Fascismes D'hier Et D'aujourd'hui : Bibliographie, 1997
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The Political Discourse of Extreme Right in Western Europe in the Light of “Classical” Fascism: the Case of the Front National in France
THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF EXTREME RIGHT IN WESTERN EUROPE IN THE LIGHT OF “CLASSICAL” FASCISM: THE CASE OF THE FRONT NATIONAL IN FRANCE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY UTKU USTA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION DECEMBER 2007 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Sencer Ayata Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. RaĢit Kaya Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz (METU, ADM) Assist. Prof. Dr. Mehmet YetiĢ (AU, ADM) Instructor Dr. BarıĢ Çakmur (METU, ADM) PLAGIARISM I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Utku Usta Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF EXTREME RIGHT IN WESTERN EUROPE IN THE LIGHT OF “CLASSICAL”FASCISM: THE CASE OF THE FRONT NATIONAL IN FRANCE Usta, Utku M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. -
Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
Speaking Through the Body
DE LA DOULEUR À L’IVRESSE: VISIONS OF WAR AND RESISTANCE Corina Dueñas A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures (French). Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: Dominique Fisher Reader: Martine Antle Reader: Hassan Melehy Reader: José M. Polo de Bernabé Reader: Donald Reid © 2007 Corina Dueñas ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT CORINA DUEÑAS: De la douleur à l’ivresse: Visions of War and Resistance (Under the direction of Dominique Fisher) This dissertation explores the notion of gendered resistance acts and writing through close readings of the personal narratives of three French women who experienced life in France during the Second World War. The works of Claire Chevrillon (Code Name Christiane Clouet: A Woman in the French Resistance), Marguerite Duras (La Douleur), and Lucie Aubrac (Ils partiront dans l’ivresse) challenge traditional definitions of resistance, as well as the notion that war, resistance and the writing of such can be systematically categorized according to the male/female dichotomy. These authors depict the day-to-day struggle of ordinary people caught in war, their daily resistance, and their ordinary as well as extraordinary heroism. In doing so, they debunk the stereotypes of war, resistance and heroism that are based on traditional military models of masculinity. Their narratives offer a more comprehensive view of wartime France than was previously depicted by Charles de Gaulle and post-war historians, thereby adding to the present debate of what constitutes history and historiography. -
Éditorial Radicalisme De Droite : Un Antisystème Bien Ordonné
L a r e v u e [N 77] Belgique/Belgie pp Liège X 9/1447 Autorisation de fermeture n°9/168 Publication trimestrielle des Territoires de la Mémoire - Boulevard de la Sauvenière 33-35 - 4000 Liège - juillet - août - septembre 2016 N°d’Agrégation P401159 Éditorial Radicalisme de droite : un antisystème bien ordonné Le 23 mai 2016, il s’en est fallu de peu que le candidat du FPÖ autrichien, Norbert Hofer, devienne le premier chef d’État euro- péen issu d’un parti d’extrême droite à être élu depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. La victoire sur le fil du candidat écologiste Alexander Van der Bellen a été vécue par beaucoup comme un soulagement mais ne doit cependant pas éclipser le fait que le parti de feu Jorg Haider a réalisé à cette oc- casion le meilleur score de son histoire avec 49,65% des suffrages exprimés au second tour, soit 2.223.458 Numéro voix. Il est également interpellant de constater que le second tour s’est joué entre deux candidats qui n’ap- spécial partenaient pas aux deux grands partis traditionnels « Radicalisme autrichiens, le conservateur ÖVP et le social-démo- crate SPÖ, tous deux éliminés au premier tour avec de droite » un score avoisinant chacun 11%. En France, le dernier sondage IPSOS réalisé entre le 13 et le 22 mai 2016 crédite Marine Le Pen de 28% d’intention de vote, la qualifiant ainsi pour le second tour de l’élection prési- dentielle. Autre enseignement de ce sondage (et de bien d’autres semblables), l’absence d’un candidat issu de la gauche à ce même page une second tour. -
The European Extreme Right and Religious Extremism
Stőedoevropské politické studie Roÿník IX, þíslo 4, s. 263-279 Central European Political Studies Review Volume IX, Part 4, pp. 263-279 Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarykovy univerzity ISSN 1212-7817 The European Extreme Right and Religious Extremism Jean-Yves Camus1 This article was written as a part of the Research project Political Parties and Representation of Interests in Contemporary European Democracies (code MSM0021622407). Abstract: The ideology of the Extreme Right in Western Europe is rooted in Catholic fundamentalism and Counter-Revolutionary ideas. However, the Extreme Right, like all other political families, has had to adjust to an increasingly secular society. The old link between religion and the Extreme Right has thus been broken and in fact already was when Fascism overtook Europe: Fascism was secular, sometimes even anti-religious, in its essence. Although Catholic fundamentalists still retain strong positions within the apparatus of several Extreme Right parties (Front National), the vote for the Extreme Right is generally weak among regular churchgoers and strong among non-believers. In several countries, the vote for the Extreme Right is stronger among Protestant voters than among Catholics, since while Catholics may support Christian-Democratic parties, there are very few political parties linked to Protestant churches. Presently, it also seems that Paganism is becoming the dominant religious creed within the Extreme Right. In a multicultural Europe, non-Christian forms of religious fundamentalism such as Islamism also exist with ideological similarities to the Extreme Right, but this is not sufficient to categorize Islamism as a form of Fascism. Some Islamist groups seek alliances with the Extreme Right on the basis of their common dislike for Israel and the West, globalization and individual freedom of thought. -
Anti-Semitism, Adieu? on the Possible Abandonment of the Anti-Semitic Strategy by the French National Rally Under Marine Le Pen
I N T E R N A T I O NA L CO N F E R E N C E RCIC’20 Redefining Community in Intercultural Context Cluj-Napoca, 7-9 May 2020 ANTI-SEMITISM, ADIEU? ON THE POSSIBLE ABANDONMENT OF THE ANTI-SEMITIC STRATEGY BY THE FRENCH NATIONAL RALLY UNDER MARINE LE PEN Sergiu MIȘCOIU* * Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania Abstract: This article analyses the implications of the change in the National Front’s top leadership over the traditional anti-Semitic stances of the party. By studying the main reforms implemented by Marine Le Pen, this article shows that the dropping of anti-Semitism is at the same time not only a tactical move but not necessarily a genuine substantive change in the party’s ideology. Rather, like the party’s name change into the National Rally, it is a discursive adaptation on one hand to a general evolution of the French society (anti-Semitism being less entrenched in the public consciousness) and on the other hand to the particular conditions of the 2010s dominated by an increasing concern about the social, cultural and security-related consequences of the non-European and especially Muslim immigration to France. Keywords : far-right; anti-semitism; French politics; strategy; adaptation 1. INTRODUCTION of the National Front’s anti-Semitic discourse and the effective and possible implications of this The election of Marine Le Pen as head of process. In order to do so, I will first study the the National Front in January 2011 closed a page classic position of the National Front on the in the history of this political party and opened a “Jewish question” and the particular circumstances new one. -
Perles Et Poncifs Anti-Maurrassiens
Actualité de l'édition maurrassienne, 10. PERLES ET PONCIFS ANTI-MAURRASSIENS. A) Le dossier. B) Les bibliographies. Il reste à faire... Il reste en effet beaucoup à faire pour ramener à la raison tous les détracteurs de Charles Maurras. Mais il ne suffit pas d’avoir raison, encore faut-il le faire savoir, et se donner les moyens de le faire savoir. Comme témoins de cette ignorance crasse des idées de Maurras, et donc de l'ampleur de la tâche qui nous attend, nous avons retenu ici (seulement) quatre publications, deux revues, et deux livres. [1] 1/ La première de ces publications est la revue trimestrielle ‘Codex‘ (ex 'Histoire du christianisme magazine'), dont le n°4 (été 2017) publie un dossier relatif à ‘L'Action française’ (pages 33-85), sous la direction de Jacques Prévotat. Nous en avons déjà parlé, dans notre précédente page de présentation. Si cette revue bénéficie d’une présentation irréprochable qui lui donne une coloration "officielle" et respectueuse, ce dossier n’est qu’une suite d’agressions envers Maurras et l’Action Française, un dossier militant. Le fil conducteur des textes est le soit disant paganisme de Maurras, et sa volonté d’instrumentaliser la religion catholique. Ces reproches ne sont pas nouveaux, quelques prêtres intégristes les brandissaient déjà au début du vingtième siècle, des royalistes "légitimistes" rajoutèrent une couche et fournirent l’essentiel des arguments hostiles, un avocat belge germanophile lança un ballon d’essai, la fourberie de certains clercs fit le reste, et la démocratie-chrétienne en embuscade (non complexée par sa propre condamnation), profita de l’occasion pour provoquer insidieusement l’épuration des institutions proches du Vatican, pour ensuite les coloniser. -
Charles Maurras Y Los Nacionalistas Argentinos
Prismas - Revista de Historia Intelectual ISSN: 1666-1508 ISSN: 1852-0499 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de Quilmes Argentina Cersósimo, Facundo Charles Maurras y los nacionalistas argentinos. Recepción y “usos” en los años posperonistas Facundo Cersósimo Prismas - Revista de Historia Intelectual, vol. 21, núm. 1, 2017, Enero-Junio Universidad Nacional de Quilmes Argentina Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=387058506005 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Charles Maurras y los nacionalistas argentinos Recepción y “usos” en los años posperonistas Facundo Cersósimo Instituto Ravignani / conicet / ffyl-uba Introducción El 16 de noviembre de 1952 fallecía en Tours, Francia, el político y escritor Charles Maurras. Durante el siglo xx, el principal referente del movimiento monárquico Action française repre- sentó para ciertos círculos nacionalistas argentinos una fuente de recetas para interpretar e in- tervenir en el escenario político local. Tras una primera recepción en las décadas iniciales de dicho siglo, luego de su muerte fue recuperado en un renovado clima de ideas donde el catálogo de lecturas del universo naciona- lista se actualizó al calor de la guerra fría y el posperonismo. Es dicho momento el que nos interesa analizar aquí. Nuestra puerta de entrada será el aniversario de su desaparición física celebrado en 1972. La “Comisión Argentina de Homenaje a Charles Maurras en el xx aniversario de su muerte”, encargada de organizar las actividades, contó con la participación de un conjunto de figuras cuyas trayectorias mostraban heterogéneos recorridos y, para la época, apuestas políticas di- vergentes. -
La Défaite, La Capitulation, L'occupation
Simpo PDF Merge and Split Unregistered Version - http://www.simpopdf.com La défaite, 39 la capitulation, 40 l’occupation e 5 juin 1940, une nouvelle offensive de la Wehrmacht en direction du sud achève de bousculer les troupes françaises en déroute et entraîne un exode des populations civiles du nord de la France vers le Midi. Le 16 juin, jour où les Allemands passent la Loire à Orléans, le maréchal Pétain remplace Paul Reynaud à la tête du gouvernement réfugié à Bordeaux. Dès le lendemain, il demande à l’ennemi d’arrêter le combat. LHitler dicte ses conditions : l’armistice est signé à Rethondes, à l’endroit même où l’Allemagne avait signé l’armistice de 1918. M Le territoire français, amputé des départements du Nord et Le cabinet Paul Reynaud le 6 juin 1940 : au second rang, le général de Gaulle, du Pas-de-Calais et de l’Alsace-Lorraine, est divisé en une zone secrétaire d’Etat à la défense nationale . occupée et une zone dite libre, excluant toute ouverture sur Le général de Gaulle sortant M la façade atlantique. du ministère de la guerre L’armée est démobilisée, à l’exception d’une force de 100 000 hommes dite « armée d’armistice » destinée au « maintien de l’ordre intérieur ». La fl otte est désarmée et regroupée dans ses ports d’attache du temps de paix (quatre se trouvent en zone occupée). Les prisonniers de guerre (1.6 million environ) demeureront en captivité jusqu’à la conclusion du futur traité de paix. Sur le bord d’une route M L’occupation durera un peu plus de quatre ans. -
José Alejandro Marchena 6048269 Masterscriptie Geschiedenis Van De Internationale Betrekkingen Docent: Niek Pas Tweede Lezer: Rimko Van Der Maar 18800 Woorden
José Alejandro Marchena 6048269 Masterscriptie Geschiedenis van de Internationale Betrekkingen Docent: Niek Pas Tweede Lezer: Rimko van der Maar 18800 woorden French-Argentine Relations between 1964-1981: French State and Non-State Actors involved in Argentine Political Upheaval INDEX INTRODUCTION 2 1. 1957-1962 The Third Way and the French Mission. 6 1.1-Troisième voie, Tercera Posición. 6 1.2-The French Mission 1955-1962. 10 2. 1964-1970 The American Challenge and Adapting GR. 14 2.1-AMX 13/30. 16 2.2-OAS, traditionalist Catholics and French Colons. 19 2.3-El Cordobazo: Conclusion of the 60's. 22 3. 1970-1975 Gaullist Pompidou, Perón's last term. 25 3.1-French Business, applying GR, Perón and International Events. 28 3.2-Gérard Pied. 30 4. 1976-1981The Dirty War and French Influence. 35 4.1-Giscard d'Estaing and the End of the Junta. 35 4.2-Human Rights Defenders, Exiles and Island Disputes. 37 CONCLUSION 46 Bibliography 49 1 INTRODUCTION On 18 may 2003, French journalist Marie-Monique Robin interviewed Argentina's last dictatorial president Reynaldo Bignone in Buenos Aires, who ruled the country between July 1982 and December 1983.1 Robin was researching the French army's influence in teaching the Argentine military various counter-insurgency tactics of warfare, the findings of which she would later turn into a documentary and publish through a book. Bignone responded in the affirmative when he was asked about the French military influence in Argentina in the seventies: Je dirais même que le processus de réorganisation nationale lancé par le gouvernement militaire, en mars 1976, est une copie de la bataille d'Alger. -
Overview of Extreme Right Parties in France Gilles Ivaldi
Overview of Extreme Right parties in France Gilles Ivaldi To cite this version: Gilles Ivaldi. Overview of Extreme Right parties in France. 2002. halshs-00090338 HAL Id: halshs-00090338 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00090338 Submitted on 30 Aug 2006 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Overview of Extreme Right Parties in France Gilles Ivaldi Extreme Right Parties in France An overview Updated 8 July 2002 Background The Front national (FN) was founded in 1972 but remained electorally irrelevant until the mid 80s. The impact of the party on French politics was negligible until its first success in the 1983 municipal by-election in the city of Dreux where the extreme-right list led by Jean- Pierre Stirbois gained 16.7 per cent of the vote. This performance at the local level was followed by the impressive national breakthrough of the far right in the subsequent 1984 European election, with Le Pen’s party polling over 11 per cent of the votes cast. The National Front in Elections (1983-2002). Year Election % Note 1983 Municipal by-election 16.7 Jean-Pierre Stirbois, Dreux.