960's mood whose dominant theme was invincibility.The self-confidence suffered from a touch of hubris. According to Samuel H. Beer, 'both technocracy and romanticism foster illusions of perfectibility-in one case technological perfectibility; in the other, moral perfectibility- that lead respectively to overestimates of human power and under- estimates of human perversity.' The characteristicattempt of the Great Societyto try to do too much With too few resources,moral and material,was found in the implementationof the Community ActionProgram. The authorwrote in 1973 a paper on the origin,nature, and internalcontradictions of thisgreat national effort at socialchange. In retrospecta paradox of the antipovertyprogram seems to have been found in itsaiming at 'maximum feasibleparticipation' of the poor,whose powerlessness was consideredby the professionalreformers as the principalSource of theirinability to cope with theirsurroundings and to break out of 'theculture of poverty'. The professionalreformers Within the federal governmenttried to bring about socialchange throughthe manipu-
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