Bill of Rights in Action 35:3

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Bill of Rights in Action 35:3 Bill of Rights in Action SPRING 2020 Volume 35 No3 IMPEACHMENTAND THE CASE OF ANDREW JOHNSON Collection of the U.S. House of Representatives of House the U.S. of Collection Members of the House of Representatives delivering the formal notice of impeachment of President Andrew Johnson to the Senate on February 25, 1868. Impeachment to remove a government official has a long in American states. Conviction did not result in any history, but the grounds for it remain controversial. Congress penalty beyond removal from office. has impeached, tried, and acquitted three presidents: Andrew After the Revolutionary War, delegates from the states Johnson, Bill Clinton, and Donald Trump. Andrew Johnson’s impeachment was the first, and it highlights the controversies assembled in Philadelphia and wrote a Constitution for of this practice. the new United States. They designed ways to try to pre- vent the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of Impeachment originated in England where the government from becoming too powerful. House of Commons impeached or accused high officials The delegates debated the question of impeaching of serious misconduct such as accepting bribes. the president. George Washington worried about “some The House of Lords then tried the impeached official. aspiring demagogue who will not consult the interest of Members of the House of Commons, called “managers,” his country as much as his own ambitious views.” The prosecuted while the Lords judged. If convicted, the of- delegates finally decided impeachment was a necessary ficial was removed from office and could suffer other safeguard against a president who abused his powers. punishments, including prison and even execution. Some of the American colonies adopted the practice What Does the Constitution Say About of impeaching executive officials. After the Declaration of Impeachment? Independence in 1776, most states of the now-indepen- Article II, Section 4, states that the president, vice dent United States included impeachment in their con- president, “and all civil officers of the United States” stitutions. However, there was one important difference may be impeached and then removed from office if between the impeachment process in England and that convicted of “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and IN THIS ISSUE This and the Next Issue of Bill of Rights in U.S. History: Impeachment and the Case of Andrew Johnson Action Will Only Be Available Electronically! by longtime contributor Carlton Martz ...........................................................1 To receive notifications of when the electronic World History: The Kurds: Straddling the Map of the Middle East by Samer Badawi, a contributor to +972 Magazine....................................5 edition is available for download, sign up at www.crf-usa.org/bill-of-rights-in-action. U.S. History: ‘Every Man a King’: Huey Long’s Troubled Populism by Carlton Martz..................................................................................................8 See page 16 for more information. © 2020, Constitutional Rights Foundation, Los Angeles. All Constitutional Rights Foundation materials and publications, including Bill of Rights in Action, are protected by copyright. However, we hereby grant to all recipients a license to reproduce all material contained herein for distribution to students, other school site personnel, and district administrators. (ISSN: 1534-9799) misdemeanors.” The term “civil other words, an impeachment officers” includes judges and trial is a political, and not a other officials appointed by the criminal, process. president and confirmed by the The Founding Fathers re- Senate. Article I, Sections 2 and 3 Congress of Library jected impeaching someone state the procedures for the im- for making a mistake, using peachment process. The House poor judgment or committing of Representatives “shall have a minor crime. They appeared the sole power of impeachment,” to leave “other high crimes and the Senate “shall have the and misdemeanors” to be sole power to try all Impeach- clarified over time by the ments.” An official can only be House of Representatives in convicted by a vote of two-thirds actual impeachments. of the senators. Some today argue that only Under Article I, Section 3, the violation of some criminal the consequences of conviction law is within the meaning of include removal from office and “other high crimes and misde- disqualification from holding meanors.” The defense argued any future federal office. Once this in the Andrew Johnson and removed, the official would be- Donald Trump impeachment tri- come a private citizen, subject Senate Sergeant-at-Arms George T. Brown serving the als. Harvard law professor emer- to trial and judgment in crimi- summons on President Johnson for Johnson’s impeach- itus Alan Dershowitz was on ment trial in the Senate. Born in Scotland, Brown was nal and civil courts. Article II, elected in 1861 as the Senate’s first Republican sergeant- Trump’s defense team in 2020 and Section 2, prohibits the presi- at-arms, the Senate’s chief law enforcement officer. argued that “high crimes and mis- dent from pardoning anyone demeanors” originally were viola- who had been impeached. tions of “laws written or unwritten . [which] meant . at the time of the Constitution . common law crimes.” ‘Other High Crimes and Misdemeanors’ However, most constitutional scholars disagree. For Early in their debates on impeachment, the dele- example, Professor Frank O. Bowman III of University of gates at the Constitutional Convention chose to limit the Missouri School of Law wrote in 2020, “The almost uni- grounds for impeachment. They quickly agreed on trea- versal consensus — in Great Britain, in the colonies, son and bribery. in the American states between 1776 and 1787, at the The delegates debated other grounds for impeach- Constitutional Convention and since — has been that ment. Some were serious crimes like embezzlement of criminal conduct is not required.” public funds. However, they also argued for non-crimi- Most impeachments in American history have nal behavior like misuse of presidential powers. been of judges who serve life terms on “good behav- James Madison and George Mason realized that ior.” Fifteen federal judges have been impeached, but the list of offenses could be endless. They finally the Senate removed only eight of them from office. In joined to add to treason and bribery “other high less than a third of those impeachments, the House has crimes and misdemeanors.” The English often used specifically referred to a criminal law. this phrase in their impeachments, which referred to Besides these cases involving federal judges, the serious offenses and behavior that could include Senate has convicted and removed only five other im- criminal or non-criminal acts. peached federal officials. Most constitutional scholars According to Madison’s notes from the Convention, say that the writers of the Constitution purposely set the the delegates adopted “other high crimes and misde- two-thirds requirement for conviction by the Senate high meanors” without much discussion. They seemed to to make it rare. know that this phrase meant acts equal in seriousness to treason and bribery. Andrew Johnson vs. the Radical Republicans In Federalist Paper No. 65, Alexander Hamilton Andrew Johnson’s political career began in wrote perhaps the most quoted definition of im- Tennessee. He was a Democrat who won elections to peachable offenses: “The subjects of [an impeachment the House of Representatives, the governorship of trial] are those offenses which proceed from the mis- Tennessee, and finally the U.S. Senate in 1856. conduct of public men, or, in other words, from the Although he owned slaves and rejected abolition, abuse or violation of some public trust.” Furthermore, Johnson opposed Tennessee’s secession from the the offenses “are of a nature . POLITICAL, as they Union. When the state did vote to secede in 1861, relate chiefly to injuries done immediately to society Johnson feared for his safety and fled. He was the only itself.” (Emphasis added by Hamilton himself.) In Southern senator who did not resign his seat when his 2 U.S.WORLD HISTORY HISTORY BRIA 35:3 (Spring 2020) state seceded. In Lincoln’s re-election campaign of 1864, thus allowing Johnson to fire and replace him with the Republicans chose Johnson, still a Democrat, to run someone else with the Senate’s consent? The with Lincoln as his vice presidential running mate to Constitution did not say anything about this. As ex- draw Democratic voters. pected, Johnson vetoed the Tenure of Office Act. But Johnson ignored the plight of ex-slaves, called freed- Congress promptly overrode the veto. men, who were impoverished, landless, unemployed, After Johnson suspended Stanton and replaced and already subject to persecution and violence. He also him in 1867, the Senate reinstated Stanton. Johnson opposed granting freed slaves the right to vote. “As long finally fired and replaced Stanton on February 21, as I am president it shall be a government for white 1868, informing the Senate of his decision. Johnson’s men,” he declared. position was that the law was an unconstitutional The overwhelming Republican majority in Congress violation of separation of powers, and he violated it was split between moderates, who wanted Johnson to to test it in the courts. The Senate refused to confirm simply modify his plans, and the Radical Republican fac- Johnson’s replacement of Stanton and voted to rein- tion. Both groups wanted equal civil rights for the freed- state Stanton as secretary of war. Stanton even bar- men and their integration into American society. But the ricaded himself inside his office and ordered his Radicals strongly objected to Johnson allowing former replacement to be arrested. Confederate leaders to regain political power. Newly Just a few days later, on February 24, the House of formed Southern governments passed “black codes” that Representatives voted to impeached Andrew Johnson, restricted the freedmen’s rights. The Radicals demanded 126 to 47. He was the nation’s first president to face protection and equal rights for the freedmen.
Recommended publications
  • Huey Long, "Share Our Wealth" (1935) Speech in Congress, May 23 Huey Long Was the Charismatic Governor of Louisiana Who Was Elected to the Senate in 1930
    Huey Long, "Share Our Wealth" (1935) Speech in Congress, May 23 Huey Long was the charismatic governor of Louisiana who was elected to the Senate in 1930. Initially, he was a great supporter of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. But as the Great Depression wore on, Long grew increasingly convinced that Roosevelt’s New Deal programs were not adequately addressing the needs of the nation’s poor people. As a result, he introduced his Share Our Wealth program, which he described before Congress in the speech excerpted below. Long faced criticism from Socialists, Communists, and the Democratic Party, but he enjoyed huge popularity at home in Louisiana, and he even had the support of many progressive politicians. Long’s ambitions were cut short when he was assassinated by the son-in-law of a political enemy in 1935. It is impossible for the United States to preserve itself as a republic or as a democracy when 600 families own more of this Nation's wealth--in fact, twice as much--as all the balance of the people put together. Ninety-six percent of our people live below the poverty line, while 4 percent own 87 percent of the wealth. America can have enough for all to live in comfort and still permit millionaires to own more than they can ever spend and to have more than they can ever use; but America cannot allow the multimillionaires and the billionaires, a mere handful of them, to own everything unless we are willing to inflict starvation upon 125,000,000 people. God's law commanded that the wealth of the country should be redistributed ever so often, so that none should become too rich and none should become too poor; it commanded that debts should be canceled and released ever so often, so that the human race would not be loaded with a burden which it could never pay.
    [Show full text]
  • Huey Long Accomplishments Dr
    Senator/Governor Huey Long Accomplishments Dr. Frank J. Collazo January 3, 2013 Introduction Huey Pierce Long was born in Winfield, La. in 1893 to a middle class family. He liked to tell people he was from a poor background. This helped him relate to the poor people of Louisiana. He was expelled from high school for criticizing the faculty. Huey Long was a very intelligent man. He was able to pass the bar exam after only one year at Tulane Law School. Huey preferred to do battle with the powerful, large corporations and Standard Oil Company was his favorite target. Huey championed himself as a lawyer for the poor man and this strategy would benefit him politically. He had a definite plan for his rise to political power and was well on his way to becoming president before he was shot down in the new Louisiana State Capitol building that he had built by a young doctor named Carl Weis. Long took the nickname "The Kingfish," from the radio show Amos and Andy. He was a Democrat and noted for his radical populist policies. He served as Governor of Louisiana from 1928 to 1932 and as a U.S. senator from 1932 to 1935. Though a backer of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1932 presidential election, Long split with Roosevelt in June 1933 and allegedly planned to mount his own presidential bid. The Kingfish got much of his power in Louisiana by destroying his adversaries and rewarding his cronies. He also did much good for Louisiana by building roads and bridges and improving education.
    [Show full text]
  • Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and Anti-Intellectualism in the Public Sphere Ragan Updegaff Trinity University
    Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Speech & Drama Honors Theses Speech and Drama Department 9-16-2005 Freedom in Dialogue : Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and Anti-Intellectualism in the Public Sphere Ragan Updegaff Trinity University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/speechdrama_honors Part of the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Recommended Citation Updegaff, Ragan, "Freedom in Dialogue : Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and Anti-Intellectualism in the Public Sphere" (2005). Speech & Drama Honors Theses. 1. http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/speechdrama_honors/1 This Thesis open access is brought to you for free and open access by the Speech and Drama Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Speech & Drama Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FREEDOM IN DIALOGUE Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and Anti-Intellectualism in the Public Sphere __________________________________ ______________________________ Ragan Updegraff APPROVED: ______________________________ Dr. Andrew C. Hansen, Advisor ______________________________ Dr. L. Brooks Hill ______________________________ Dr. L. Tucker Gibson ______________________________ Dr. Sheryl Tynes Associate Vice President of Academic Affairs FREEDOM IN DIALOGUE Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and Anti-Intellectualism in the Public Sphere __________________________________ A SENIOR THESIS Presented to the Department of Speech and
    [Show full text]
  • Dear Chris, I'm a Fan of "All In" and Recently Began Listening to Your
    Dear Chris, I’m a fan of "All In" and recently began listening to your podcasts. In addition to being on the same wavelength politically, I particularly respect the intellectual rigor you bring to your work. Your focus on policy details, historical context and an appreciation for nuance are sorely needed in the political discourse of this day and age. I was especially eager to listen to your recent podcast with Rachel Maddow, as I routinely watch her show and have been following her Bag Man series. Around minute 12, you made a passing reference to Huey Long as a “demagogue” and “really corrupt” (with seeming assent by Rachel), which I think is unfair and not supported by the facts. This was especially disappointing coming from two of my favorite progressive commentators. Caricaturing Huey as a corrupt demagogue is part of a longstanding effort by those who oppose the progressive premise that government can and should work to improve the lives of the common man. Unfortunately, this mischaracterization of Long is often the extent of people’s familiarity with the man. If you have time to read 900+ pages on Huey Long, I would recommend T. Harry Williams’ authoritative biography, which won the Pulitzer prize and National Book Award (see https://www.amazon.com/Huey- Long-T-Harry-Williams/dp/0394747909). For an easier read, check out www.HueyLong.com, an educational site about Huey Long. (Full disclosure: I worked on the web design and development of this site back in 2006 and my wife is a descendant of Long's.) I think these resources would radically change your assessment of Long.
    [Show full text]
  • 01Amenta Intro 1-13.Qxd
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. INTRODUCTION The Townsend Plan’s Image Problem Because of the efforts of our national membership, the aged people of this nation today are receiving millions of dollars annually in the form of old-age pensions which they had never received before. This is the result of the individual work of our members carrying forward the message of security and thus making our nation pension-conscious. —Francis E. Townsend, 1943.1 With the exception of probably not more than a half-dozen members [of the House of Representatives], all felt that the Townsend [pension-recovery bill] was utterly impossible; at the same time they hesitated to vote against it. The Townsend [Plan] had the effect of taking away from the economic security bill its strongest natural support—that of the old people. —Edwin E. Witte, 1937.2 In the great depression, older Americans rallied behind a proposal. Francis E. Townsend, a sixty-seven-year-old physician from Long Beach, California, suggested that the government pay $200 per month for Americans sixty years old or older who agreed not to work and to spend the money right away. This pension-recovery plan would free jobs, end the Depression, and provide the aged with security. Dr. Townsend landed on the cover of Newsweek when a bill based on his idea was introduced in Congress in January 1935, as President Franklin D. Roosevelt forwarded his own social security legislation.
    [Show full text]
  • “Share the Wealth”: Huey Long Talks to the Nation
    “Share the Wealth”: Huey Long Talks to the Nation Huey Long first came to national attention as governor of Louisiana in 1928 and U.S. Senator in 1930. He ruled Louisiana as a virtual dictator, but he also initiated massive public works programs, improved public education and public health, and even established some restrictions on corporate power in the state. While Long was an early supporter of Franklin Roosevelt, by the fall of 1933 the Long-Roosevelt alliance had ruptured, in part over Long’s growing interest in running for president. In 1934 Long organized his own, alternative political organization, the Share-Our-Wealth Society, through which he advocated a populist program for redistributing wealth through sharply graduated income and inheritance taxes. As his national recognition (and ambitions) grew, he spoke with increasing frequency to national radio audiences. No politician in this era—except Roosevelt himself and Long’s sometime ally, Father Charles Coughlin—used radio as frequently and effectively. In this April 1935 radio address, Long sharply criticized FDR and the New Deal and then sketched out his alternative program. Huey Long : Now in the third year of his administration, we find more of our people unemployed than at any other time. We find our houses empty and our people hungry, many of them half-clothed and many of them not clothed at all. Mr. Hopkins announced twenty-two millions on the dole, a new high-water mark in that particular sum, a few weeks ago. We find not only the people going further into debt, but that the United States is going further into debt.
    [Show full text]
  • How Much Does Political Uncertainty Matter? the Case of Louisiana Under Huey Long∗
    How Much Does Political Uncertainty Matter? The Case of Louisiana under Huey Long∗ Gabriel Mathy Nicolas L. Ziebarth American University University of Iowa and NBER [email protected] [email protected] August 7, 2014 Abstract We study the role of political uncertainty on economic outcomes using the case of Huey Long's tenure as governor of Louisiana during the Great Depression. We construct two well-established measures of uncertainty specifically for Louisiana using primary sources for Louisiana: stock price volatility and newspaper mentions of uncertainty. Combining these uncertainty measures with employment data from the Census of Manufactures, we attempt to identify the effects of political uncertainty using the state of Mississippi as a control group. We find limited evidence for the significance of political uncertainty in a standard differences-in-differences framework, even when restricting our attention to border counties. Finally, we conduct an event study on the unexpected assassination of Long in September 1935, and again we find no effect on employment. We conclude that whatever political uncertainty was attributable to Huey Long mattered very little for economic outcomes. 1 Introduction Just as uncertainty engendered by the political process has been proposed as a cause of the current weak recovery, political uncertainty was put forward as a reason for the weak recovery from the trough of the Great Depression in 1933. For example, Schumpeter (1942), writing just after the Depression had ended, pointed to the New Deal as a main driver of this political uncertainty. Higgs (1997) focused on the second New Deal and attempted to document a widespread fear that property rights were potentially under threat.
    [Show full text]
  • Huey Long: Share Our Wealth (1935)
    Huey Long: Share Our Wealth (1935) Huey Long cemented his control as governor of Louisiana by using state power and state funds to improve social services; to build roads, bridges, and schools; and to reform tax codes. In 1932 he was elected to the u.s. Senate. Initially he supported Roosevelt's New Deal measures, but by 1935 he had broken with the president and launched his own "Share Our Wealth" movement as an alternative to the New Deal. He developed a large grassroots following across the country before being assassinated in 1935. From Congressional Record, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 7 May 1935, pp. 7049-7050. ...Here is what we stand for in a nutshell: 1. We propose that every family in America shall at least own a homestead equal in value to not less than one-third the average family wealth. The average family wealth of America, at normal values, is approximately $16,000. So our first proposition means that every family shall have a home and the comforts of a home up to a value of not less than $5,000. We propose that no family shall own more than 300 times the average family wealth, which means that no family shall possess more than a wealth of $5,000,000. And we think that is too much. The two propositions together mean that no family shall own less than one-third of the average family wealth, nor shall any family own more than 300 times the average family wealth. That is to say that none should be so poor as to have less than one-third of the average, and none should be so rich as to have more than 300 times the average.
    [Show full text]
  • Trump, Brexit, and the Rise of Populism: Economic Have-Nots and Cultural Backlash Faculty Research Working Paper Series
    Trump, Brexit, and the Rise of Populism: Economic Have-Nots and Cultural Backlash Faculty Research Working Paper Series Ronald F. Inglehart University of Michigan Pippa Norris Harvard Kennedy School August 2016 RWP16-026 Visit the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series at: https://research.hks.harvard.edu/publications/workingpapers/Index.aspx The views expressed in the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. Faculty Research Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. www.hks.harvard.edu Trump, Brexit, and the rise of Populism 7/29/16 8:20 PM Draft 7/29/16 8:20 PM Trump, Brexit, and the rise of Populism: Economic have-nots and cultural backlash Ronald F. Inglehart and Pippa Norris Ronald F. Inglehart Pippa Norris Institute for Social Research McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics University of Michigan John F. Kennedy School of Government Ann Arbor, Harvard University Michigan, 48106-1248 Cambridge, MA 02138 [email protected] [email protected] www.worldvaluessurvey.org www.pippanorris.com Abstract: Rising support for populist parties has disrupted the politics of many Western societies. What explains this phenomenon? Two theories are examined here. Perhaps the most widely-held view of mass support for populism -- the economic insecurity perspective--emphasizes the consequences of profound changes transforming the workforce and society in post-industrial economies.
    [Show full text]
  • LONG, HUEY PIERCE, 1893-1935. Huey Pierce Long Collection, 1926-1938
    LONG, HUEY PIERCE, 1893-1935. Huey Pierce Long collection, 1926-1938 Emory University Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library Atlanta, GA 30322 404-727-6887 [email protected] Descriptive Summary Creator: Long, Huey Pierce, 1893-1935. Title: Huey Pierce Long collection, 1926-1938 Call Number: Manuscript Collection No. 314 Extent: 0.25 linear foot (1 box) Abstract: Collection of Louisiana governor, senator and newspaper editor Huey Pierce Long, including material relating to his career and death. Language: Materials entirely in English. Administrative Information Restrictions on Access Unrestricted access. Terms Governing Use and Reproduction All requests subject to limitations noted in departmental policies on reproduction. Related Materials in This Repository Julian LaRose Harris papers. Source Gift, no date. Citation [after identification of item(s)], Huey Pierce Long collection, Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library, Emory University. Processing This finding aid may include language that is offensive or harmful. Please refer to the Rose Library's harmful language statement for more information about why such language may appear and ongoing efforts to remediate racist, ableist, sexist, homophobic, euphemistic and other Emory Libraries provides copies of its finding aids for use only in research and private study. Copies supplied may not be copied for others or otherwise distributed without prior consent of the holding repository. Huey Pierce Long collection, 1926-1938 Manuscript Collection No. 314 oppressive language. If you are concerned about language used in this finding aid, please contact us at [email protected]. Collection Description Biographical Note Huey Pierce Long (August 30, 1893-September 10, 1935) was born near Winnfield, Winn Parish, in northern Louisiana, the eighth of ten children of Huey Pierce and Caledonia (Tison) Long.
    [Show full text]
  • Huey P. Long, “Every Man a King” and “Share Our Wealth” (1934) Huey P
    Huey P. Long, “Every Man a King” and “Share our Wealth” (1934) Huey P. Long, “Every Man a King” and “Share our Wealth” (1934) Amid the economic indignities of the Great Depression, Huey P. Long of Louisiana championed an aggressive program of public spending and wealth redistribution. Critics denounced Long, who served as both governor and a senator from Louisiana, as a corrupt demagogue, but “the Kingfish” appealed to impoverished Louisianans and Americans wracked by joblessness and resentful of American economic inequality. He was assassinated before he could mount his independent bid for the White House in 1936. In the following extracts from two of his most famous speeches, Long outlines his political program. “Every Man a King” … We have a marvelous love for this Government of ours; in fact, it is almost a religion, and it is well that it should be, because we have a splendid form of government and we have a splendid set of laws. We have everything here that we need, except that we have neglected the fundamentals upon which the American Government was principally predicated. How many of you remember the first thing that the Declaration of Independence said? It said: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that there are certain inalienable rights for the people, and among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;” and it said further, “We hold the view that all men are created equal.” Now, what did they mean by that? Did they mean, my friends, to say that all men are created equal and that that meant that any one man
    [Show full text]
  • Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy Rebelling Against the Rich
    Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy Discussion Paper Series #D-75, August 2012 Rebelling Against the Rich: Lessons from the media’s coverage of the 1% divide By Nina J. Easton Shorenstein Center Goldsmith Fellow, Spring 2012 Senior editor-at-large, Fortune magazine With research by Sean Kates Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. I: Introduction Alexis de Tocqueville, arguably the first investigative journalist to ply U.S. soil, famously chronicled American society’s love of equality—and its equally passionate pursuit of money. “The love of wealth,” the French historian wrote in 1848, “is… at the bottom of all Americans do.”1 Forty years later, the Scotsman James Bryce also noted our “worship of wealth. The amazing fuss which is made about very rich men, the descriptions of their doings, the speculation as to their intentions, the gossip about their private life…He who builds up a huge fortune, especially if he does it suddenly, is no doubt a sort of hero, because an enormous number of men have the same ambition.”2 America stands out among Western nations for its grudging, and often fawning, admiration for the wealthy classes it produces. With the road to riches seemingly wide open, Americans favor aspiration over resentment, envy over animus. Except when they don’t. Rebellions against the rich—picked up and magnified by a usually sympathetic media—are as much a part of the fabric of American life as the Horatio Alger myth. In 2011, the nation still struggling under the weight of the Great Recession, the media became consumed with a modern-day version of economic populism: The “one-percent” divide.
    [Show full text]