BOPO-PRIATION: Exploring the Effects Of

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BOPO-PRIATION:

Exploring the Effects of The Corporate Adoption of the Body Positivity Movement and

Audience Feedback on Women’s Perceptions of the Movement

Thesis

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the

Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Kyla Noni Elizabeth Brathwaite

Graduate Program in Communication

The Ohio State University

2020

Thesis Committee

Dr. David DeAndrea, Advisor

Dr. Teresa Lynch

Copyrighted by

Kyla Brathwaite

2020

Abstract

Our study examined two prominent factors that were thought to counteract the efficacy of body positive images on young women. First, we sought to understand the degree to which the nature of the source (user-generated content or corporate sponsored) of body positive images affected how viewers react to body positive content on

Instagram. Second, natural to the social media environment, we examined the degree to which the valence of user generated comments related to the body positive movement can influence how viewers responded to body positive images on Instagram. Four hundred and five adult women were recruited using Cloud Research powered by Turkprime. The results indicate that although participants recognized the commercial intent of corporate sponsored posts, this recognition of commercial persuasion did not negatively affect how participants evaluated the posts or the body positivity movement. Further, the valence of health-related comments (positive or negative) did not substantively influence how participants reacted to the body positive posts on Instagram. The results have implications for the persuasion knowledge model and provide insight for emerging research that seeks to understand the effects of body positive imagery on social media.

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Vita

M.A. The Ohio State University, Spring 2020

School of Communication

Advisor: Dr. David C. DeAndrea

Committee Member: Dr. Teresa Lynch

B.S. Cornell University, Spring 2018

College of Agricultural and Life Sciences

Major: Communication

Advisor: Dr. Michael Shapiro

Fields of Study

Major Field: Communication

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... iii Vita ...... iv List of Tables ...... vii List of Figures ...... viii Introduction ...... 1 Literature Review ...... 4 Mass Media Depictions of Women and Associated Problems ...... 4 Objectification Theory and Body Image ...... 6 New Media and Continued Body Image Concerns ...... 8 Body Positivity Movement ...... 11 Native Advertising ...... 16 Persuasion Knowledge Model ...... 17 Comment Valence ...... 23 Method ...... 28 Research Design Overview ...... 28 Participants ...... 28 Procedure ...... 28 Stimuli ...... 29 Measures ...... 32 Results ...... 34 Discussion ...... 38 References ...... 46 Appendix A ...... 58 Tables ...... 58 Appendix B ...... 64 v

Stimulus materials ...... 64 Appendix C ...... 70 Sample Captions and Comments ...... 70 Appendix D ...... 75 Survey Instruments ...... 75 Attention Checks ...... 78 Demographic Items ...... 79

List of Tables

Table 1: Zero-Order Correlations between all variables ...... 58

Table 2: Summary of Descriptive Statistics for Message Source Condition ...... 58

Table 3: Summary of Descriptive Statistics for Comment Valence Condition ...... 59

Table 4: Summary of Descriptive Statistics for Message Source x Comment Valence . 60

Table 5: One-Way ANOVAs for Message Source Condition ...... 61

Table 6: One-Way ANOVAs for Comment Valence Condition ...... 62

Table 7: Two Way ANOVA for Message Source x Comment Valence ...... 63

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List of Figures

Figure 1: Pulvers et al., (2013) establishes approximate size to BMI classification...... 64

Figure 2: Sample image of a Black female fitting obese criteria ...... 65

Figure 3: Sample image of Black females fitting overweight criteria...... 66

Figure 4: Sample image of a White female fitting average weight criteria...... 67

Figure 5: Sample image of a White female fitting obese criteria...... 68

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Introduction

Media content is often not representative of all female bodies. In fact, media depictions of women are incredibly homogenous. Western beauty ideals are Eurocentric in nature; the more closely an individual’s features align with features White women predominantly have, the more attractive they are considered by societal standards

(Bryant, 2013). Features desired include light skin, straight hair, thin facial features (e.g., nose and lips), and light eyes (Bryant, 2013). In addition, beauty ideals extend to body norms, or physical body characteristics such as able-bodiedness, thinness, shape, and age

(Dhruvarajan, 2002; Harrison, 2003; Malkin, Wornian, & Chrisler, 1994). Women featured in the media are typically young and slim in terms of physique (Malkin et al.,

1994). In addition, with respect to physique, Western beauty standards tend to put emphasis on women being curvaceously thin (e.g., small waist and an average or large bust; Harrison, 2003). Due to repeated exposure to young, thin, and able-bodied depictions of women in the media, female viewers can develop difficult to obtain beauty ideals (e.g., the thin-ideal). Research has illustrated how narrow beauty standards perpetuated by mass media content can contribute to body image disturbance in women, including increased body dissatisfaction, negative mood, and restrictive eating behavior

(Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008).

Compounding problems associated with mass media depictions of women, concern exists that female users of newer media such as Instagram are regularly sharing and viewing images that cohere to the same narrow beauty standards (Tiggemann &

Zaccardo, 2015). However, some social media users are employing online platforms to further a more inclusive view of feminine beauty. The body positivity (BoPo) movement, organized primarily through social media, seeks to challenge narrow appearance ideals by encouraging acceptance of bodies of any age, shape, size, color, sexuality or ability

(Cohen, Fardouly, Newton-John, Toby, & Slater, 2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016).

Members of the body positivity movement have used social media to amass a community of followers who can connect and post about a variety of issues pertaining to the female body such as the acceptance of normalized flaws (e.g., stretch marks, cellulite, body rolls) and the promotion of plus-sized models (Cohen et al., 2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016). By proliferating social media with images of women who do not conform to status quo beauty standards, the body positivity movement normalizes other types of bodies and diversifies the qualities that society deems beautiful.

Given the millions of body positive images posted on Instagram, researchers have begun to explore the degree to which the movement is achieving its intended outcomes

(Cohen et al., 2019a). For instance, a recent study (Cohen et al., 2019b) indicated that women who viewed body positive images on Instagram were found to have significantly higher state body appreciation scores, increased positive mood, and higher body satisfaction as compared to women who viewed images consistent with the thin-ideal

(i.e., images of women with a slender physique and little to no body fat; Ghaznavi &

Taylor, 2015). However, there is still a lot that is unknown about the efficacy of the body positivity movement in the natural social media environment.

This study seeks to examine two prominent factors that might counteract the ability of body positive images to have their intended effects in young women. First, the popularity of the body positivity movement on social media has attracted the attention of companies who have commodified the movement for advertisement purposes (Miller,

2016). We seek to examine the degree to which the nature of the source (organic user- generated content or corporate sponsored content) of body positive images affects how viewers react to body positive content on Instagram. Second, it is common for social media users to comment and react to body positive images shared online. We seek to examine the degree to which the valence of user-generated comments (positive or negative) can influence how viewers respond to body positive images on Instagram.

Literature Review

Mass Media Depictions of Women and Associated Problems

Mass media have played a significant role in the construction and reinforcement of female beauty standards over the years. For instance, television programming has perpetuated inaccurate representations of women’s weight (Brand & Wansink, 2016;

Fouts & Burggraf, 1999). A content analysis of TV character’s BMIs spanning from

1950-2015 found that as the BMI of the average American female increased by 25.8%, the average BMI of female TV characters decreased by 16.95% (Brand & Wansink,

2016). As such, women presented in television programming appear significantly thinner than the national average, thus reinforcing the concept of the thin-ideal.

Relatedly, Fouts and Burggraf (1999) found that female characters regularly received positive reinforcements about their weight, shape, and overall body appearance from other characters. Notably, male characters were found to make more positive comments about thinner female characters than those who were average or overweight. In addition, a small number of female characters offered positive reinforcement about other female character’s weight, shape and, bodies. Continuing, Fouts and Burggraf (1999) also found that amongst central characters, younger females tended to be over represented, and older central female characters were under-represented. Thus, the overrepresentation of the thin, young, female body—coupled with positive reinforcement about body shape and size—can instill in female viewers the perception that to be acceptable or even desirable, they must be young and thin.

Television media have not been the sole perpetuator of idealized beauty standards.

Women’s magazines also engender unhealthy perceptions about the female body (Luff &

Gray, 2009; Malkin et al., 1994; Wasylkiw, Emms, & Poirier, 2009). Both fitness and fashion magazines have been found to feature predominantly young Caucasian women with a thin physique (Wasylkiw et al., 2009), often appearing in revealing clothing

(Malkin et al., 1994). In addition, meta-analyses have indicated that between 1956 and

2005, the focus of written content in magazines has trended towards the thin-ideal with an increase in content focused on weight loss (Luff & Gray, 2009). Women’s magazine covers in particular are found to contain more content regarding bodily appearance and weight loss as compared to men’s magazines. In addition, weight related messages on covers often suggest weight loss as a solution to having a better life (Malkin et al., 1994).

The coupling of thin idealized images with text serves to reinforce body ideals. Idealized images serve as a visual source of body comparison, text serves as a reinforcement of those ideals and offer a solution to how audiences may attain an idealized body- thus creating a more powerful effect.

Research suggests that exposure to mass media depictions of the thin-ideal as a source of desirability can lead to body image disturbance in women. Meta-analyses indicate that body image satisfaction decreases, primarily in young women, after viewing thin media images in comparison to images of average, plus sized models or inanimate objects (Groesz, Levine, & Murnen, 2002). In addition, a stronger negative effect of thin- ideal media was found amongst adolescent girls under the age of 19 (Groesz et al., 2002;

Grabe, et al., 2008). Further studies have illustrated that exposure to idealized media

5 images predict a stronger drive to be thin through diet, exercise, and eating disorder symptomology (Botta, 2000; Fardouly, Pinkus, & Vartanian, 2017; Grabe et al., 2008).

Objectification Theory and Body Image

Researchers have examined female body image disturbance through the lens of objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1998). Objectification theory can be used as a framework to understand the impact of chronic societal sexual objectification of the female body. Media content often depicts women as objects of sexual desire more so than men. Frederickson and Roberts (1998) identify sexual objectification as the experience of being treated as a body, or collection of body parts that holds value from the use and pleasure provided to others. Objectification theory establishes that women are socialized to internalize an observer’s perspective when viewing themselves. The process of internalization can be understood through the tripartite influence model of body image and eating disturbance (Thompson & Stice, 2001). This model suggests that there are three primary influences in the development of body image disturbance and eating disorders: peers, parents, and the media. The model further suggests that the negative effects of media exposure on body image and eating outcomes are mediated (at least partially) by the internalization of the thin-ideal (van den Berg, Thompson, Obresmski-

Brandon, & Coovert, 2002). Thus, as a result of the internalization of societal norms about physical appearance, a woman’s attentiveness to her own physical appearance can be viewed as a method of determining how others (i.e., imagined observers) will view and subsequently treat her. Thus, objectification reduces a woman’s individual agency. A woman’s body is reduced to a conglomerate of parts used for the pleasure of others.

Thus, a woman’s attentiveness to her physical appearance is for the purpose of gaining the approval or meeting the social standards set by others. The more women habitually adopt a third person perspective to monitor their bodies, the more likely they are to experience increased levels of shame, anxiety, and body dissatisfaction.

Objectification theory is often looked at through a lens of the impact of media exposure to the thin ideal. Thin-ideal internalization is defined as the extent to which a person adopts societal ideals of attractiveness and engages in actions to correct any perceived appearance-based shortcomings (Thompson & Stice, 2001). Thin-ideal internalization is a result of social reinforcement; individuals see what behaviors or attributes are praised. Social reinforcement about thinness can stem from family, friends and the media. The development of new technologies such as social media allow individuals to yield a higher quantity of feedback from a larger number of sources. Thus, audience feedback through comments or likes on social media online can also contribute to social reinforcement of the thin ideal. Research has established that audience feedback, via comments, on social media that is negative or appearance can negatively impact disordered eating concerns and body satisfaction (Hummel & Smith, 2015;

Tiggmann & Barbato, 2018). With respect to body image, negative comments about weight gain, a constant focus on dieting, and the idealization of ultra-thin models all contribute to the perpetuation and internalization of the thin-ideal (Thompson & Stice,

2001). Greater thin-ideal internalization—which stems at least partially from repeated exposure to media content which objectifies women—can increase body image disturbance and disordered eating (Morry & Staska, 2001; Shroff & Thompson, 2006;

Stice, 2001). Given the role traditional media can play in causing negative body image outcomes in women, researchers have begun to explore how usage of newer and more connective technologies (i.e., social media) might lead to similar negative effects.

New Media and Continued Body Image Concerns

Body image concerns associated with exposure to mass media content are also apparent in newer media. For instance, social networking sites (e.g., Twitter, Facebook,

Instagram) allow both companies and the average person to share images online to large audiences. Unfortunately, platforms such as Instagram have been identified as places where appearance based social comparison is amplified and female users are exposed to images that reinforce the thin-ideal and other unhealthy beauty standards (Ghaznavi &

Taylor, 2015; Fardouly, Diedrichs, Vartanian, & Halliwell, 2015; Fardouly et al., 2017).

Research has shown that social media use, particularly increased Facebook usage, is related to an increase in negative mood and a decrease in appearance satisfaction

(Fardouly et al., 2015; Fardouly et al., 2017). There are several notable differences between traditional media and newer media that researchers have identified as potentially concerning for body image disturbance; of note is the power of user-generated content to be influential.

Researchers suggest that the perceived social distance between content creators and viewers can impact social comparison processes online. Social comparison theory suggests that people are constantly assessing their success and ability by comparing themselves to others (Festiger 1954). In the context of appearance centered research, the theory predicts that women compare themselves to societal based standards about

8 appearance and the body to assess their attractiveness (Evans & McConnell, 2003).

Offering a link between viewing, attitudes, and behavior, those who perceive a difference between themselves and targets of comparison have an increased motivation to “close the gap on that comparison” in an attempt to attain an image more closely aligned with the thin ideal (Botta, pp. 3, 2000). Fardouly and Vartanian (2015) suggest that peers are seen to have similar resources and lifestyles to their online observers, thus how they appear online may seem more attainable to viewers. Distant peers are thought to be the greatest source of social comparison (and, to a lesser degree, celebrities) on social media, as opposed to content shared by close friends and family. Although distant peers appear to be on a similar social status level to most social media viewers, a lack of personal contact between viewers and distant peers may hinder a viewer’s ability to adequately determine when images of distant peers are inauthentic and distorted to be consistent with status quo beauty ideals (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015). In fact, the issue of attainability has been argued as being a central component of why thin-idealized images have a negative influence on young women. While media depictions of women are largely unrepresentative of what the average female body looks like, research suggests that models are often thought to be relevant comparison targets (Buote, Wilson, Strahan,

Gazzola, Papps, 2011; Fouts & Bougraff, 1999). Although the ideal body type is largely unattainable for most women even with restrictive dieting and excessive exercise, Buote et al., (2011) found that upon exposure to the ideal female body type women reported that the ideal body was more attainable for themselves as compared to others. Buote et al.,

(2011) assert that women may hold themselves to a higher standard than others, thus they

9 believe that the thin ideal is attainable for them. As thin idealized media is shown to decrease body dissatisfaction and increase the drive to attain a thin physique through diet, exercise, and extreme diet restriction, these effects may be due the divide between what body is actually attainable and what women believe they can attain (Botta, 2000;

Fardouly et al.,2017; Groesz et al., 2002, Grabe et al., 2008).

Tiggemann and Zaccardo (2015) hypothesize that social media content can be especially problematic when images are perceived to be user-generated (i.e., from less socially distant sources). Viewers who engage in upward social comparison with distant peers may experience greater appearance dissatisfaction and greater body image concerns due to perceiving the peers as more socially close than the models and celebrities who appear in more traditional media. Photo-sharing online platforms, in particular, provide a potent environment for the transmission of potentially harmful images. For example,

Instagram has become a central online space for the organization of physique and appearance-focused photo communities that are organized though hashtags such as

#thinspiration and #fitspiration. Both communities are appearance-based and put emphasis on the body and appearance. “Thinspiration” images focus on inspiring weight loss in order to attain an unhealthy, and difficult to maintain, thin physique (Ghaznavi &

Taylor, 2015). In contrast, the “fitspiration” community is intended to be the antithesis to the thin-ideal (or thinspiration). Where thinspiration communities celebrate ultra-thin or waif bodies as beautiful, the fitspiration community encourages its members to be strong and healthy. While encouraging healthy life changes, fitspiration is also appearance centered and promotes the muscular ideal (tall, lean, perfectly proportioned) that may be

10 unattainable to most women (Slater, Varsani, & Diedrichs, 2017). Empirical studies have confirmed that both thinspiration and fitspiration images shared on social media have negative effects on body satisfaction, mood, and self-esteem (Tiggemann & Zaccardo,

2015; Slater et al., 2017). With this in mind, a new community has formed that seeks to combat the negative effects of dominant beauty ideals such as the thin-ideal and fitspiration that are perpetuated over social media.

Body Positivity Movement

Unlike images associated with thinspiration or fitspiration hashtags, the body positivity movement strives to challenge narrow, media perpetuated appearance ideals, such as having a thin physique or being without physical flaws, and to encourage increased representation and normalization of people with marginalized bodies (Cohen et al., 2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016). The body positivity movement finds its origins in the fat liberation movement of the 1960s. The purpose of the fat liberation movement was to address systemic discrimination against fat bodies in America by encouraging the public to think critically about how bodies outside the norm are viewed (Cohen et al., 2019a;

Cwynar-Horta, 2016). Following its predecessor, the body positivity movement aims to challenge the predominant thin-ideal messages perpetuated by the media by encouraging inclusivity, self-acceptance, and self-love (Cwynar-Horta, 2016).

The body positivity movement is primarily organized over the photo-sharing social media site Instagram. Similar to the way in which the thinspiration and fitspiration communities organize over social media, the body positivity movement is entirely user- generated. Users can connect on Instagram and incorporate hashtags into their captions to

11 bring awareness to body positive issues (Cwynar-Horta, 2016). Popular hashtags include:

#bopo, #bodyposi, #effyourbeautystandards, #plussize, #losehatenotweight, and

#riotsnotdiets. Posts that fall under these hashtags cover a variety of topics including critiquing dominant beauty ideals, celebrating diverse body sizes, and discussing the recovery from eating disorders (Cohen et al., 2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016).

Body positive research. Body positive research reframes the typical focus of body image research by investigating the impact of positive, or more inclusive, representations of the female body. Body positivity is grounded in body appreciation. In such work, body appreciation is examined and conceptualized as (a) having positive thoughts of the body regardless of actual appearance, (b) acceptance of the body despite noticeable divergences from media perpetuated ideals, (c) respect for the body by

“tending to its needs and engaging in healthy behaviors,” and lastly (d) rejecting unrealistic appearance ideals (Avalos, Tylka, & Wood-Barcalow, 2005, p. 286). Body appreciation research has indicated that women who report higher levels of body appreciation do not experience the negative impact of viewing thin-ideal images. In contrast, those who exhibit higher thin-ideal internalization and lower body appreciation are more likely to experience negative effects from exposure to thin-ideal images

(Halliwell, 2013). Thus, body appreciation may act as a buffer against the negative effects of viewing thin-idealized images in the media.

With the rise in popularity of the body positive movement on social media, researchers have shifted focus from the effects of thin-idealized images to images that are more inclusive of other body types. Body positive content distinguishes itself from that of

12 thinspiration and fitspiration content due to its focus on non-typical attributes of the body, appreciation for the body, and inclusivity. Research indicates that unlike fitspiration and thinspiration content, body positive content can positively affect women’s body image and self-worth (Cohen et al., 2019b; Ghaznavi & Taylor, 2015; Slater et al., 2017

Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015). Exposure to body positive content on Instagram is associated with improvement in women’s mood and body satisfaction (Cohen et al.,

2019b). In addition, women who have viewed body positive content tend to have greater body appreciation as compared to women who viewed thin-ideal content. Body positive imagery also diverges from thin idealized imagery as it challenges the notion of attainability. The positive impact that body positive content has on women is due to its broader conceptualization of beauty and appreciation for the body. Body positive imagery counteracts the attainability question because it highlights many different body types and perceived body flaws, thus reducing the harm related to a woman’s inability to achieve the ideal body because it is no longer so narrow. A content analysis of body positive posts on Instagram indicates that the posts are largely incongruent with traditional beauty ideals (Cohen et al., 2019a). Cohen et al. (2019a) found that body positive posts often showcase body characteristics such as cellulite, stomach rolls, and stretch marks; these perceived imperfections are celebrated and embraced as beautiful. Further, Cohen et al.

(2019a) report that many body positive posts emphasize body appreciation. Body positive posts often include critiques of societal beauty standards, while encouraging body acceptance/love, and positivity. Moreover, body positive content is more inclusive with respect to race and age than mainstream media content. Approximately half of the women

13 featured in body positive posts were White. One similarity to thinspiration and fitspiration content is that body positive content can also be objectifying and appearance focused. About a third of women featured in body positive posts wore revealing clothing and featured some degree of objectification, usually posing in a suggestive manner

(Cohen et al., 2019a). A heavy focus on appearance may stem from the usage of

Instagram, a picture sharing platform, as a means for organizing the body positive movement. One other explanation may be that the emphasis on appearance is intentional.

Body positive advocates may want to take up space in mainstream (new) media where marginalized bodies have never been the focus. Although body positive content appears to have some positive effects on viewers, its positive influence may be mitigated by increasing commercial/corporate appropriation of the body positivity movement.

Commodification of body positivity. Given the rise in popularity of the body positive movement through millions of posts under popular hashtags, there has been a noticeable shift in the source of body positive content produced online (Cohen et al.,

2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016). Companies have begun to recognize the power of the body positive movement and capitalize off of its imagery and messaging. Cwynar-Horta (2016) writes that companies have begun to claim to be body positive by posting make-up free social media ad campaigns, launching plus-size clothing lines, including plus-sized models in advertising campaigns, and using body positive affirmations as a convenient ploy to sell products. While the messages that these companies are promoting may seem noble, often these ad campaigns are not inclusive and still push a narrative of what acceptable beauty is. Miller (2016) argues that while the yoga industry encourages body

14 positive affirmations to attract community members, there is an lack of inclusivity within the industry. Miller (2016) explains that despite an intent to encourage body acceptance, there is a systematic overrepresentation of certain kinds of bodies , including having a thin physique or appearing as a White woman. Furthermore, there is a systemic overrepresentation of experiences that receive more attention, validation, acceptance, and support as compared to others. Those who do not fit stereotypical yoga bodies (i.e., thin/young/White/able-bodied). face marginalization in the practice of yoga as well as the profession. Miller (2016) suggests that this marginalization disproportionately affects non-White, curvy, or queer individuals. Other ways corporations undermine body positive values include Photoshopping flaws out of images or using plus-sized models who are closer to the “normative ideal body” (Cwynar-Horta, 2016, p. 42). Finally,

Cwynar-Hota (2016) suggests that body positive advocates online have begun to focus less on promoting body inclusivity and more on using body positive tropes to sell products and promote themselves. Over a third of “body positive” posts were classified as promoting commercial products or being self-promotional, indicating a shift in focus from body positive ideals to consumption practices (Cohen et al., 2019a). Body positive imagery is increasingly used to sell material items such as clothing, makeup, or jewelry

(Cwynar-Horta, 2016). Not only are purported body positive advocates capitalizing off of their social media followers, more often than not they are contributing to the perpetuation of some traditional appearance norms. A shift in the body positive narrative on social media from a more exclusive focus on body self-acceptance to a focus that includes using the popularity of the movement for economic or personal gain might hinder the ability of

15 the movement to achieve its original goals. Specifically, viewers might react differently to the same body positive content depending on how they perceive the producers of the content and their intentions.

Native Advertising

Native advertising is a tactic that many corporations use to integrate products into our online lives. Instagram has made it possible for advertisers to have access to millions of active and engaged viewers. Native advertising is defined as a variety of techniques by which sponsored (i.e., commercial) messages are made to look like non-advertising content to increase message effectiveness and decrease audience resistance (Johnson,

Potocki, & Veldhuis, 2019). Native ads include paid sponsorship ads, product placement in celebrity or influencer posts, or posts that look like they are shared by everyday users

(Boerman, Willemsen, & Van Der Aa, 2017; Johnson et al., 2019). Native advertisements are attractive to companies because by nature they are less obvious forms of marketing and fit organically into the media where they are embedded. As a result, audiences may not recognize the content as advertisements even if it is disclosed. Recently, the United

States Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has put regulations in place to protect consumers from deceptive advertisements in new media contexts. The FTC’s act on

“unfair or deceptive acts of or practices” forces companies who advertise over digital media to make it apparent when posts are sponsored (Federal Trade Commission, 2013).

Sponsorship disclosures may be incorporated into posts by using swipe-up links, including a sponsorship label to a post, tagging a brand, or including #ad in the caption of a post. Disclosures are useful in informing consumers about the intended purpose of posts

16 they encounter online, often triggering consumers’ persuasion knowledge (Boerman et al., 2017).

Persuasion Knowledge Model

The persuasion knowledge model (Friestad & Wright, 1994) can be used as a framework to understand how people respond to content that is intended for persuasive or commercial purposes. An individual’s knowledge of persuasion develops over time and is contingent upon life experiences such as social interactions and media exposure. The persuasion knowledge model seeks to explain how targets (i.e., receivers of persuasive content) identify and respond to persuasion agents (i.e., those who seek to persuade).

Once targets recognize a persuasive attempt, they seek to cope or respond to the attempt in a way that allows them to maintain control over the outcome of the attempt (Boerman, van Reijmersdal, Rozendaal, & Dima, 2018; Friestad & Wright, 1994). In the context of sponsored content, persuasion knowledge is understood as having a conceptual and evaluative dimension (Boerman et al., 2018). The conceptual dimension focuses on the recognition and classification of persuasion. Specifically, Boerman et al. (2018) assert that there are six components of the conceptual dimension of persuasion knowledge: (1) recognition of sponsored content, (2) understanding the selling and persuasive intent of sponsored content, (3) recognition of the commercial source of sponsored content, (4) understanding the persuasive tactics in sponsored content, (5) understanding the economic model, or industry, behind sponsored content, and (6) self-reflective awareness of the effectiveness of sponsored content. The evaluative dimension describes an individual’s attitude towards advertisements in general and specific formats. There are

17 three components of the evaluative dimension of persuasion knowledge: (7) skepticism toward sponsored content, (8) appropriateness of sponsored content, and (9) disliking of sponsored content.

Boerman et al. (2018) assert that while the aforementioned components provide a comprehensive treatment of persuasion knowledge in the context of sponsored content, researchers can employ specific components to test, apply, and advance the model. As previously noted, a central aim of this study is to examine how the source of body positive content (organic user-generated content or corporate sponsored content) affects how viewers react to such content on Instagram. To narrow our focus, we examine two conceptual and two evaluative components of the persuasion knowledge model of sponsored content. For the conceptual components, we seek to examine not only if individuals recognize corporate sponsored body positive content as persuasion, but also if they think critically about the implications of companies appropriating pro-social movements for advertising purposes. Thus, we examine components that distinguish the mere recognition of sponsored content from understanding the persuasive tactics involved in using the body positive movement for personal/commercial gain.

Recognition of sponsored content refers to the ability of audience members to differentiate sponsored content from other content seen on social media. Boerman et al.

(2018) indicate that recognition of sponsored content is an important pre-requisite to activating other aspects of persuasion knowledge. Although native advertisements are appealing to companies because they fit naturally into social media feeds, Boerman et al.

(2017) establish that sponsorship disclosure activates conceptual persuasion knowledge.

Specifically, consumers are more likely to recognize a post as advertising when it was transparently labeled as compared to when it is not. In the context of body positivity, all body positive content can be viewed as persuasive due to the fact that the movement is challenging dominant beauty ideals. However, for the purposes of this study we are interested in an additional form of persuasion, the influence of commercial intent.

Companies clearly signal their sponsorship or involvement with a post as they hope to garner a favorable public response from associating their brand with the body positive movement. When companies clearly signal their sponsorship or involvement with a body positive post, viewers should be able to recognize the corporate adoption of body positive content as advertising/persuasion. Accordingly, we propose the following hypothesis:

H1: Viewers are more likely to recognize body positive posts as persuasion when they are corporate sponsored posts relative to when they are user-generated posts.

Not only should corporate sponsorship of a body positive post influence perceptions regarding the presence of persuasion, it should also increase knowledge of the specific tactics the company is using to persuade viewers. Companies use a variety of techniques in order to enhance persuasion and attract audience attention. Friestad and

Wright (1994) suggest an individual’s beliefs about a company’s advertising tactics influences their persuasion knowledge and subsequent evaluations. For example, research suggests that consumer awareness of attention-getting tactics in advertisements lowers the persuasiveness of the ads (Campbell, 1995).

In the context of sponsored body positive posts on Instagram, we seek to examine viewer awareness of selling intent. Unlike some sponsored content wherein companies seek to mask or minimize their involvement with the sponsored content, companies often 19 clearly signal their involvement with sponsored body positive posts on Instagram.

However, they do design their posts to mimic content that is native to Instagram in order to minimize commercial intent and gain favor with audiences. Further, companies embed their advertisements in a liked context at two levels. At a broader level, the posts appear on a popular social media site (i.e., Instagram feed) and, within this popular platform, the posts mimic content (i.e., body positive posts) that many users view favorably.

Essentially companies are seeking to capitalize off of both the popularity of Instagram and the popularity of the body positive movement. Given that companies clearly signal their involvement with sponsored body positive posts, a consequence of this clear signaling should be an increase in viewer awareness of selling intent, i.e., masking of commercial intent through the user generated appearance of the post, that the companies are employing. Accordingly, we propose the following hypothesis:

H2: Viewer awareness of the selling intent associated with native advertising will be greater when body positive posts are corporate sponsored posts relative to when they are user-generated posts.

The two evaluative persuasion knowledge components we seek to examine are the appropriateness of sponsored content and (dis)liking of sponsored content.

Appropriateness of sponsored content refers to an individual’s beliefs about the “moral appropriateness of sponsored content” (Boerman et al., 2018, pp. 675). (Dis)liking of sponsored content refers to an individual’s attitude towards sponsored content. Within a traditional media context, Boerman, van Reijimersdal, and Neijens (2012) establish that sponsorship disclosure has a negative effect on brand attitude. They explain that a sponsorship label leads to higher levels of attention to advertising, triggering more

20 persuasive knowledge in viewers. This increased attention to persuasion can generate more critical attitudes about the brand and heighten resistance to the message itself.

Similarly, Johnson et al. (2019) establish that when exposed to three message types (user- generated vs. native ads vs. advertisements) participants evaluated user-generated posts more favorably and perceived them to be more credible than either type of sponsored post. Finally, Boerman et al. (2018) found that native advertisements were not more favorable than traditional ads in terms of ad attitudes, brand attitudes, and behavioral intentions. For these reasons, we expect both conceptual dimensions of persuasion knowledge to influence how much viewers (dis)like body positive posts on Instagram.

Specifically, we hypothesize the following:

H3a: Body positive posts are more likely to be recognized as persuasion when they are corporate sponsored posts relative to when they are user-generated posts, and thus will be viewed less favorably than user-generated posts.

H3b: Body positive posts that are corporate sponsored are more likely to be understood to have selling intent, and thus will be viewed less favorably than user-generated posts.

Beyond examining how source differences might influence the overall reaction viewers have toward body positive posts, we also seek to explore how viewers evaluate the moral appropriateness of specific tactics associated with sponsored body positive posts. In the context of sponsored body positive posts on Instagram, not only are companies seeking to influence viewers by seamlessly embedding ads in their social media feeds, they are also appropriating a pro-social movement for corporate gain.

Whereas some viewers might find it appropriate for a company to advertise its products

21 on Instagram, they might deem the tactic of co-opting a pro-social movement to sell products less morally acceptable.

This inappropriate commercialization of pro-social or cultural messaging can be found within other contexts. Motley and Henderson (2008) discuss how some African

Americans view the commercialization of hip-hop as inappropriate and undesirable.

Likewise, the company Benneton was criticized for its United Colors of Benneton campaign by those who believed the ad campaign commodified social issues for corporate profit. Issues such as racism typically covered by the news media or addressed in public service announcements were presented in Benneton advertisements with many finding the connection between important social issues and the sale of designer clothing ethically problematic (Tinic, 1997). With this in mind, in the context of our study we propose the following hypothesis:

H4: Body positive posts that are corporate sponsored are more likely to be understood to have selling intent, and thus will be viewed as less morally appropriate than user-generated posts.

In addition to investigating how source differences affect the way viewers evaluate the moral appropriateness of body positive posts, it is also interesting to examine what these differences mean for the efficacy of the body positive movement. The purpose of the body positivity movement is to challenge the predominant thin-ideal messages perpetuated by the media by encouraging inclusivity, self-acceptance, and self-love

(Cwynar-Horta, 2016). To achieve their goals, body positive posts are largely incongruent with traditional beauty ideals, highlighting body characteristics that are traditionally considered flaws (Cohen et al., 2019a). Also, thematically body positive

22 posts emphasize body appreciation, including critiques of societal beauty standards, while encouraging body acceptance, love, and positivity (Cohen et al., 2019a).

There is evidence that (relative to thin-ideal posts) body positive posts can improve how women feel about their bodies (Cohen et al., 2019a). However, it is less clear if body positive posts are able to influence viewers to adopt more inclusive beauty standards and whether any positive effects are diminished when companies share body positive posts. If social media users view corporate-generated body positive posts to be less favorable and less appropriate than user-generated posts, it stands to reason that they that would be less inclined to shift their attitudes and beliefs in a manner consistent with the aims of the body positive messaging.

H5: Body positive posts that are user-generated are more likely to promote inclusive beauty standards than posts that are corporate sponsored.

H6: Body positive posts that are user-generated are more likely to promote body appreciation than posts that are corporate sponsored.

Comment Valence

A hallmark of social networking sites is the production of content by users

(Walther & Jang, 2012). Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and

Instagram have given users the ability to publicly voice their opinions online about politics, pop culture, products, social activism, and more. The mobilization of the body positivity movement over social networking sites has allowed users to not only share body positive content, but also view and comment on what others post. With this in mind, it is worth examining how user comments can impact the effectiveness of body positive posts.

Empirical work confirms that the valence of user-generated comments made online can impact audience attitudes in a variety of contexts. Several studies indicate how online reviews or comments can increase how favorably viewers evaluate a target (e.g.,

Edwards, Edwards, Qing, & Wahl, 2007; Walther, DeAndrea, Kim, & Anthony, 2010).

For example, Edwards et al. (2007) found that students who read positive online comments about a teacher perceived the teacher to be more credible and attractive than students who did not read comments or read negative comments about the same instructor. Similarly, negative online reviews or posts can cause viewers to evaluate various targets more negatively such as news articles (Waddell, 2018), health messages

(Shi, Messaris, & Cappella, 2014), or other social media users (DeAndrea, 2012).

Overall, a meta-analysis examining the effects of online reviews indicates that both positive and negative reviews have the potential to influence how viewers evaluate products and businesses (Punawirawan, Eisend, De Pelsmacker, & Dens, 2015).

With respect to body image, previous work has shown that media depictions that reinforce or reward the thin ideal can negatively impact young women’s body satisfaction

(Wertheim, Paxton, Schutz & Muir, 1997). For example, a qualitative study by Wertheim et al., (1997) indicates that adolescent girls tend to watch their weight and are less satisfied with their bodies due to the influence of their family, peers and the media. With respect to the media, adolescents shared that media portrayals of thin, pretty women give off the impression that to “[people have] to look good to be a good person” which in turn triggers a negative comparison process (Werthiem et al., 1997, pp. 350). For example, in print media, ideal beauty standards can be endorsed through the coupling of thin

24 idealized images with text (e.g., weight loss tips) and can additionally serve as a reinforcement of beauty ideals (Malkin et al., 1994). The verbal and textual reinforcement of thinness seen in the media can translate to online environments. As there is evidence that appearance-related comments on social media can influence body satisfaction (Hummel & Smith, 2015; Tiggemann & Barbato, 2018), it stands to reason that user generated comments on social media posts where audiences view appearance centered comments about others may impact their own body satisfaction due to comments being a form of social endorsement.

Continuing, it is less clear how user comments that support or challenge health aspects of the body positive movement might affect the way viewers react to body positive posts online. Whereas some users might laud attempts to normalize and embrace all body types, others might challenge body positive posts for minimizing weight related health risks or causing people to misperceive their weight status (Muttarak, 2018). Past work suggests that online user comments have the potential to support or undermine health communication campaigns (Shi, Poorisat, & Salmon, 2018; Walther et al., 2010).

Given past research that demonstrates how the valence of comments can influence viewer attitudes of various targets (e.g., products, people, news articles), it stands to reason that positive or negative comments about the degree to which body positive posts promote a healthy lifestyle may also influence viewers. Thus, we propose the following:

H7a: Body positive posts with positive comments promote more inclusive beauty standards than body positive posts with no comments at all.

H7b: Body positive posts with positive comments increase body appreciation relative to body positive posts with no comments at all.

H8a: Body positive posts with negative comments promote less inclusive beauty standards than body positive posts with no comments at all.

H8b: Body positive posts with negative comments decrease body appreciation relative to body positive posts with no comments at all.

Although the valence of health-related comments that accompany body positive posts is expected to influence how viewers react to the posts, there is reason to suspect that the source of the body positive posts will moderate such effects. On Instagram, in particular, body positive images are likely to receive more immediate and enduring attention than user comments. Eye tracking research indicates that people fixate for a longer period of time on images relative to text when viewing print advertisements; a finding that is consistent with the general eye tracking literature (for review see Higgins,

Leinenger, & Rayner, 2014). More immediate and prolonged exposure to body positive images, relative to text-based comments, might moderate the influence of the user comments because viewers already have an established attitude toward the source of the body positive post and the body positive messaging. As outlined in H3a and H3b, we anticipate the nature of the source (user-generated post or corporate sponsored post) to influence how favorably viewers evaluate the source. Consistent with congruity theory

(Osgood & Tannenbaum, 1955) and its application to online media that contain multiple sources (Walther, Liang, Ganster, Wohn, & Emington, 2012) we anticipate that incongruent comments (e.g., liked source/negative comments) will be less influential than congruent comments (e.g., disliked source/negative comments). Specifically, we expect the influence of comment valence on inclusivity and body appreciation to be moderated

26 by the body positive source in a manner consistent with a contributory interaction effect

(Holbert & Park, 2019):

H9a: Body positive posts with positive comments promote more inclusive beauty standards than body positive posts with no comments at all, but the significant increase is greater when the comments accompany a user-generated post relative to a corporate sponsored post.

H9b: Body positive posts with positive comments increase body appreciation relative to posts with no comments at all, but the significant increase is greater when the comments accompany a user-generated post relative to a corporate sponsored post.

H10a: Body positive posts with negative comments promote less inclusive beauty standards than posts with no comments at all, but the significant decrease is greater when the comments accompany a corporate sponsored post relative to a user-generated post.

H10b: Body positive posts with negative comments decrease body appreciation relative to posts with no comments at all, but the significant decrease is greater when the comments accompany a corporate sponsored post relative to a user- generated post.

Method

Research Design Overview

A 3 x 2 between-subjects experiment was run to investigate the effects of the source of body positive posts (user-generated posts or corporate sponsored posts) and the valence of health related audience feedback on body positive posts (positive health comments, negative health comments, or no comment control) on the outcome measures.

Participants

A sample of 405 female participants were recruited from Cloud Research powered by Turkprime who received monetary compensation in exchange for their participation. All participants were required to pass an attention check. Participants ranged from age 18 to 81(M = 40.92 , SD = 40.92) , had an average body mass index

(BMI) of 28.18, SD = 8.85, and identified as “White/Caucasian” (n = 308), “African

American/ Black” (n = 41), “Hispanic/Latino” (n = 20), “Asian/ Asian American” (n =

18), “Multiracial” (n = 2), “Indigenous American/ American Indian” (n = 1) and

“Other” (n = 3).

Procedure

All procedures were submitted for approval by the Ohio State University’s

Institutional Review Board (IRB). Female participants were recruited from Cloud

Research powered by TurkPrime and received financial compensation for their participation. The study recruitment announcement referred to the study as “Evaluating

Photos on Instagram” and briefly described the task and study duration. Participants who chose to take part in the study were directed to an online Qualtrics survey where consent

28 was obtained. After participants provided consent, they viewed their randomly assigned stimuli then completed the questionnaire. After submitting their responses, participants were directed back to the original host site for compensation.

Stimuli

Body Positive Images. All body positive images were sourced from public

Instagram accounts that were not verified and had no more than 20,000 followers.

Examples of stimuli are included in Appendix B. Across all conditions, participants viewed 10 body positive posts; the images of the women in the posts were held constant across all conditions. Cohen et al. (2019a) was used as a guide to determine the content of body positive posts used as stimuli in this study. Cohen et al. (2019a) indicate that approximately 50% of body positive posts feature a White individual and approximately

50% feature women of color (e.g., 35.11% Black, 6.2% Asian). From this we opted to have five posts feature White women and the remaining posts to feature minority women.

With respect to age, Cohen et al. (2019a) indicate that the majority (65.58%) of images contained individuals in their 20s, followed by 22.20% appearing to be in their 30s,

4.30% in their 40s and 2.75% appearing older than 40. Again, we sought to mirror this age range in our selected images.

With respect to body related attributes, Cohen et al. (2019a) used the Current

Female Body Image Table (See Appendix B: Figure 1) to determine the range of body sizes in body positive posts. They determined that only 1.72% of body positive images were perceived as underweight (1-2), 25.81% as normal weight (3-4), 33.22% as overweight (5) and 35.11% as obese (6-9). Given the desire to hold the images constant

29 across conditions (including the negative health comment condition) and our interest in examining the promotion of body types that challenge status quo beauty norms, we excluded underweight body sizes, slightly underrepresented normal body sizes and instead focus on the majority of body positive images that depict overweight or obese women (2 normal weight, 4 overweight, 4 obese). With respect to body flaws, Cohen et al. (2019a) indicate that just under half (39.59%) of body positive images contain a person showing at least one flaw. In their work, body flaws included cellulite, stomach rolls/soft belly, stretch marks, acne/skin blemishes, body hair, facial hair, scars, wrinkles, and back fat rolls (Cohen et al., 2019a). Again, we opted to mirror these ratios by having

4 women with at least one body flaw and 6 women without any of the aforementioned flaws.

Lastly, Cohen et al. (2019a) indicate that body positive images vary in their degree of sexual objectification. Their content analysis indicates that 31.67% of body positive images showed a human in extremely or very revealing clothing, 30.36% in moderately revealing clothing, 25.13% in slightly revealing clothing, and 14.29% in not revealing clothing at all. Thus, we selected 3 images of women in extremely revealing clothing, 3 in moderately revealing clothing, 3 in slightly revealing clothing, and 1 image of a woman in clothing that is not revealing at all.

In the corporate sponsored post conditions, a small shopping cart icon appeared in the bottom left corner of each post; this cue is native to Instagram and common when posts seek to hyperlink to a purchasing opportunity. In addition, in each of the corporate sponsored posts, a small indicator of commercial intent was included. These indicators

30 were mirrored after what appears on Instagram posts such as (e.g., paid partnership signaling, a small icon indicating a sale, see Appendix B)

Captions. For examples of sample captions, see Appendix C. Each body positive image was accompanied with text below it, known as a caption, to be representative of

Instagram posts. Captions served two purposes. First captions served as a cue that the post is body positive in nature. Captions included common body positive statements such as critiquing beauty ideals, celebrating diverse body size, and encouraging self-love as well as popular hashtags: #bopo, #bodyposi, #effyourbeautystandards, #plussize,

#losehatenotweight, and #riotsnotdiets (Cohen et al., 2019a). The body positive messaging in the captions and hashtags was held constant across all conditions. Second, captions served as a cue to the nature of the source of the post (user generated vs. corporate sponsored). Captions in the corporate sponsored conditions included additional brief language that encouraged the purchasing of clothing products (e.g., “Check out our website, link in bio!”); the language mirrored the type of promotional statements that regularly accompany body positive posts on Instagram.

Comments. See Appendix C for examples of stimulus comments. All posts were accompanied by at least 1 user comment. In order to achieve more realism, comment numbers were on a sliding scale dependent upon the size of the woman in the photo.

Women who were categorized as obese received 3 comments, women categorized as overweight received 2, and women categorized as of average weight received 1 comment.

Comments positive in valence focused on the degree to which body positive posts promote a healthy lifestyle and affirmed the body positivity movement. Comments

31 negative in valence focused on the degree to which body positive posts promote an unhealthy lifestyle and criticized the body positivity movement.

Measures

State Body Appreciation Scale-2. The State Body Appreciation Scale (SBAS) was developed by Homan (2016) as a state measure of the body appreciation. The scale is used to assess the different dimensions of body appreciation such as body acceptance regardless of weight, and the rejection of unrealistic body ideals perpetuated by the media. The scale consists of ten items which are rated on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree). Example items include “I respect my body” and, “I am satisfied with my body.” Higher scores indicate higher state body appreciation (α = .95).

Ideal Body Stereotype Scale (IBSS-R). The six item IBSS-R subscale (Stice,

Rohde, Butryn, Menke, & Marti, 2016) was employed to measure participant’s awareness about sociocultural ideals and the desirability of certain bodily attributes (e.g., Slender women are more attractive). Each item was rated on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree). Higher scores indicate higher stereotype endorsement (α =

.90).

Persuasion Knowledge – Recognition of Sponsored Content. Adapted from

Boerman and colleagues (2012), one item was included that measured the extent to which the participants viewed the Instagram posts as advertising. The item was rated on a 7- point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree).

Persuasion Knowledge – Understanding of Selling Intent. Adapted from Tutaj and van Reijmersdal (2012), 4 items were used to measure the degree to which

32 participants understood the persuasive tactics and selling intent of the Instagram posts.

Each item was rated on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree; α =

.97).

Persuasion Knowledge – Appropriateness of Sponsored Content. From the

Persuasion Knowledge Scale (Boerman et al., 2018) this subscale asks participants to indicate how appropriate they find sponsored content. Participants viewed the statement,

“I think that showing body positive content in this manner on Instagram is” followed by bipolar five adjectives (e.g., inappropriate- appropriate). Each item was rated on a 7-point semantic differential scale (α = .97).

Evaluation of Image Source Favorability. This scale was adapted from

Vendemia and DeAndrea (2018). This 4 item scale assessed attitudes towards the accounts that shared the body positive posts. Participants viewed the statement “Accounts that show body positive posts like this are…” followed by four bipolar items (e.g., dishonest-honest). Each item was rated on a 7-point semantic differential scale (α = .94).

Results

Before conducting our primary analyses, we ran an induction check to examine if the comment manipulation was successful. As intended, individuals in the positive comment condition, M = 6.44, SD = 1.17, rated comments significantly more favorably than those in the negative comment condition, M = 1.85, SD = 1.63, F(1, 264) = 687.91, p < .001. See Tables 1-4 in the appendix for zero-order correlation matrix and means and standard deviations for each variable by the condition.

First, we examined if the message source factor directly affects recognition of sponsored content (H1). A one-way ANOVA indicated a significant effect, F(1, 402) =

836.74, p < .001, η2 = .67. Participants rated the posts in the corporate sponsored condition, M = 6.00, SD = 1.38, as containing advertising to a greater degree than the posts in the user-generated condition, M = 2.00, SD = 1.38. Thus, H1 was supported.

Next, we examined if the message source factor directly affected perceptions of selling intent (H2). A one-way ANOVA indicated a significant effect, F(1, 402) =

850.48, p < .001, η2 = .68. Participants indicated that the posts contained persuasive tactics to a greater degree in the corporate sponsored condition, M = 5.55, SD = 1.15, relative to the user-generated condition, M = 2.00, SD = 1.29, supporting H2. Complete results of all one-way ANOVAs are provided in Tables 5-7 in the appendix.

Hypothesis 3a predicts that corporate sponsored posts are more likely to be recognized as persuasion and thus will be viewed less favorably relative to user generated posts. All indirect effects were examined using Model 4 in PROCESS v3.4.1 (Hayes,

2018). The estimate of the indirect effect was not significant: point estimate = .02, 95%

CI [-0.56, 0.60]. As such, Hypothesis 3a was not supported.

Testing H3b, we examined whether the message source factor affected perceptions of post favorability through perceived selling intent. The test of mediation was not significant: point estimate = .01, 95% CI [-0.65, 0.62]. H3 was not supported as there was not an indirect effect of the message source factor via selling intent on post favorability.

Hypothesis 4 predicts that sponsored body positive posts are more likely to be perceived as having selling intent, and thus will be viewed as less morally appropriate relative to user generated posts. The test of mediation was not significant: point estimate

= .24, 95% CI [-0.23, 0.48]. Thus, hypothesis 4 was not supported. Complete results of all PROCESS analyses are provided in Tables 8-11 in the appendix.

Following, we tested H5 to examine the influence of the message source factor on audience acceptance of inclusive body standards. A one-way ANOVA did not indicate a significant effect, F(1, 402) = .026, p = .87, η2 =.00. There was no significant difference in audience perceptions of inclusive body standards between the corporate sponsored post condition, M = 3.88, SD = 1.33, and the user-generated post condition, M = 3.90, SD =

1.30. Thus, H5 was not supported.

We then tested H6 to examine the effect of the message source factor on body appreciation. A one-way ANOVA did not indicate a significant effect, F(1, 402) = 0.74, p

=.39, η2 =.002 There was not a significant difference in levels of body appreciation

35 between those in the corporate sponsored posts condition, M = 4.76, SD = 1.39 and the user-generated posts condition, M = 4.63, SD = 1.60. Therefore H6 was not supported.

Next we tested H7a/H8a to determine if the comment valence factor affects inclusive body standards. H7a predicted that body positive posts with positive comments promote more inclusive beauty standards than posts with no comments at all and H8a predicted that body positive posts with negative comments promote less inclusive beauty standards than posts with no comments at all. The omnibus one-way ANOVA was not significant, F(2, 401) = 0.72, p = 0.48, η2 =.004. There was no significant difference in audience perceptions of inclusive body standards between the no comment condition, M

= 3.91, SD = 1.39, positive comment condition, M = 3.78, SD = 1.31 and, negative comment condition, M = 3.97, SD = 1.24. Thus, H7a and H8a were not supported.

H7b predicted body positive posts with positive comments would promote more body appreciation than posts with no comments at all and H8b predicted that body positive posts with negative comments would promote less body appreciation than body positive posts with no comments at all. The omnibus one-way ANOVA bordered significance F(2, 401) = 2.94, p = .054, η2 =.014. The positive condition, M = 4.91, SD =

1.40, was not greater than the control, M = 4.73, SD = 1.57, and the negative condition,

M = 4.46, SD = 1.49, was not lower than the control, the positive and negative conditions did significantly differ, p = .027. Thus, while our overall hypotheses were not directly supported, the pattern was in line with predications in that there was a small effect of the valence of comments in the anticipated direction. Complete results of all one-way

ANOVAs are provided in Tables 5-7 in the appendix.

We then tested H9a/10a to examine if message source factor and comment valence factor would interact to affect audience acceptance of inclusive body standards.

H9a predicts that in addition to positive comments promoting more inclusive body standards relative to the no comment condition, that the significant increase is greater when the comments accompany a user-generated post relative to a corporate sponsored post. H10a predicts that in addition to negative comments promoting less inclusive body standards relative to the no comment condition, that the significant decrease is greater when the comments accompany a corporate sponsored post relative to a user generated post. A two-way ANOVA did not indicate a significant interaction effect, F(2, 398) =

1.16, p = .31, η2 =. 006. Thus H9a and H10a were not supported.

Lastly, we tested H9b and H10b to examine if message source factor and comment valence factor would interact to affect body appreciation. H9b predicts that in addition to positive comments promoting more body appreciation relative to the no comment condition, that the significant increase is greater when the comments accompany a user-generated post relative to a corporate sponsored post. H10b predicts that in addition to negative comments promoting less body appreciation relative to the no comment condition, that the significant decrease is greater when the comments accompany a corporate sponsored post relative to a user generated post. A two-way

ANOVA did not indicate a significant interaction effect, F(2, 398) = 1.39, p= .24 η2 =

.007. Thus hypotheses H9b and H10b are not supported. Complete results of all two-way

ANOVAs are provided in Table 7 in the appendix.

Discussion

The majority of our results were inconsistent with our hypotheses. Consistent with past treatment of persuasion knowledge in the context of sponsored content (Boerman et al., 2017), sponsorship disclosure directly influenced individuals' recognition of content as corporate sponsored as well as their understanding of the selling intent of the posts.

Previous work suggests that sponsorship disclosure hurts brand attitude relative to user generated content (van Reijimersdal & Neijens, 2012; Boerman et al., 2018; Johnson et al., 2019). Yet, the distinction in the commercial intent between corporate sponsored and user generated body positive content did not significantly influence perceptions about the posts; there was no significant difference in how people rated the appropriateness of the posts, the favorability of the posts, or in how the posts affected perceptions of body appreciation and inclusive body standards. Lastly, while our comment valence induction proved successful, the comments did not influence perceptions of body appreciation or inclusive body standards. Lastly, our hypotheses concerning the interaction of comment valence and message source on participant perceptions of inclusive body standards and 38 body appreciation were unsupported. In sum, the source of body positive posts, nor the valence of user generated comments affected viewers' perceptions of post favorability, moral appropriateness, body appreciation, or the perception of inclusive body standards.

These results, while inconsistent with our hypotheses are nonetheless interesting and can provide stakeholders key information in the efficacy of using body positive imagery and language.

Due to the proliferation of thin idealized images in the media, it is possible that the novelty of the body positive images and captions shown in this study outweighed the implications of the persuasive tactics that corporately sponsored content presumes. The purpose of the body positive movement is to challenge media perpetuated appearance ideals and to encourage increased representation and normalization of individuals with marginalized bodies (Cohen et al., 2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016). While the data illustrate that individuals understood that the body positive posts varied in their selling intent across the source conditions, the positive and novel nature of the content might have negated the effects that tend to occur when persuasion knowledge is activated.

Qualitative work suggests that some individuals tend to like advertising that can contribute to positive body image. Rogers, Kruger, Lowy, Long, and Richard (2019) found that when presented with images from the body positive Aerie Real advertising campaign, female respondents expressed greater purchase intentions for company products. Furthermore, participants described positive effects on their mood, self- confidence, and body image after encountering the campaign (Rogers et al., 2019). Also, past research indicates that average-size female models can successfully promote body

39 positivity (Diedrichs and Lee, 2011). Similarly, Paraskeva, Lewis-Smith, and Diedrichs

(2015) found that consumers perceive more representatively sized models to be effective in advertisements in promoting broadened appearance ideals and improved body image.

In the context of our study, perhaps the affirmative, positive nature of stimuli presented outweighed the persuasive nature of the corporate sponsored condition. Future research might involve investigating the efficacy of body positive posts with commercial captions unrelated to the movement to fully understand the nature of body positive content online.

As there is existing work (see Muttarak, 2018) that seeks to challenge the body positive movement by suggesting it minimizes weight-related risks or causes people to misperceive their weight status, our user generated comments focused on the degree to which body positive posts promoted a healthy lifestyle. As aforementioned, our comment valence induction proved successful, however, we found no significant difference in the effect of comment valence on body appreciation and inclusive body standards. These findings counter established research that online user comments have the potential to support or undermine health communication campaigns (Walther et al., 2010). Perhaps the inclusion of body positive ideals in all posts similarly superseded the comment valence manipulation as it did with the source induction. As our body positive stimuli attempted to mirror body positive content existing on Instagram which tends to encourage concepts such as body appreciation, acceptance, and ability at any size (Cohen, Newton-

John, & Slater, 2020), it stands to assume that this encouragement of body efficacy may overshadow implications that body acceptance encourages an unhealthy lifestyle.

Also, our hypotheses concerning message source moderating the effect of comment valence on participant body appreciation and perceptions of inclusive body standards were not supported. In formulating our hypotheses, we utilized the theoretical framework of congruity theory (Osgood & Tannenbaum, 1955) and its application to online media that contain multiple sources (Walther et al., 2012). We anticipated that incongruent comments (e.g., liked user generated source/negative comments) would be less influential than congruent comments (e.g., disliked corporate sponsored source/negative comments). In the case of our study, it is not that principles of congruency theory were not supported, rather it is that our source manipulation did not have the intended effects. As participants tended to like content from either source condition and seemingly were not affected by the valence of the comments, anticipated congruency effects on body appreciation and body inclusivity were nullified.

To fully understand the breadth of our results we next examined the impact of the efficacy of body positive posts on our sample as a whole. As our sample was comprised of a majority of Instagram users, we examined the relationship between Instagram use and some of the outcome variables. A review of the zero-order correlation matrix showed that individuals who were frequent Instagram users tended to like the posts more, thought the posts were more morally appropriate, and had higher state body appreciation. Yet,

Instagram use was also associated with increased thin-ideal internalization and, less inclusive body standards. Upon examination of the means for inclusive body standards and body appreciation, participants centered around having neutral attitudes concerning inclusive body standards and experienced moderate levels of body appreciation after

41 exposure to stimuli. Thus, exposure to body positive ideals and images did not seem to shift participant attitudes positively with respect to their attitudes about body inclusivity or their perception of their own bodies. So, how do we reconcile the association between

Instagram use and positive feelings towards body positive content with the association between Instagram use, thin-ideal internalization, and less inclusive body standards?

Social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) and the tripartite influence model of body image and eating disturbance (Thompson & Stice, 2001) may be useful in reconciling these conflicting findings. The tripartite influence model of body image and eating disturbance suggests that there are three primary influences in the development of body image disturbance and eating disorders: peers, parents, and the media (Thompson &

Stice, 2001). With the proliferation of thin idealized imagery in the media, especially that on Instagram alone, repeated exposure to these ideals might impact users' views about their bodies. The more individuals encounter these harmful images in their daily media consumption, the more they may believe these dominant beauty standards prevail, and thus the higher their thin-ideal internalization and lower levels of inclusive body standards. Continuing, social comparison theory suggests that people are constantly assessing their success and ability by comparing themselves to others (Festiger, 1954). In the context of body image research, the theory predicts that women compare themselves to societal based standards about appearance and the body to assess their attractiveness

(Evans & McConnell, 2003). It is possible that the exposure to body positive images of a diverse set of women allowed participants to make unilateral comparisons between themselves and the models shown. The diverse set of women might have made more

42 salient in participants' minds that all bodies are acceptable in the media, leading to greater body appreciation. Together, we might conclude that while body positive media influence moderate levels of body appreciation (Cohen et al., 2019b), brief exposure to body positive images may not be enough to buffer the influence of predominating beauty norms encountered in day to day Instagram use.

Moving forward, our study has practical applications. Given that we used cues natural to the Instagram environment to signal corporate sponsorship, we expect consumers’ recognition of the selling intent of sponsored content does not undermine the efficacy of the body positive movement. While this is positive news for companies that are seeking to expand their advertising content to include more inclusive imagery and body positive ideals, these findings should be considered with an abundance of caution.

Our study illustrated that under certain conditions body positive ideals are accepted in advertising. For example, if the focal image of the post were to change with respect to the degree of sexualization of the model, body type of the model, or perhaps even the gender of the model, audience reaction to the sponsored content may change. In addition, the nature of the caption or sponsored content might impact audience perceptions. For example, if the tailoring of the messaging within the post captions were to be less focused on body positive ideals, more product oriented, or focused on products that may encourage ideals opposite to that of the body positive movement (i.e., promotion of thinness via dieting or fitness plans), negative effects might ensue. With this in mind, more work is needed to fully understand the manner in which body positive content can be employed in advertising content while still maintaining the efficacy of the movement.

Limitations and future work. The current work has notable limitations worth mentioning. While our study used stimuli including conventionally attractive women of various ethnic backgrounds, ages and body types with varying degrees of sexualization, it may be useful to narrow future work to look at the impact of one or two of these factors on audience perceptions. As the body positive movement strives to encourage increased representation and normalization of individuals with marginalized bodies, it might prove useful for scholars to examine how solely increased representation of individuals with marginalized bodies in media outside of the body positive context (i.e., captions) affects viewer perceptions of body inclusivity (Cohen et al., 2019a; Cwynar-Horta, 2016).

Lastly, our study sought to examine the efficacy of body positive imagery after a brief exposure. Longitudinal studies where participants have repeated exposure to body positive stimuli might be needed.

Conclusion. Our study extends research on persuasion knowledge in native advertising contexts and contributes to emerging research that seeks to understand the effect of body positive imagery on audiences. Our results show that viewers did not react differently to body positive content that was user-generated or corporate sponsored on

Instagram. Further, positive and negative comments that accompanied posts had little to no effect on how participants evaluated the body positive content. Although the findings suggest that companies can use the body positive movement while promoting their products without doing damage to the movement, more work is needed to understand how the unique qualities of this study might have influenced the results and the

44 circumstances under which recognizing that body positive imagery is being used to sell products undermines the efficacy of the movement.

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Appendix A

Tables

Table 1: Zero-Order Correlations between all variables N = 405 Predictors 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. BMI - 2. Recognition .08 - 3. Appropriateness .09 -.002 - 4. Favorability .07 -.02 .85** - 5. Inclusivity -.07 -.02 -.35** -.33** - 6. Thin Ideal .01 .02 -.16** -.11* .40** - 7. Body Appr. -.33** .05 .04 .01 -.14** -.41** - 8. Instagram Use -.13** -.06 .20** .15* .12** .12** .04 - 9. Instagram Time -.05 -.01 .28** .20** -.06 -.08 .14* .c - M 28.19 3.86 5.44 5.57 3.89 3.66 4.70 .80 2.36 SD 8.85 2.15 1.71 1.57 1.31 1.61 1.40 .40 1.56

Table 2: Summary of Descriptive Statistics for Message Source Condition

User generated post Sponsored post (n = 193) (n = 211) Outcomes M SD Min Max M SD Min Max Recognition 2.00 1.38 1.00 6.00 6.00 1.38 1.00 7.00 Tactics 2.00 1.29 1.00 6.00 5.55 1.15 1.00 7.00 Body Inclusivity 3.90 1.30 1.00 7.00 3.88 1.33 1.00 6.60 Body Appreciation 4.63 1.60 7.00 4.76 1.39 1.00 7.00 1.00 N = 404

Table 3: Summary of Descriptive Statistics for Comment Valence Condition

Outcomes Comment valence M SD Min Max N Body Inclusivity No comment 3.91 1.39 1.00 6.60 138 Negative comments 3.97 1.24 1.00 6.60 133 Positive comments 3.78 1.31 1.00 7.00 133 Total 3.89 1.31 1.00 7.00 404

Body No comment 4.73 1.57 1.00 7.00 138 Appreciation Negative comments 4.46 1.49 1.00 7.00 133 Positive comments 4.91 1.40 1.00 7.00 133 Total 4.70 1.49 1.00 7.00 404

N = 404

Table 4: Summary of Descriptive Statistics for Message Source x Comment Valence

Dependent Source Comment M SD N Variable Body User No comment 3.78 1.39 138 Inclusivity Generated Negative 4.02 1.21 133 Positive 3.90 1.29 133 Total 3.90 1.30 404

Sponsored No comment 4.03 1.57 138 Negative 3.93 1.49 133 Positive 3.69 1.40 133 Total 3.88 1.49 404

Total No comment 3.91 1.39 138 Negative 3.97 1.24 133 Positive 3.78 1.31 133 Total 3.89 1.31 404

Body User No comment 4.52 1.39 138 Appreciation Generated Negative 4.40 1.24 133 Positive 5.02 1.31 133 Total 4.63 1.31 404

Sponsored No comment 4.93 1.57 138 Negative 4.53 1.49 133 Positive 4.82 1.40 133 Total 4.76 1.49 404

Total No comment 4.73 1.57 138 Negative 4.46 1.49 133 Positive 4.91 1.40 133 Total 4.70 1.49 404

Table 5: One-Way ANOVAs for Message Source Condition

Sum of df Mean F Sig. Partial Outcomes Squares Square Eta Squared Recognition Between 1608.97 1 1 836.7 .00 .67 groups 772.99 402 1608.9 5 Within groups 2381.96 403 7 Total 1.93

Tactics Between 1267.93 1 1.49 850.4 .00 .68 groups 597.82 401 8 Within groups 1865.75 Total

Body Between .04 1 .04 .02 .87 .00 Inclusivity groups 700.29 402 1.74 Within groups 700.34 403 Total

Body Between 1.66 1 1.66 .74 .39 .002 Appreciation groups 904.83 402 2.25 Within groups 906.49 403 N = 404 Total

Table 6: One-Way ANOVAs for Comment Valence Condition

Sum of df Mean F Sig. Partial Outcomes Square Square Eta s Square d Body Inclusivity Between 2.50 2 1.25 .72 .48 .004 groups 697.83 40 1.74 Within 700.34 1 groups 40 Total 3

Body Between 13.12 2 6.56 2.94 .054 .014 Appreciation groups 893.36 40 2.22 Within 906.49 1 groups 40 Total 3

N = 404

Table 7: Two Way ANOVA for Message Source x Comment Valence

Source Dependent Type III df Mean F Sig. Partial Variable Sum of Square Eta Squares Square Corrected IBSS 6.58 5 1.31 .755 .58 .009 Model Body App 20.70 5 4.14 1.86 .10 .02

Intercept IBSS 6107.88 1 6107.88 3504 .00 .89 Body App 8917.11 1 8917.11 4006 .00 .91

Source IBSS .037 1 .037 .021 .88 .00 Body App 1.25 1 1.25 .56 .45 .001

Comment IBSS 2.19 2 1.09 .63 .53 .003 Body App 13.59 2 6.79 3.05 .04* .01

Source * IBSS 4.05 2 2.02 1.16 .31 .006 Comment Body App 6.22 2 3.11 1.39 .24 .007

Error IBSS 693.75. 398 1.74 Body App 885.79 398 2.22

Total IBSS 6824.92 404 Body App 9855.07 404

Corrected IBSS 700.34 403 Total Body App 906.49 403

Note. IBSS refers to “Inclusive Body Standards; BodyApp. = Body Appreciation

Appendix B

Stimulus materials

Current Female Body Image Table – Pulvers, Bachand, Nollen, Guo, & Ahluwalia (2013)

Figure 1: Pulvers et al., (2013) establishes approximate size to BMI classification.

Sample Body Positive Images

Figure 2: Sample image of a Black female fitting obese criteria

Figure 3: Sample image of Black females fitting overweight criteria.

Figure 4: Sample image of a White female fitting average weight criteria.

Figure 5: Sample image of a White female fitting obese criteria.

Shopping Icon: A black shopping bag icon was placed at the bottom left hand corner of all sponsored posts.

Discount Indicator: Sponsored image included a percent off (i.e., 20%, sale ) or other sale indicators in the foreground of images.

Appendix C

Sample Captions and Comments

Sample Captions:

Body Positive User Generated 1. What do you love about you? There’s so many thinks things you should love about yourself. Your confidence, your smile, your spirit. Love YOU.❤

#bopo #ootd #selflove

2. All bodies are beautiful and strong . Every curve, shape and size is magnificent. Embrace your body.

#honormycurves #bopo #instastyle #styleinspiration #celebratemysize

3. Once you begin to see your own worth and beauty everything will change. Girl, strive to find these pieces within you and live them out.

#bopo #celebratemysize #whatiwore #ootd

4. Feel good about every roll, stretch mark or scar. It might take some time, but trust me it will feel amazing. �

#bopo #effyourbeautystandards #ootd

5. Be done shrinking your body �, shrinking your talent � and shrinking your ambition �. Take up space.

#allbodiesaregoodbodies #instagood #bopo #picoftheday #fun

6. Stop forcing confidence and start surrendering to self-acceptance. Practice loving yourself, and soon you will. �

#curvesfordays #bodypositive #instadaily #outfit

7. Confidence is about feeling worthy of being seen � and heard . Weight plays no role in that.

#lookbook #bodypositive #ootdfashion #honormycurves #bopo

8. Your beauty is not determined by the beauty of other women in the room. Don’t compare yourself.

#bodyacceptance #ootd #bodypositive #rebelliousselflove

9. You are beautiful. You are strong. LOVE your body.❤

#beautywithplus #bodypositive #ootd

10. We won’t be distracted by comparison if we are captivated by purpose.

#allbodiesaregoodbodies #bodypositive #ootd #instastyle #bopo

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3. Once you begin to see your own worth and beauty everything will change. Girl, strive to find these pieces within you and live them out.

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4. Feel good about every roll, stretch mark or scar. It might take some time, but trust me it will feel amazing. �

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5. Be done shrinking your body �, shrinking your talent � and shrinking your ambition �. Take up space.

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8. Your beauty is not determined by the beauty of other women in the room. Don’t compare yourself.

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9. You are beautiful. You are strong. LOVE your body.❤

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Sample Comments Positive 1. Promoting these body types is terrific! � 2. This is healthy! Thank you for normalizing this body size. � 3. You are doing society a great service � , this is so healthy! 4. Thank you for normalizing that all bodies are healthy �. 5. This is self-love❤. 6. Keep promoting self-love and positivity. � 7. This is promoting a healthy attitude about the body �. 8. Any size is healthy ☺. 9. Body representation is great! � 10. Showing body types like these is inspiring! � 11. Thank you for showing inclusivity is healthy. � 12. Seeing bodies like these is uplifting. � 13. I am proud to see bodies like these in the media. � 14. Normalizing all bodies is needed. � 15. All bodies are normal. � 16. All sizes are healthy sizes. 17. Showing bodies like these is helpful. 18. This is a healthy example of body image. 19. Body representation like THIS is much needed. 20. Thank you for inspiring us to get out and live no matter our shape or size. 21. No matter the size, this is the confidence we should all strive for. 22. Thank you for representing a population that’s size and shape doesn’t often get celebrated. 23. Beauty comes in all shapes, sizes and colors. 24. Thank you for fighting societal norms and shining spotlight to self-love and body positivity. 25. Loving the commitment to normalizing all shapes in the media. 26. Love seeing healthy curves of all sizes. 27. Thank you for showing we are worth more than a number on the scale. 28. Self- love is the first step to happiness, thank you. 29. It’s great to see representation of all body types/skin tones/cultural backgrounds. 30. No one should be excluded or shamed for their size, bravo! Negative 73

1. Promoting these body types is terrible! � 2. This is not healthy! Shame on you for normalizing this body size. � 3. You are doing society a great disservice �, this is so unhealthy! 4. Shame on you for normalizing that this is healthy �. 5. This is not self-love �. 6. Stop promoting obesity and negativity. � 7. This is prompting an unhealthy attitude about the body . 8. This size is not healthy �. 9. Body representation like this is not great! � 10. Showing body types like these is uninspiring! � 11. Shame on you, this is not inclusivity, this is not healthy. � 12. Seeing bodies like these is disheartening. ☹ 13. I am ashamed to see bodies like these in the media. � 14. Normalizing these bodies it not needed. � 15. These bodies are not normal. � 16. This size is not healthy. 17. Showing bodies like these is hurtful. 18. This is not a healthy example of body image. 19. Body representation like THIS is not needed. 20. Stop promoting obesity, you’re hurting yourself. 21. Being extremely overweight is not healthy, this is not inclusivity. 22. Nothing to be proud about destroying your body and health. 23. Celebrating excessiveness is irresponsible. 24. Self- love and acceptance includes loving yourself enough to treat it in a healthy and positive way. 25. This is promoting poor health decisions. 26. This is encouraging us to neglect our health. 27. You are doing society a disservice, this is unhealthy. 28. Lose some weight, that’s self-love. 29. Inclusivity is taking care of your body, this is not it. 30. Sad and unhealthy! This lifestyle leads to so many health problem

Appendix D

Survey Instruments

Outcome Measures

Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire -4R; Thin Ideal Internalization Subscale – Shaeffer, L.N., Harriger, J.A., Soderberg, T., & Thompson, K.J. (2015) Measurement: For each item, the following response scale should be used: 1 = disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = neutral, 4 = agree, 5 = strongly agree.

For each of these statements, please indicate how much you agree with these statements: 1. I want my body to look very thin. 2. I think a lot about looking thin. 3. I want my body to look very lean . 4. I think a lot about having very little body fat.

Endorsement of Beauty Ideals- Forbes, Collinsworth, Jobe, Braun, & Wise (2007)

Instructions: Please indicate your agreement with the following statements. (1 = strongly disagree; 7 = strongly agree)

Importance of Beauty: 1. A thin woman deserves more respect than a heavy woman. 2. It is more important for a woman to be pretty than to be smart. 3. Women with small breasts should get breast augmentation surgery. 4. The most important asset a woman can have is her looks. 5. A woman should not expect others to respect her unless she is slender. 6. A beautiful woman deserves more respect than a plain woman. 7. Making sure that she always looks attractive should be the number one concern for a woman. 8. If a woman can’t do a good job of taking care of her appearance, she probably can’t be trusted to do a good job at anything else. 9. Although it is not always true, overweight women often are not very intelligent.

Importance of Thinness: 1. In order to be attractive, a woman must be thin. 2. Thin women are more attractive than other women. 3. Women cannot be attractive if they are overweight. 4. It is hard to imagine how a man could find an overweight woman attractive. 5. Any woman who wants to look good will be careful to watch her weight.

Appearance > Competence: 1. In most situations, a woman will get further by being attractive than by being competent.

(R) indicates items to reverse score.

Ideal Body Stereotypes Scale – R – Stice, E., Rohde, P., Butryn, M., Menke, K. S,. & Marti, N. (2016) Measurement: For each item, the following response scale should be used: 1 = disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = neutral, 4 = agree, 5 = strongly agree.

For each of these statements, please indicate how much you agree with these statements: 1. Slender women are more attractive. 2. Women who are in shape are more attractive. 3. Tall women are more attractive. 4. Women with toned (lean) bodies are more attractive. 5. Shapely women are more attractive. 6. Women with long legs are more attractive.

State Body Appreciation Scale -2 – Homan, K.J (2016) Measurement: For each item, the following response scale should be used: 1 = strong disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = neutral, 4 = agree, 5 = strongly agree.

For each of the items below, choose the option that best describes how you feel RIGHT NOW, AT THIS VERY MOMENT: 1. Right now, I respect my body. 2. At this moment, I feel good about my body. 3. Right now, I feel that my body has at least some good qualities. 4. At this moment, I take a positive attitude towards my body. 5. Right now, I am attentive to my body's needs. 6. At this moment, I feel love for my body. 7. Right now, I appreciate the different and unique characteristics of my body. 8. At this moment, my behavior reveals my positive attitude toward my body; for example, I hold my head high and smile. 9. Right now, I am comfortable in my body. 10. At this moment, I feel like I am beautiful even if I am different from media images of attractive people (e.g., models, actresses/actors).

Persuasion Knowledge Scales

Recognition of advertising – Boerman,S.C., E.A. van Reijmersdal, and P.C. Neijens (2012) 76

Measurement: 1 = strongly disagree – 7 = strongly agree

Please answer the following questions based off of the Instagram posts you have just seen. 1. To what extent were the body positive posts you viewed advertising?

Understanding of the persuasive tactics in sponsored content and selling intent. - Tutaj, K., & E.A. van Reijmersdal. (2012) Measurement: 1 = strongly disagree – 7 = strongly agree

Please indicate the extent to which you agree with the following statements.

1. The aim of the Instagram posts previously viewed is to prompt the sales of products or services 2. The aim of the Instagram posts previously viewed is to influence your opinion 3. The aim of the Instagram posts previously viewed is to make you like certain products or services 4. The aim of the Instagram posts previously viewed was to make people like certain products/services

Appropriateness of the sponsored content - --Boerman, S., van Reijmersdal, E., Rozendaal, E., and Dima, A.L. (2018)

Measurement: 1—7 Semantic differential

Please indicate the extent to which you agree with the following statements.

I think that showing body positive content in this manner on Instagram is: 1. Inappropriate – appropriate 2. Unacceptable – acceptable 3. Wrong – right 4. Bad taste – good taste 5. Undesirable – desirable 6. Unfair – fair 7. Illegitimate – legitimate

Liking and disliking of the source – Vendemia, M.A. & DeAndrea, D. C (2018). Measurement: 1—7 semantic differential

Please indicate the extent to which you agree with the following statements. Accounts that show body positive posts like this are: 1. Dishonest – Honest 2. Untrustworthy – Trustworthy 77

3. Unintelligent – Intelligent 4. Bad – Good.

Attention Checks

Comment Valence Induction Check. - DeAndrea & Vendemia (2019). Please indicate your answer to the following question:

How positive were the comments below the pictures viewed? Measurement: 1 = negative – 7 = positive

General Attention Check. – Berinsky et al., (2013) People often use social media to share about their lives, connect with others and to keep up with peers near and far. We want to know which social media people use in their daily lives. We also want to know if you are paying attention to the question. To show that you’ve read this much, please ignore the question below and select Twitter and Instagram as your two answers.

When choosing to share about your life and to connect with others, which social media platform would you visit first? (Please only choose one)

Instagram Facebook Twitter WhatApp YouTube Myspace

Demographic Items

Body Mass Index- Garrow & Webster, 1985 Please indicate your height (in feet and inches) and weight (in pounds) in the space provided

BMI = (Weight in lbs x 703) / (Height in inches)2

BMI classifications: underweight (below 18.5); normal weight (18.5 -24.9); overweight (25.9); obese (30 or above)

Participant demographics: Age, sex, race/ethnicity

Age: ______

Sex: 1. Male 2. Female

Race: 1. White /Caucasian 2. Black/ African American 3. Hispanic/ Latino 4. Asian/ Asian American 5. American/ Pacific Islander 6. American Indian/ Indigenous American 7. Multiracial 8. Other