ROLE OF NARRATIVES IN THE HINDU MUSLIM CONFLICT IN GUJARAT

By

RUCHI SHARMA B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2004

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In

CONFLICT ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT

We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard.

Hrach Gregorian, PhD Academic Supervisor

Fred Oster, PhD Program Head, Conflict Analysis and Management

Gregory Cran, PhD Director, School of Peace and Conflict Management

ROYAL ROADS UNIVERSITY August 2005

© Ruchi Sharma, 2008 Library and Archives Bibliothgque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'6dition

395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-64423-2 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-64423-2

NOTICE: AVIS:

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thdses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats.

The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celie-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimis ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission.

In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these.

While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. Canada Narratives in Guj arat 2

Abstract

The purpose of this research project was to examine the Hindu-Muslim conflict narratives in the city of Ahmedabad in Gujarat that has been polarized and segregated along religious lines by the violence in 2002. The research findings revealed that the narratives of the Hindus living in Ahmedabad contained themes of Muslim aggression, traditional antagonism and external affiliates. The research also revealed that Hindus with a higher level of inter-group interaction were less likely to report these narrative themes. The paper also presents a critical analysis of the myths and stereotypes contained in the Hindu collective narrative. It examines the role of this narrative in the maintenance and perpetuation of the conflict and presents recommendations for building peace in Gujarat. Narratives in Guj arat 3

Acknowledgements

This project has taken me a long time to complete and it would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people. I would like to take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt thanks to>

Hrach Gregorian:- my debt of gratitude to you is infinite. You are the best advisor a student can ask for. Your patience, encouragement, wisdom and humor have kept me sane throughout this process. Thank you for always showing me the light at the end of the tunnel.

Fred Oster & Greg Cran:- for taking me seriously and opening a lot of doors that would have otherwise remained closed.

Lauren:- for your animated chats and sympathetic shoulder. You rock!!

Iqbal Baig:- for your patience in dealing with my ignorance and for recommending such excellent books to increase my knowledge about the conflict.

Afroz Baig:- for your blind faith in me and for your encouragement, without which I might have given up.

Sushma Aunty, Bhavna, Vivek & Kenshuk:- for your incredible zeal and attitude towards this project. Without your resourcefulness, I would never have collected enough data.

Angirish family:- for inviting me so warmly into your lives and home.

Vicky Bhaiya:- for referring me to my first contact. You helped put things in motion.

Ballal, Hannan, Bhavna, Namrata, Rajah, Sagar & Shobha:- for keeping my spirits up. You're all my angels!

Siddarth & Paarth:- for your slogans, antics, jokes, distractions and total support. Thank you for showing me the lighter side of life.

Neeta Didi & Jijaji:- for giving me a home away from home and protecting me against my will ! :)

Mansi, Arnav & Rayan - for being a constant reminder of all the pure and good things in life.

Naniji & Ammi:- for seeking divine intervention for the completion of this thesis ! :)

Saima Shah:- for your crazy ideas, long discussions and humorous takes on the situation. Your spirit is truly ancient.:)

Rajiv & Anshu Gautam: for fighting so many battles on my behalf. Your support is invaluable. Narratives in Guj arat 4

My best friend, Sumaiya and My brother Sonu:- for bearing the brunt of my madness and not letting me quit. Your belief in me is the foundation of my self- confidence.

Jai:- for bringing magic into my life!! Narratives in Guj arat 5

Dedication

To My parents: Hari Gopal Sharma & Manju Sharma

My strength comes from your courage, my knowledge from your wisdom, my resilience from your patience.

You've made my dreams come true and given me the world. Narratives in Guj arat 6

Table of Contents

Abstract 2 Acknowledgment 3 Dedication 5 Table of Contents 6 Epigraph 7

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 10

CHAPTER 2: SCOPE OF THE CONFLICT AND RESEARCH FOCUS 12 Gujarat Background 12 Godhra Incident 15 2002 violence 17 Role of RSS, VHP, BD and Police 18 Evidence of State Backing and Discrimination 18 Post 2002 20 My Research Focus 21

CHAPTER 3: NARRATIVES AND CONFLICT 23 Narrative Definition 23 Collective Narratives 23 Formation of Narratives 24 Consequences of Narratives in Conflict Situations 27

CHAPTER 4: HINDU NARRATIVE 30 Hindu Narrative 31 Narrative Myths 32 Myths Present in Hindu Narrative 33 Founding Myth 34 Coming of Islam 35 Muslim Atrocities 36 Destruction of Temples 36 Humiliation of Women 36 Religious Persecution 37 Forced Conversions 38 Partition 39 Muslim Stereotypes 39 Privileged Muslims 42 Muslim Population 42 Fundamentalist Muslims 43 United Muslims 44 Terrorist Muslims 44

CHAPTER 5: ROLE OF HINDU NARRATIVES IN THE HINDU-MUSLIM CONFLICT IN GUJARAT 46 Source of Hatred 46 Cognitive Inferences 47 Criminal & Mafia elements 48 Economic Factors 50 Narratives in Guj arat 7

Riot Production 50 Political Mobilizations/ Social Movements 53 Processions 54

CHAPTER 6: RESEARCH QUESTIONS 56 Research Question 1 56 Hypotheses 56 Hypothesis 1.1 56 Hypothesis 1.2 57 Hypothesis 1.3 57 Hypothesis 1.4 58 Hypothesis 1.5 58 Research Question 2 59 Hypotheses 59 Hypothesis 2.1 59 Hypothesis 2.2 60

CHAPTER 7: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 61 Research Approach 61 Research Method 63 Ethical Issues and Considerations 64 Research Participants 66 Procedure 67 Research Limitations 68 Personal Biases 69

CHAPTER 8: FINDINGS 71 Research Question 1 71 Research Question 2 75 Additional Findings 78 Intergroup Interactions 78 The 'Other' Narrative 79 Narrative Analysis 80

CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION 82 Reputation for Aggression 82 External Affiliates 83 Traditional Antagonism 83 Additional Findings 84 Blame Attribution to Politicians 84 Inter-group Interaction 84

CHAPTER 10: RECOMMENDATIONS 86 Post 2002 Social Situation 87 NGO's In Gujarat 88 Recommendation 1: Utilize Positive Approaches to Peacebuilding 90 Recommendation 2: Focus on Education System 93 Recommendation 3: Promote Intergroup Contact Among Youth 94 Narratives in Guj arat 8

Recommendation 4: Use Narrative Mediation Techniques to Build a Counter Narrative 96 Conclusion 99

REFERENCES 100

FOOTNOTES 104

APPENDIX A: QUESTIONNAIRE 106

APPENDIX B: CONSENT LETTER 116

APPENDIX C: CODING SCHEME 116 Narratives in Guj arat 9

Epigraph

An error does not become truth by reason of multiplied propagation, nor does truth become error because nobody will see it.

Mahatma Gandhi Narratives in Guj arat 10

Chapter One - Introduction

"There is no such thing as fiction or non-fiction, there is only narrative"

E.L. Doctorow as cited in Henry, 1997, p.32

All groups have stories about the origin and history of their group. These

stories are a part of the group's collective narrative and serve as an organizing

principle for people to understand the purpose and meaning of their existence (White,

2003). In conflict situations, such collective narratives explain the eruption and

history of the conflict.

However, narratives often misrepresent history in order to glorify the in-group

and demonize the out-group. They contain biased stories that are based on selective,

distorted or invented facts. Still these narratives are accepted by group members as

true accounts of their group's past and form the basis for their psychological

investment in the conflict and their rationalization of conflict related violence.

(Kacowicz, 2005; Lieberman, 2006)

Opposing groups in conflict situations have narratives that reflect their distinct perception of history and events. Such polarizing narratives create a cycle of blame

and revenge where groups usually view themselves as victims and the others as perpetrators (Kacowicz, 2005). In such situations, conflict resolution and eventual reconciliation depend on changes in the collective narratives. (Rotberg, 2006)

In order to change narratives, we have to first analyze them. The purpose of this research project therefore is to examine the conflict narratives of the people living in the city of Ahmedabad, in the state of Gujarat, India. The primary objective is to analyze the effect of these narratives on the perpetuation and maintenance of the

Hindu-Muslim conflict. A secondary objective of the research is to determine possible approaches to building peace in this situation. Narratives in Guj arat 11

The following paper is divided into ten chapters. This introductory chapter is

followed by chapter two that outlines the scope of the conflict and my research focus.

Chapter three provides a definition of narratives based on the academic literature and

outlines their role in conflict situations. Chapter four presents the collective Hindu

narrative in India and critically examines the myths and stereotypes inherent in it.

Chapter five provides an analysis of the role of the Hindu collective narrative in the

Hindu-Muslim conflict.

Chapter Six outlines the research question and hypotheses. Chapter seven is an

overview of the project methodology. Chapter eight reports the findings of the research. Chapter nine presents a discussion based on the research findings. Finally,

Chapter ten outlines the researcher's recommendations for reconciliation and resolution projects. Narratives in Guj arat 12

Chapter Two - Scope of the conflict and research focus

Gujarat is a state in the north western region of India that accounts for 5% of the country's population and 6% of its geographical area. It has a booming economy with an average annual growth rate of 10-11%. Its prosperity is a result of its strategic geographical location and long coastline that have made it a major hub of trade and business activities in India. It is the centre for the national production of soda ash, salt and polished diamonds. It also has a robust steel industry and may soon be the 'petro-capital' of the country.

Gujarat's prosperity is not a new phenomenon. Since the time of its inception,

Gujarat has been famous for its wealth and this fame has attracted migrants from different cultures. Over time, their beliefs and traditions blended with local practices to create a colourful cultural mosaic. The Gujarati society today is an amalgamation of 289 different communities, out of which 186 can be classified as Hindu, 87 as

Muslim, 13 as Jain and 3 as tribal. Interestingly, all these communities speak a common language - Gujarati. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

However, despite the long history of tolerance and social harmony, there is little social unity in Gujarat. A clear example of this can be seen in Ahmedabad, one of Gujarat's fastest growing cities, where the city is physically divided along the lines of religion. Mixed neighborhoods have given way to religious ghettos where Hindus and Muslims live in an atmosphere of fear and hatred. (Sardesai, 2008)

In order to understand the simmering Hindu-Muslim tensions beneath the surface of Gujarat's prosperity, we need to examine its background.

Gujarat Background

For the last 10 years, the state of Gujarat has been ruled by the Bhartiya Janata

Party, or the BJP, as it is commonly known. This political party's strong base in this Narratives in Guj arat 13 state can be directly attributed to its association with the 'Sangh Parivar' - a joint council of several Hindu organizations.

All organizations in this 'Sangh Parivar' adhere to the 'Hindutva' (i.e., Hindu nationalism) ideology and promote Hindu interests in different ways. Some focus on mass mobilization, political organization, recruitment and paramilitary training; while others focus on promoting Hindu culture and raising awareness of its traditions and practices. A few of these groups, like the 'Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh' (RSS), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal (BD), have militant tendencies. These groups have played a major role in raising tensions among the

Hindus and Muslims in India. (Brass, 2003)

In Gujarat, they have aggravated matters through their campaigns for Hindu unity and Hindu nationalism. These campaigns are aggressive and militant and often lead to communal clashes. Yet these groups and their campaigns enjoy the loyal support of the Gujarati masses. (Yagnik & Sheth. 2005)

One of their most popular campaigns was the "Ramjanam Bhoomi Abhiyan" which sought to build a Hindu temple over the historic Babri Mosque in the city of

Ayodhya, in the state of Uttar Pradesh. The Sangh Parivar claimed that the Babri

Mosque was built on top of the ruins of an ancient Hindu temple that marked the birthplace of the Hindu God Ram. They also claimed that this temple was destroyed by a tyrannical Muslim ruler in order to suppress the Hindus. (Katju, 2003)

The Sangh Parivar groups sought to correct this historical wrong by building a

Ram temple on the site of the Masjid. It called upon the Hindus to unite in this holy effort. Across the nation, Hindus were asked to contribute by either giving bricks or volunteering themselves for the construction of the new Ram temple. (Katju, 2003) Narratives in Guj arat 14

Despite the intensive mobilization, the plans for construction could not go ahead. Muslim groups disputed the Sangh Parivar's claims and the matter was referred to the Supreme Court of India. However, while the factual claims of the campaign were still being debated by the Supreme Court, the Sangh Parivar groups went ahead and organized a Bhoomi Pujan ceremony (Groundbreaking ceremony) at the site of the Mosque in 1991. (Katju, 2003)

During this ceremony, volunteers of the RSS, VHP and Shiv Sena (a brother organization of the Sangh Parivar based in Maharashtra) broke through the police barriers and demolished the Babri Masjid in a matter of hours using toolbars and spades. (Katju, 2003)

The demolition, broadcast on live television, resulted in riots across the country. The states of Maharastra and Gujarat were the worst affected. Indians across the board were shocked at the level of collective degeneracy and unprecedented brutality witnessed in cities like Bombay and Surat. However, many Hindus caught up in the Sangh Parivar's campaign, felt vindicated by the demolition. Their support was a huge boost to national profile of the Sangh Parivar backed BJP party. (Bunsha,

2006; Katju, 2003; Nussbaum, 2007; Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

Riding on a wave of Hindu nationalism and anti-Congress government sentiments, the BJP subsequently came to power at the centre and state level. This led to an increase in the activities of the Sangh Parivar. (Bunsha, 2006; Yagnik & Sheth,

2005)

However, by 1998, some BJP legislators and ministers began protesting the overbearing presence of the RSS and its interference in political matters. In an effort to establish a secular party image, the BJP government wished to put the Hindutva agenda on the backburner, while the RSS sought to bring it to the forefront. This Narratives in Guj arat 15 conflict of interest began to tear the party apart. In Gujarat, the in-party fights and factionalism led the BJP to fare poorly in the village and district elections in 2000.

(Katju, 2003; Nussbaum, 2007)

Then in October 2001, in-party rebellion forced the chief minister of Gujarat to resign. He was replaced by Narendra Modi, a RSS worker and staunch Hindutva supporter. His rule led to increased RSS-VHP activities in the state and the Ram

Janambhoomi Campaign that had been sidelined by the previous government was brought to the forefront again. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

A large number of VHP volunteers from Gujarat began going to Ayodhya for

'karseva' - a campaign aimed at forcibly constructing a temple on top of the demolished Babri Masjid. Their attempts, though thwarted by the government, succeeded in reigniting tensions among Hindus and Muslims in the country. However, no one could have predicted the horror that was about to unfold.

Godhra Incident

On February 27, 2002, a train full of VHP-RSS volunteers returning from

Ayodhya arrived at the Godhra train station in Gujarat. The mood of these returning passengers, frustrated by their failure to construct the temple, was reportedly angry.

All reports suggest that they were a rowdy crowd. When the train stopped at the

Godhra station (a predominantly Muslim area), a few passengers alighted from the train and got into a fight with some local Muslims on the platform. When the train started to pull out, some of these passengers failed to get on board, therefore someone inside the train pulled the brakes to allow them to board the train. (Bunsha, 2006;

Concerned Citizens Tribunal, 2002a;Nussbaum, 2007; Puniyani, 2003a; Zakaria,

2002) Narratives in Guj arat 16

Meanwhile, the word of the fight spread to the nearby areas and generated a crowd of Muslims near the train station. While the train locks were being reset, the train passengers and the Muslim crowd began exchanging verbal insults. Soon the hate sloganeering and shouting escalated into stone throwing. The Muslim crowd began pelting the Hindu passengers with bottles and bricks and the Hindu passengers retaliated by pelting the crowd with sharp flint like stones that lie in the railway bed.

This continued until the vacuum locks reset and the train began to pull out. It had barely gone a kilometer when for reasons yet unknown, the train stopped again.

(Bunsha, 2006; Nussbaum, 2007; Zakaria, 2002)

Soon after the train stopped, one of its coaches (S6) erupted in flames. The local Muslims helped douse the flames and aid survivors. However, the fire had spread quickly in the over-crowded compartment and 58 men, women and children, almost all of them Hindu, were killed. (Bunsha, 2006; Concerned Citizens Tribunal

2002a; Nussbaum, 2007; Puniyani, 2003a)

As the fire had been immediately preceded by the skirmish with the Muslim mob, blame for the fire was immediately placed upon them. The general belief was that Muslims had thrown flaming kerosene soaked materials into the train or that someone from the mob had managed to board the train and dump a large quantity of flammable material in the coach and then ignite it. (Nussbaum, 2007; Puniyani,

2003a)

This view, broadcast nationally by many media channels, was widely accepted by people across the state. Conspiracy theories began perpetuating and soon the incident began to be portrayed as a partly organized terrorist activity. The nation, shocked and dismayed by the loss of innocent lives in such a horrific manner, clamored for action by the state government. (Bunsha, 2006) Narratives in Guj arat 17

Gujarat's Chief Minister, Narendra Modi promised them swift justice and the local police immediately began to round up Muslims alleged to be behind the incident. Meanwhile, the bodies of the victims were brought to Ahmedabad for a funeral procession organized by the VHP. And to enable people to grieve, the VHP called a "Gujarat Bandh" (strike) on Feb 28th', 2002. (Bunsha, 2006; Concerned

Citizens Tribunal, 2002a; Nussbaum, 2007; Puniyani, 2003a)

2002 Violence

The funeral procession on the 28th of February was accompanied by speeches and hate sloganeering. This further inflamed Hindu passions and the 'Bandh' soon turned into an anti-Muslim orgy of mass slaughter, arson and rape that continued for days until the army was allowed to step in and control the situation. (Bunsha, 2006;

Concerned Citizens Tribunal, 2002a; Zakaria, 2002)

The violence reflected a complete breakdown of law and order in the state wherein cities like Ahmedabad turned into battle zones. The Sangh Parivar claimed the violence was a justified retaliation by Hindu masses to avenge the Godhra killings.

Groups like the VHP, RSS and BD even assisted the violence by distributing weapons to volunteers and mobs. (Bunsha, 2006; Concerned Citizens Tribunal, 2002a; Yagnik

& Sheth, 2005; Puniyani, 2003a)

There is insurmountable and irrefutable evidence that these Hindus attackers were backed by the government and aided by the police. The mobs were highly organized and targeted Muslims across the state in a very systematic manner. Muslim businesses and homes all over Ahmedabad were ransacked and set on fire. Muslims men, women and children were burnt alive and even Hindus that had ties with

Muslims by marriage or business weren't spared. Muslims of all social classes had to Narratives in Guj arat 18 flee their homes to save their lives. (Bunsha, 2006; Concerned Citizens Tribunal,

2002a; Nussbaum, 2007; Puniyani, 2003a; Zakaria, 2002)

Role of the RSS, VHP, BD and the police.

During this period, the police either refused to help the people being killed or actively participated in the violence. They also took no precautionary actions and made no preventive arrests even though they had early inclination of the RSS, VHP and BD's activities and intentions. (Bunsha, 2006; Concerned Citizens Tribunal,

2002a; Zakaria,2002)

Before Godhra, these organizations had been spreading hate through speeches and pamphlets all over Gujarat. Weapons (trishuls - a three pronged weapon that symbolizes a Hindu God and swords) were openly distributed to people months before the Godhra incident. These groups had even conducted a systematic and exhaustive survey that later enabled them to draw up lists of Muslim homes and establishments to attack. However, despite all these illegal and clearly dangerous activities, the police chose not to act. (Concerned Citizens Tribunal, 2002a)

There is also evidence to show that after the Godhra incident, the police were instructed by senior government officials to allow a violent expression of Hindu sentiment. In fact, some officers that tried to do their duty and stop the violence were obstructed by their superiors, who were themselves influenced or pressured by the

RSS, VHP or BD. Some also claim that all the orders came directly from the Chief

Minister at the time, Narendra Modi. (Bhan, 2007; Bunsha, 2006; Concerned Citizens

Tribunal, 2002a; Puniyani, 2003a; Rajnish, 2007; Zakaria, 2002)

Evidence of state backing and discrimination

The state government's role in the violence was more directly visible through the actions of its elected representatives. Several BJP leaders directed the mobs that Narratives in Guj arat 19

targeted Muslims. Phone records have shown that these leaders were in constant touch with Sangh Parivar activists and the police. (Bhan, 2007; Puniyani, 2003a)

Several media exposes and sting operations conducted after 2002 have revealed that the attackers were promised complete immunity by BJP leaders. After

the violence, these promises were realized when at least a 150 VHP, BD and BJP

workers directly implicated by victim reports managed to evade arrest and

prosecution. Both the victims and police officials filing criminal reports were bribed

or pressured to drop the charges or reduce the severity of the offence. To cover up the

extent of the violence, the bodies of many victims were buried in unmarked mass

graves. (Bunsha, 2006; Concerned Citizens Tribunal, 2002a; Post-Godhra, 2005)

The state government also displayed a partisan attitude and callous approach

towards riot victims and refugees. The 2002 violence carnage had claimed the lives of

almost two thousand Muslims across the state and had displaced thousands more.

(Mander & Nanavati, 2006)

It is important to acknowledge here that during this time, some Hindus were

also killed by Muslim attackers and their deaths are no less significant. However, the

impact of the violence was substantially worse for the Muslims as compared to the

Hindus.

Initially, the government did not even wish to recognize the existence of

Muslim refugees. It refused to register the relief camps being run by the local NGO's

and provided no assistance in terms of water, food, medical aid, sanitation and

security. Persistent pressure and legal actions taken by several activists (for example,

the Citizens for Justice and Peace), eventually forced the Gujarat government to

assume responsibility for the relief camps. However, their actions continued to reflect

a complete dereliction of their constitutional obligation and duty. Relief supplies and Narratives in Guj arat 20 riot compensation were tied up in bureaucratic red tape and many camps were forcibly shut down. (Concerned Citizens Tribunal, 2002a; Puniyani, 2003a; Mander &

Nanavati, 2006)

Post 2002

The 2002 violence was horrific enough to warrant international attention. Still the national BJP coalition government ignored all calls for intervention in Gujarat.

Most BJP leaders either justified the violence or brushed it off as an understandable response to a provoking incident.

In Gujarat, the rising national criticism and international pressure led Chief

Minister Narendra Modi to resign from his post. Fresh elections were called in

December 2002 and many outside Gujarat expected him to be defeated, but Narendra

Modi returned to power with a landslide victory. Gujarat reiterated its support for

Hindu nationalists and turned into a hostile place for Muslims and those who supported them. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

The Gujarat government began rejecting any discussion of the violence in the media as exaggerations of partisan individuals out to malign Gujarat and the perpetrators simply shrugged off any responsibility and guilt. Both truth and justice fell victim to politics and power. Hatred and fear began ruling the state. (Bunsha,

2006; Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

In Ahmedabad, invisible borders were drawn up as Hindus and Muslims shifted out of mixed neighborhoods to live with members of their own community.

Some moved voluntarily out of fear, others (mostly Muslims) were forced out.

(Bunsha, 2006) Narratives in Guj arat 21

My Research Focus

Religious violence is nothing new in India, however the 2002 violence in

Gujarat was different. Many activists claim that the violence in Gujarat met the defining criteria of ethnic cleansing and/or genocide. The use of explosives, incineration of many of the victims, targeting of children, widespread use of sexual torture and the level of violence all indicate a sophisticated plan for total extermination. Muslims were targeted as dangerous internal enemies and the violence was driven by a desire to drive them out of India. (Nussbaum, 2007; Puniyani, 2003a;

Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

Also, the participation of the general public in the violence differentiated this violent episode from others in the past. It is true that the majority of the violence in

Gujarat was the handiwork of mobs that consisted mostly of criminals and thugs backed by politicians and Sangh Parivar groups. However, large sections of the

Gujarati society condoned the violence. People stood by and watched their neighbors being killed or participated in looting and destroying Muslim property. (Yagnik &

Sheth, 2005)

After the violence, there were no mass protests, no public outrage, no discussion or reflection over the violence within Gujarat. The Gujarati community's silence was deafening and clear, the election results a clear indication of their support for Hindu nationalism. Most Hindus in Gujarat hailed Narendra Modi as a protector of the Hindus and it is their continued support that has allowed him and the BJP to retain power in Gujarat despite national and international criticism. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

The Gujarati Hindu community's reaction to the violence and their support for the government responsible for it continues to alarm and baffle many activists and Narratives in Guj arat 22 secularists. What has led a society so well known for its non-violent practices and tolerant traditions (footnote) to condone violence of this sort?

It is possible that the larger society condoned the violence or provided a sympathetic explanation for it because the violence was an extreme manifestation of their feelings. As Horowitz (2002) states, ethnic violence like this lifts the curtain on group sentiment and constitutes a statement of group intentions by conduct.

These group sentiments and intentions are usually framed by group narratives.

(Rotberg, 2006; Rydgren, 2007). Narratives also form the basis for a systematic rationalization and psychological investment in the continuation of the conflict

(Bartal, 2000; as quoted in Bargal, 2004).

Thus, in order to understand why a large number people of Gujarat continue to support a fundamentalist Hindu leader alleged to have masterminded the 2002 violence or why there is widespread inter community discrimination and polarization in Ahmedabad, we need to examine the conflict narratives of the people of Gujarat.

It is my aim, to research these narratives in order to develop a deeper understanding of the Hindu-Muslim conflict and recommend strategies for peace- building in Ahmedabad. Narratives in Gujarat 23

Chapter Three: - - Narratives and Conflict

Narrative Definition

Human beings have a basic need to live in an environment that is meaningful,

comprehensible, organized and predictable. In order to satisfy this need, humans use

cognitive frames or mental structures that situate and connect events, people and

groups into a meaningful narrative. (Oberschall, 2000, as cited in Lieberman, 2006,

p.299) These narratives play a key role in defining an individual's identity by

introducing a sense of coherence and temporal unity. (Liberman, 2006; Rydren, 2007)

Narratives also contribute to the formation, maintenance and strengthening of

an individual's social identity, i.e., the part of an individual's self concept derived

from his knowledge of membership in a social group (or groups), together with the

value and emotional significance attached to that membership (Tajfel & Turner,

1986).The contextual basis for social identity is provided by the collective narratives

of the social group. (Oren, Bar-Tal, David, 2004, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.33)

Collective narratives

Collective narratives are stories that groups tell about themselves. They are

social constructions that provide accounts of the group's collective experiences and

coherently inter-relate the sequence of historical and current events. They embody its

belief system and represent the collective's symbolically constructed shared identity.

They contain information about the group's goals, aspirations, norms and values.

(Rotberg, 2006)

In times of war or conflict, such narratives provide information about a

group's grievances, episodes of past violence, fears of being overwhelmed, objective

or imagined security concerns; actual or invented slights; ethnic, religious or linguistic

discriminations and a whole host of other complaints. In such times, the narrative Narratives in Guj arat 24 stories become central, fixed notions of the group's identity and reinforce its boundaries. They also provide a framework for interpreting personal experience and current conflict events. (Rotberg, 2006; Lieberman, 2006)

These narratives are faithfully passed on to new generations through various means, and when successful, these narratives foster a link between an individual's personal identity and the collective identity of the group (Hunt, Benford and Snow

1994, as cited in Davis, 2002).

The process of narrative formation can be unconscious or deliberate.

Formation of narratives

Narratives are formed when people unconsciously transform the flow of more less unstructured events into a relatively coherent narrative in order to satisfy their desire for cognitive closure (Zerubavel, 2003; as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.232). All significant events are ordered chronologically so that they make sense in relation to one another. This is process is referred to as emplotment (Ricoeur, 1990, as cited in

Rydren, 2007, p.232).

The selection of the events for narrative formation often depends on their fit in the narrative. People's tendency to think well of themselves and the group(s) to which they belong and to glorify their own past, leads to memory distortions in their particular narratives. Events that do not fit the positive social self-image are carefully omitted (Baumeister & Hastings, 1997, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.233)

People's selection of facts or events can also be biased due to the availability heuristic, i.e., cognitively, only events that are easily available to memory are included in narratives (Khong 1992, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.230). A variety of factors affect the availability of events in a person's mind. Studies have shown that vivid information is better recalled and more accessible than dull or mundane Narratives in Guj arat 25 information (Nisbett and Ross 1980, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.230) and that events that are significant, unique, unexpected or those that provoke strong emotional reactions are more easily remembered than other events (Paez, Basabe & Gonzalez,

1997, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.230).

This implies that routine events that may be better representatives of a certain period are forgotten, whereas unique events that are spectacular but highly unrepresentative are easily remembered. Also, given the proliferation of mass media, the events that are given great media coverage are more easily remembered than those that are not covered. (Rydgren, 2007)

People can also acquire narratives at an early age through socialization as narratives are an integral part of a group's political, social and cultural context.

Elites, i.e., politicians, religious or society leaders or writers often articulate narratives in order to direct people's belief-formation processes. Bourdieu (1984, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.231) argues that people's beliefs and attitudes are not always fully articulated until they are confronted with the explicit lines of thought presented by elites. Such thoughts are often presented in the form of analogies that enable people to understand the current social situation of the group. Often these analogies are made salient to people by those who wish to gain their support for a particular reason. (Rydgren, 2007)

The power, position and range of influence of the person asserting the ideas determine how well it will be accepted by the masses (Druckman, 2005). Often there are power struggles within a group over which analogies should be used to interpret a particular event. Such struggles however are severely constrained in societies in which opponents are suppressed and the state has a monopoly on the production of knowledge. (Rydgren, 2007) Narratives in Guj arat 26

Narratives can also be taught through educational materials. Narratives are sometimes included in school textbooks to disseminate group stories and beliefs to the younger generation. The perceived authority of school textbooks lends an element of truth to the narrative beliefs. Over time, these beliefs are reinforced through daily conversations, interactions, cultural products and mass media. (Rotberg, 2006)

Individuals can also acquire narratives through social movements. Narrative stories play an important role in the moral, emotional, rhetorical and social control work of social movements. They provide frames of understanding that inspire and legitimate movement activity and also serve as a persuasive tool for enlisting new participants. (Davis, 2002)

Movement leaders often recruit outsiders by aligning movement frames with the personal experiences, interest and beliefs of potential participants (Davis, 2002).

In order for the movement frame to resonate with people, it should be sufficiently attuned to a society's pre-conceptions, interests and emotional dispositions. Various movement agents such as publicists, activists and leaders often form, inculcate and manipulate narratives to satisfy their needs. They also rely on various mass media channels to spread narrative beliefs, stories and analogies. (Rydgren, 2007;

Lieberman, 2006)

In protracted conflict situations, narratives are extensively shared among society members and widely applied in daily conversations. They are expressed through mass communication channels and cultural products such as films, plays, books or educational materials. This kind of institutionalization consolidates the narratives and facilitates their perseverance and durability, even in the face of contradictory information. (Rotberg, 2006) Narratives in Guj arat 27

Such strong narratives enable people to reject opposing arguments. Some societies even use control mechanisms to ensure that its members do not change the narrative or entertain alternate beliefs. In intractable conflict situations, such practices lead to very rigid narratives beliefs that are resistant to change. (Rotberg, 2006)

Consequences of narrative in conflict situations

Collective narratives are socially and psychologically shared constructs and therefore have consequences affecting how information is handled. Strongly held conceptions and theories influence the perception, selection and interpretation of information (Nisbett & Ross, 1980, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.34). This influence is particularly apparent during conflicts when uncertainty reigns and events need to be processed and interpreted in light of a wider conceptual framework. (Rotberg, 2006)

Thus the main consequence of a narrative is to do with the ways one anticipates incoming information and selectively processes, encodes, interprets, recalls and acts upon that information. When members of a group strongly adhere to a narrative they tend to absorb what fits the content of the narrative and dismiss the information that opposes it. (Rotberg, 2006)

As Rapoport describes, group members often expect that their hypotheses about their adversary will be confirmed (as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35). Anticipating that a rival group will be negatively disposed to them, they themselves act in a negative way towards the rival group, instigating hostility and animosity. This then confirms the initial expectations and creating a vicious circle of resentment. (Rotberg,

2006)

Narrative guided expectations are realized in a sequence of steps that begins with paying selective attention to certain information and excluding other information incongruent to the narrative. Sensitivity toward narrative congruent information is Narratives in Guj arat 28 heightened, leading to increased bias against certain other kinds of information - a bias fueled by people's apparent proclivity to confirm rather than deny expectations

(Snyder, Campbell & Preston, 1982, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35). This pattern is influenced by hatred of the opposition and creation of emotionally laden linguistic labels (Jussin, Nelson, Manis & Saffin, 1995, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35)

Also, acceptable information is encoded in ways that allow it to be assimilated into pre-existing schemata (Banaji & Bhaskar, 2000, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35).

Once encoded, the information is processed more elaborately and rehearsed more frequently than information that does not fit expectations (Bodenhausen, 1988, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35). The information thus becomes more resistant to being disproved, increasing a group's confidence in the truth of the information as selected, encoded and processed (Weick, 1979, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35)

Finally information that conforms to the narrative is better remembered and more easily recalled. Spread repeatedly through various channels of communication, the narrative is ever present in the minds of society members. Bodenhausen (as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35) has shown that people can better recall information that is incriminating, rather than exculpatory regarding a negatively stereotyped group. This is a function of the way that the evidence was initially processed. Banaji and

Bhaskar's (as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.35) findings support this claim, namely that new information congruent with prior held knowledge is better recalled.

Finally, it should be stressed that although the narratives that evolve in a conflict situation enable those involved to adapt better to conditions of conflict, these narratives also maintain and prolong the conflict. They become a prism through which society members construe their reality, collect new information, interpret their experiences and make decisions about their course of action (Ross, 1993, as cited in Narratives in Guj arat 29

Rotberg, 2006, p.35). They also become a way of de-legitimizing the other side's narrative, ethos and current experiences. (Rotberg, 2006)

In a conflict situation, each group constructs their own distinct narrative based on their relationship to the conflict and interpretation of events. These narratives often contradict each other to the extent that one group's narrative may appear to the other group as a story of fiction (Gottschalk, 2000). These polarized narratives then lead to contradictory perceptions of the conflict situation and reduce the possibility of developing a common understanding among inter-group members. They facilitate a tunnel vision that precludes a consideration of contrasting information and alternative approaches to conflict resolution (Rapoport, 1960, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.36)

Narratives also sustain a group's deep hatred of its enemies. They label the group's enemies as inherently and irredeemably evil and promote the idea that the problems created by the hated group can only be resolved by its removal, disappearance, or destruction. (Lieberman, 2006)

Many scholars believe that collective hate narratives are crucial for ethnic cleansing or genocide. They not only provide a general motive, but also accelerate transitions to violence. (Lieberman, 2006) Such hate narratives allow people to see individual neighbors and acquaintances of different ethnic and religious identity, as members of the inherently evil enemy groups that deserve destruction.

Some of them also contain themes of economic and political resentments where the antagonists' wealth, power or influence is seen as undeserving. These resentments along with antecedent hate structures make people more receptive to calls for violence. In this manner, hate narratives act as powerful accelerants that identify the targeted group as a problem to be eliminated. (Lieberman, 2006) Narratives in Guj arat 30

Chapter Four:- Hindu narrative

India has a very complex and exhaustive history. It is home to a number of

different collective groups based on religion, community, caste or region. This has led

to the development of many different narratives wherein each narrative reflects a

unique version of India's myriad past.

These narratives have been passed down from one generation to another in the

form of stories. However, over the years, these stories have been strongly influenced

by the historical interpretations of various actors such as the colonial rulers, political,

religious and social leaders. Many of the historical inaccuracies introduced by these

actors have now become indisputable "facts."

Some of these inaccuracies were deliberately introduced by British historians

in pursuance of the imperialist British policies. Many British historians have claimed

that through their writing, they wished to assert a conflict ridden history in order to

make the native subjects more aware of the immense advantages accruing to them

under the mildness and equity of British rule. (Gadkari, 1999)

The distorted pasts presented by these historians, are central to the Hindu-

Muslim conflict in modern India. They have played a key role in shaping the identity,

grievances, goals and means to achieve these goals for both communities. Narratives

based on these pasts, and the stories and myths inherent in them have also provided

the principal justification for the existence and source of strength for many

organizations, such as the Sangh Parivar.

Many of the organizations connected to this family rely heavily on narrative myths and symbols. Many of their mobilizations and social movements are based on a belief that a collective endeavor is needed to protect the Hindus' religiously sanctified

order and time honored traditions. (Puniyani, 2003a) Narratives in Guj arat 31

In the next section, I shall outline the Hindu collective narrative as outlined by the Sangh Parivar organizations in their distributed literature and verbal communications.

Hindu Narrative

India is the holy motherland of all Hindus. Hindu religion, culture and society are a product of the Indus Valley civilization that flourished here in 6000 BC. This was a glorious age of stellar achievements, impeccable reason and deep wisdom. It was a land of prosperous, peaceful and tolerant people that lived in complete harmony with nature and neighbors. However, their non-violent ways enabled aggressive and violent Muslims to conquer them. The bigoted Arabs descended with a sword in one hand and the Quran in the other. They spread Islam by the sword and unleashed many horrors. Murderous and dictatorial Muslim invaders and emperors like Aurangzeb, Babar, Humayun, Akbar, Chengiz Khan, Mohammed Gazni, Mohammed Ghori, Shahjahan enslaved Hindus in their own land. During the Muslim rule in India, 2 million Hindus were murdered by the Muslims who fought 10,000 battles and caused many communal riots. They killed Hindu sadhus and sants (religious men). They also pulled down 5 hundred thousand Hindu temples in places such as Ayodhaya, Mathura, Benares and Somnath and built mosques in their place. Millions of cows were slaughtered and thousands of Hindu women were abused and raped. Muslim rule completely disturbed the great Hindu culture of the land and brought about many social ills. Hindus suffered for centuries under their tyrannical rule until the British liberated them. The British rule brought freedom and development to the land. However, it also brought discrimination and exploitation. All Hindus united to fight the colonial powers. The Muslims however joined hands with the British. They did not play an important role in the freedom struggles because they did not want to live in peace with the Hindus. In 1947, they even demanded a separate nation and eventually their actions led to the partition of India. Some Muslims may have stayed back in India but they have not become Indians. They are traitors who have been working with their Muslims brothers in Pakistan to create instability in India. Criminals like Dawood, Latif, Imam Bukharis, and Syed Shahabuddins have all been working with organizations like SIMI, Lashkar-e-Toiba and ISI to carry out terrorist activities. Their mosques and madrassas work to spread poison and convert people to Islam. Religious crusades are a Muslim's duty and they dream is to establish Islam as the only religion worldwide. Therefore they train Muslim men to wage Jihad against the Hindus. They have formed an army of single, unemployed Muslims by paying them high salaries. They get weapons from more than 50 Muslim nations to carry out their religious wars. They are supplied with AK-56 and AK-47 rifles, automatic machine guns, small canons, rocket launchers and several kilos of RDX. The entire country is sitting on a heap of weapons and heading towards civil war and internal strife. Hindus today are not safe in their own country. Religious conversions, infiltration, terrorism and bomb blasts have surrounded Hindustan. Under the Narratives in Guj arat 32

cover of democracy, Hindu philosophy and Hindu Gods are being continuously insulted by Muslims. Hindu culture and religion are being eroded. On the other hand, the Muslim community in India is growing exponentially. This is because Muslims can have four wives and they do not believe in family planning. Their plan is to increase their number and slowly they will use their strength to create several Pakistans in India. Even today, Muslims do not think of India as their country. Yet, they are given many privileges by politicians who only want their votes. All claims Hindu-Muslim unity and brotherhood are deceptive. Crime reports show that many Hindu businessmen are kidnapped by Muslims. They demand huge amounts of money as ransom and then use this money to buy weapons to kill Hindus. Every year, several Hindu girls are kidnapped by Muslim hoodlums and are forced to marry Muslims and bear their children. All Hindus have to unite to face this menace. They have to stop being tolerant and peaceful. The time has come for the Hindus to fight for their country and religion, [italics added] (Concerned Citizens Tribunal 2002a, p.271-284; Sharma, 2004)

Narrative Myths

Narratives are often accepted by group members as true accounts of the group's past, however these narratives are not necessarily a true representation of history. They often contain stories that are biased, selective and distorted. Certain facts are omitted while others are invented but still, these collective narratives are treated by many group members as valid accounts of their group's history. (Kacowicz,

2005; Lieberman, 2006)

The most common example of narrative myth are the founding myths.

Collective narratives of groups often contain founding myths or myths of ethnic descent that are crucial to creating the group identity. These myths create historical continuity and link current group members to the founders of the ethnic group.

(Smith, 1999; as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.238). A common source of descent promotes unity among group members and promote ethnocentrism or ethnic nationalism among group members (Zerubavel, 2003, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.238). Narratives in Guj arat 33

In some cases, founding myths also provide groups with a nonempirical justification for claims of geographical ownership. They legitimize claims of priority and emphasize the great differences between the in-group and the out-groups

(Zerubavel 1995 & Lowenthal, 1994, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.233)

Such founding myths often portray the past as a "Golden period" in the group's history. They rely on embellished or invented facts to create memories of a time of high culture, pure virtues, and total harmony. Contrasting this golden past with contemporary decline or decadence, helps group members to articulate a quest for renaissance (Smith 1999, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.238)

In fact, the psychological power of most ethno-nationalist narratives lies in the promise of an ethnic renaissance or status reversal. Such promises are particularly appealing to people that habour feelings of resentiment. In other words, individuals who feel impotent (i.e., unable to satisfy their wants), who are excluded from society, or for whom the disparity between ambition and reality has become acute, are more likely to accept such narratives (Scheler, 1998, as cited in Rydgren, 2007, p.238).

Myths present in the Hindu Narrative

The Sangh parivar groups have embellished and invented certain facts to create memories of a golden past. By contrasting this golden past with contemporary decline these groups have articulated a quest for renaissance and nationalism known as 'Hindutva' (Katju, 2003). All the organizations related to the Sangh Parivar adhere to the Hindutva ideology (Brass, 2003).

I shall now identify the historical inaccuracies, myths, false consciousness, self-delusions and justifications inherent in the Hindu narrative presented above. Narratives in Guj arat 34

Founding Myth

The founding myths inherent in the Hindu narrative provide them with a

nonempirical justification for claims of geographical ownership of India. However,

there are several facts to consider here.

Firstly, it is true that Hinduism as a religion is native to India and that the first

civilization in India was actually the Indus Valley civilization. However, the religion

of this civilization that can be traced back to 6000 BC has not been determined as yet.

(Puniyani, 2003b)

Archaeological findings and linguistic interpretations have revealed that the

oldest Hindu scriptures and principles were developed by the Aryan civilization that

succeeded the Indus Valley civilization. Thus Aryans are widely credited with

developing and laying down the central tenets of Hinduism. (Puniyani, 2003b)

However, the Aryans may not have been natives of the Indian sub-continent.

Many historians believe that the Aryans may have gradually migrated to the sub-

continent from the north-western territories. Others claim that Aryans used force to

conquer the actual natives of the land, i.e. the modern Dravidians. In fact, the Rig-

Vedic hymns themselves speak of the Aryans winning battles against and mingling with darker skinned indigenous people called 'Dasyus\ (Mishra, 2004; Nussbaum,

2007)

Secondly, the Hindu narrative portrays early India as a unified Hindu society.

However, there is ample evidence from sources of the ancient period to suggest that religious sects and groups at that time did not identify themselves as Hindus and that

'Hinduism' was not seen a unified religion. In fact, the word 'Hindu' itself was coined by Arabs between the 6th and 10th century to describe the people living around the Narratives in Guj arat 35 river, Indus. Also different religions like Buddhism and Jainism were founded in early

India (Mishra, 2004; Puniyani, 2003b; Zakaria, 2002).

Also early India was never a united nation. It was ruled by different dynasties and rulers that cannot be classified as Hindu. These kingdoms regularly fought with each other for supremacy. (Puniyani, 2003b)

Coming of Islam

In the Hindu narrative, Islam's growth in India is attributed to the establishment of Muslim rule. In reality however, Islam did not come to India with the

Muslim rulers. It came with the Arab travelers who came to trade but chose to stay, creating Arab-Muslim communities in many coastal cities of India. The religious influence of these Muslims led some locals to convert to Islam. Therefore, there was already a small but thriving local Muslim community before the advent of Muslim rule. (Puniyani, 2003a)

Also, the initial advent of Muslim rule did not greatly impact the spread of

Islam because most Muslim kings were more concerned with consolidating their rule than enforcing religious conversions or laws. Islamic law was never enforced on

Hindus and all local and customary laws continued to be applied as before. (Puniyani,

2003a)

Therefore, it is wrong to associate the spread of Islam with the establishment of Muslim rule in India. The Muslim community in India is a result of many different political, social and economic factors.

It is important to note here that while invading Muslim armies established kingdoms in some parts of India, most territories continued to be controlled by independent Hindu rulers. Some of these Hindu kings fought the Muslim invaders for Narratives in Guj arat 36 their kingdoms, while others just allied with them. (Gadkari, 1999; Puniyani, 2003a;

Zakaria, 2002)

All the Muslim rulers ruled through a chain of mostly Hindu feudal intermediaries. These intermediaries had full sway over the territories they wielded.

They were bound to their Muslim overlords only to the extent of paying tributes and providing military support to curb rebellions. Therefore, it would be wrong to assume that the Muslim rule greatly disturbed the religious or social structure of the existing society. (Gadkari, 1999; Puniyani, 2003a, Zakaria, 2002)

Muslim Atrocities

The Hindu narrative contains numerous stories of atrocities committed by

Muslims. In the following paragraphs, I shall a take a more critical and detailed look at their major grievances.

Destruction of Temples

The Hindu narrative claims that thousands of Hindu temples were destroyed by the Muslims. And while it is true that early Muslim expeditions or invasions did result in the desecration and destruction of Hindu temples across India, it is also true that the destruction of temples was the norm for all invading armies at the time, regardless of their religion. The temples were a source of great wealth and therefore a convenient target for a raiding army. Many invaders some of whom can be classified as Hindu, would destroy temples and build religious structures in the territories they conquered to commemorate their victory. (Puniyani, 2003a; Puniyani, 2003b; Yagnik

& Sheth, 2005; Zakaria, 2002)

Humiliation of Women

The Hindu narrative claims that many Hindu women were abused and raped by the invading Muslims. While this is true, it is also important to remember that this Narratives in Guj arat 37 practice did not originate with the Muslim armies. The humiliation, rape and subjugation of women during battles, wars, and conflict was a common practice during those ages.

The status of the women in the societies that existed around that time is also debatable. The women of this time were already oppressed through religious and social practices that were prevalent. (Puniyani, 2000; Puniyani, 2003a)

Religious Persecution

It is true that some Muslim rulers were bigoted and biased. They made many efforts to curb Hinduism and spread Islam. For example, some rulers such as Ahmed

Shah (founder of the city of Ahmedabad) appointed officers for spreading Islam and enforced a tax on the non-Muslim population. This tax, called the 'Jiziya', meant that all non-Muslim people had to pay the ruler a certain amount of money to retain their religious freedom. Another ruler, Sultan Mahmud III (1537-54) ordered Hindu subjects to wear red armbands and banned them from riding horses. He also prohibited public celebrations of Hindu festivals such as Holi and Diwali and ordered that no instruments be played in Hindu places of worship. (Puniyani, 2003a; Yagnik

& Sheth, 2005)

However, this kind of religious persecution ended with the ascension of the

Mughal Empire in 1573. The Mughal king, Akbar abolished the Jiziya tax and other oppressive practices of the previous rulers. People were granted the freedom to practice the religion of their choice without any dire consequences. (Nussbaum, 2007;

Zakaria, 2002)

Most of the Mughal rulers were not hostile to the scriptures and traditions of the Hindus and never imposed Islamic law on their Hindus subjects. With the exception of Aurangzeb (a fanatical Mughal king who imposed taxes on Hindus and Narratives in Guj arat 38 forced conversions), all the Mughal rulers were considered religiously liberal and tolerant. There is a lot of evidence that suggests mutual respect, syncretism and amity between the Hindus and Muslims during the Mughal rule. (Nussbaum, 2007; Zakaria,

2002)

Hindus and Muslims regularly participated in each other's festivals and there was a great mixing of Hindu and Muslim culture, poetry, music, architecture.

However, the intolerance and bigotry of a few Muslim rulers has eclipsed the memories tolerant and liberal Muslim rule from the minds of Hindus and their narrative. (Nussbaum, 2007; Yagnik & Sheth, 2005; Zakaria, 2002)

Forced Conversions

Hindus believe that many people were forcibly converted to Islam during the reign of various Muslim rulers. And while it is true that during this period, one sixth of the population converted to Islam, it is also true that there were various social, economic and political factors behind these conversions. (Puniyani, 2003a; Zakaria,

2002).

A few of these converts were Hindu-upper class/caste individuals who converted either out of convictions or in the hope of a reward from their Muslim ruler.

Others were the lower class individuals (especially the poor artisans and cultivator communities) that converted either due to force or voluntarily to avoid paying the income inappropriate Jiziya tax. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

A large number of people also converted to escape caste oppression1. Despite being a formal part of the Hindu fold, these people had to face extreme discrimination by the upper caste Brahmins. The formation of the Muslim dynasties and subsequent social movements like Bhakti and Sufi reduced the intensity of the caste oppression and untouchability. The Sufi saints in particular used local customs and rituals to Narratives in Guj arat 39 propound the humanistic aspects of Islam and thus led to an increase in the number of converts. (Puniyani, 2003a).

It is important to note here that the ordinary and poor Muslims suffered as much as the poor Hindus during the rule of Muslim rulers. Islamic rule brought them little or no respite.

Partition

The Hindu narrative blames the Muslims for the partition of the country.

However, the partition of India was a multi-factorial tragedy that was a result of communal politics and the British policy of divide and rule. (Puniyani, 2003a)

Considerable evidence gathered from British documents proves that the

Imperial British government deliberately adopted a "Divide and Rule" policy to govern India (Gadkari, 1999). Notes from a Cabinet meeting of the British Prime

Minister Churchill on February 2, 1940 show that Churchill did not believe in promoting the unity between Hindu and Muslim communities in India. He believed that such a unity would be harmful to the British rule. To him, the Hindu-Muslim feud was the 'bulwark of British rule in India'. (R.J Moore, as quoted in Gadkari, 1999, pg

55).

Thus, in order to encourage the feud between the Hindus and Muslims, the

British government put into effect a number of discriminatory policies. Upper-caste

Hindus were preferred over Muslims for highly coveted employment opportunities.

This led to fierce competition for jobs as opportunities were too insufficient to accommodate a growing middle class. The unfair advantage of religion created feelings of resentment among the newly educated members of the society. (Gadkari,

1999) Narratives in Guj arat 40

The British also replaced the old landlord system with a new landlord system.

Where a large number of peasants, proprietors and cultivators were Muslims (for example, Bengal), the Hindu moneylenders, traders and Company's intermediaries were appointed as landlords and vice versa (for example, Punjab). The class antagonism arising out of these relations were thus masked as an exploitation of members of one community by the members of the "other" community. All uprisings of the ejected tenant farmers, displaced and impoverished cultivators and artisans against local landlords and moneylenders began to be classified as communal clashes.

(Gadkari, 1999)

Other actions like introducing separate electorates for Hindus and Muslims and recognizing the Muslim League as the sole representative of all Indian Muslims exacerbated the conflict. The British were also the ones to first present Indians with the first version of Two-Nation theory through the report of the Simon Commission.

(Gadkari, 1999)

In 1930, the Simon Commission, appointed by the British government, stated in its report that the relationship between the Hindus and Muslims was that of "basic opposition manifesting itself at every turn in social custom and economic competition as well as mutual religious antipathy"(as cited in Gadkari, 1999, p.71). On this basis, the report claimed that Hindus and Muslims represented two distinct and separate civilizations. (Gadkari, 1999)

The British rulers also granted support to groups like the Muslim League,

Hindu Mahasabha and RSS by recognizing them as the sole representatives of the

Hindu-Muslim communities. (Puniyani, 2003a)

In reality these groups did not represent the general interests of their respective communities as a whole. These parties were actually made up of elites whose main Narratives in Guj arat 41 aim was to retain their power and prestige. The interests of the common people were rarely on their agenda. In fact both these parties were promised power in return for their loyalty to the British government. (Gadkari, 1999)

Also, the idea of a separate nation was put forth by the Muslim League but it was not supported by the general Muslim population of India. In fact, when the

Muslim league put forward the idea of separate nation for the followers of Islam in

India- they got less than six percent of votes in support of the idea. The Pakistan resolution was opposed by the poor Muslims because it was detrimental to their interest. (Puniyani, 2003a; Zakaria, 2004)

Other Muslim parties like the Nationalist Muslims and a large number of ordinary Muslims strongly denounced the two-nation theory put forward by the

Muslim League and participated whole-heartedly in the Civil Disobedience movement. They contested the Muslim League's claims as the sole representative of the Muslims in India and pledged their support to the Congress. However, they were ignored by the British who were following a 'Divide and Rule' policy. (Gadkari,

1999; Zakaria, 2004)

Therefore, it is problematic to assume that the ordinary Muslims were disloyal to a united India. They did not demand a separate nation. Partition was in all too many cases forced upon them by unscrupulous leaders. (Gadkari, 1999)

Therefore, British encouragement and religious hysteria created by Hindu and

Muslim fundamentalists led to the Partition of India. It is thus wrong to blame ordinary Muslims for this tragedy in which they suffered as much as the ordinary

Hindus. Narratives in Guj arat 42

Muslim stereotypes

Privileged Muslims

The Hindu narrative claims that Muslims in Modern India are a privileged lot

that are regularly courted by political parties for votes. In reality, while the politicians

do pander to Muslim interests and needs during elections, very few of them actually

come through on their promises. (Puniyani, 2003a)

Muslims in India are a largely impoverished community. The proportion of

Muslims living below the poverty line is close to 45%. They generally live in the

older areas of modern cities, which are well known for poor sanitation, lack of health

facilities and basic amenities. (Sachar Committee Report, 2006; Zakaria, 2004)

The repeated outbursts of communal violence against Muslims has led to their

'ghettoization'. Therefore, it is blatantly wrong to portray Muslims as a privileged

community.

Muslim Population

The Hindu narrative claims that the rate of population rise is higher amongst the Muslims because they marry four times and have numerous children. Also that,

shortly the Muslim population will overshoot the population of Hindus and this

country will become a Muslim state. Reality however, is much more complex.

In 2005, the Sachar Committee was set up to study the socio-economic and educational status of Muslims in India. This committee's report discounts the possibility of the Muslim community becoming the largest group in India. Currently, the Muslim community constitutes 13% of India's total population. If it maintains its current growth rate, the Muslim population in India will only rise by 6 points to constitute nearly 19% by the year 2040. Narratives in Guj arat 43

However, population growth is eventually expected to decline for all communities in India. Increase in the family planning practices among the Indian

Muslims has already slowed their population growth. (Sachar Committee Report,

2006)

Also it is important to note here that while it is true that a section of Islamic fundamentalist clergy is opposed to family planning, it is also true that the use of contraception is widely prevalent among the Muslims in India (Sachar Committee

Report, 2006). Other studies have also shown that adherence to family planning practices is related to the socio-economic status of groups and not their religion

(Puniyani, 2003b).

Widespread polygamy amongst the Muslims is also a myth. Mallika Mistry (as cited in Puniyani, 2003b, p. 105) of Gokhale Institute of Pune, conducted a study that concluded that there was no evidence to prove that the percentage of polygamous marriage among Muslims is larger than among the Hindus.

Fundamentalist Muslims

The partition led many Muslim leaders to leave for Pakistan and this created a void in a leadership of the community that stayed behind. Their place was taken by extremist and religious Muslims whose views and actions deepened the divide between the Muslims and Hindus.2 (Gadkari, 1999; Zakaria, 2002)

These Muslims are not representative of their community, however a lack alternative spokesmen has led to the perception of uniformity in opinion among the entire Muslim community in India. This also enables people to hold the actions of a few Muslims against the entire Muslim community of India. Narratives in Guj arat 44

United Muslims

The Muslims of India are not a homogenous class. Despite Islam's emphasis on equality of believers, the converted Muslims could not shed their caste complex and the high-born and low-born among them retained their classification. Those converted from lower castes did not enjoy equal social status with those converted from higher castes. (Gadkari, 1999). Even now, there is a great socio-economic divide between the urban and rural Muslims and a great ideological divide among the fundamentalist and liberal Muslims (Zakaria, 2004). Thus it is wrong to categorize all

Muslims within India as a united entity.

It is also erroneous to link the Muslim community in India with the larger

Islamic world. In India, the converted Muslims have retained many of their Hindu rituals and superstitions. These rituals and traditions are peculiar to the Indian

Muslims and have little in common with those of the Arabs, Iranians or Turks. In fact, the Indian Muslims have always been a group apart and have never been asked nor invited to participate in any of the collective deliberations of the Muslims world

(Zakaria, 2002 ).Therefore the Indian Muslims are distinct from other Muslims around the world and their relation to the rest of the Islamic world is superficial.

Terrorist Muslims

Terrorist acts by Islamic extremists are a global problem and it is not possible to discuss it in detail here. However, it is important to note that the reasons behind terrorism in India are complex and multifold.

In the past, terrorist attacks in India were regularly attributed to foreign terrorist groups, however the situation has now changed. Domestic issues have contributed significantly to the rise in terrorism. The anti Muslim violence of Bombay in 1992 and of Gujarat in 2002 led to the creation of local recruits for terrorism in Narratives in Guj arat 45

India. Some disgruntled, alienated and extremist Muslims from India have also started becoming active members of the global terrorist groups. (Singh, 2008)

However, it is important to note these terrorist Muslim individuals do not represent all the followers of Islam. Also for every Muslim that is involved in terrorism activities, there are thousands that are not. In fact, many Islamic groups in

India have strongly denounced terrorism (Majumder, 2008). Therefore, it is wrong to categorize all Muslims are terrorists.

It is also wrong to classify terrorists or terrorism as "Islamic". The people involved in such activities have been misled by religious or political leaders out to further their own cause. Such leaders distort Quranic verses in order to indoctrinate hatred and provide a religious justification for violence against non Muslims.

(Zakaria, 2002, Puniyani, 2003a)

In reality, Islam, like all other religions, places great value on the sanctity of human life and does not in any way condone or encourage violence against innocent people - believers or non-believers.

Conclusion

This section outlined the collective narrative of the Hindus as propagated by the Sangh Parivar groups and critically scrutinized many of the myths upon which the narratives are based. In the next section, I will discuss the role this narrative plays in the Hindu-Muslims conflict in India. Narratives in Guj arat 46

Chapter Five - Role of Narratives in the Hindu-Muslim Conflict in Gujarat

The Hindu narrative presented above has been institutionalized in Gujarat through the various social movements and activities of the Sangh Parivar groups. It has also become a part of Gujarat's education system.

Source of hatred

Gujarat has a long history of sectarianism in education and its current state level textbooks are no exception (Bunsha,2006). Books in history and social science contain several factual errors and inadequate data (Nussbaum, 2007). Despite the contrary attempts of secular nationalists and historians, a divisive history of India has acquired a hegemonic place in the school textbooks and in the national mythology of the country. (Brass, 2003)

The millennium that saw the establishment of Islam and Muslim rulership is seen as one coherent period in Indian history and termed the 'Muslim period'. The period preceding it is known as the 'Hindu' period. The 'Hindu' period is described as a glorious age of imperial Hindu achievement in politics and culture. The 'Muslim' period, despite its own glories of art and architecture, is seen as a period of conquest, destruction and consequent decay of Hindu civilization. (Brass, 2003)

The flaws in this representation of Indian history have been repeatedly highlighted by various linguists, archaeologists, historians and scholars of the history of religion. However, the Hindu nationalists continue to dismiss their arguments as false and insulting to the Hindu religion. (Nussbaum, 2007)

Also, the Gujarati education system relies on rote repetition - its textbooks have been notorious for their failure to encourage critical thinking. These circumstances made it easy for the politically powerful Hindu right to inset its own Narratives in Guj arat 47 view of the national and religious narratives into required textbooks and convert the schools of Gujarat into breeding grounds for hate. (Bunsha, 2006; Nussbaum, 2007)

Cognitive inferences

As we've seen in the previous section, narratives are pre-existing cognitive schemas that influence the way in which people categorize and make inferences

(Rydgren, 2007). In a conflict situation, like Gujarat, a collective narrative like the one outlined in the previous section, performs several key cognitive functions.

Narratives help to illuminate the conflict situation for Hindus. Protracted conflict situations such the one in Gujarat, are generally ambiguous and unpredictable. They lead to stress, vulnerability, uncertainty and fear (Lieberman,

1964; Burton, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.31). People in such situations need to comprehend the situation in meaningful way and make predictions about the future

(Burton, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.31). The collective narrative enables them to fulfill these demands (Rotberg, 2006).

In Gujarat, the collective Hindu narrative provides Hindus with a biased but meaningful explanation for the existence of the conflict between Hindus and Muslims.

When indoctrinated, this narrative then colors their perceptions about Muslims and current conflict events. The concept of a Muslim invasion and subsequent conquest enables them to place the entire blame for the eruption of the conflict on the Muslims.

Such narratives also allow people to justify the in-group acts against the enemy. In conflict situations, groups hurt each other in severe ways and can resort to atrocities like ethnic cleansing and genocide. Narratives allow this kind of violence by enabling individuals to attribute their immoral behavior to external factors, such as the immoral and unjust actions of the out-group. (Rotberg, 2006) Narratives in Guj arat 48

By outlining Muslim atrocities, the Hindu narrative clearly paints a picture of

Hindu victimization. This belief, that the in-group members are the victims and the out-group members are the perpetrators, creates a self perception of righteousness and superiority that provides a justification for harm caused to the other side (Salomon,

2004, as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.32). By legitimizing the in-group's actions, the narrative also resolves any feelings of dissonance, guilt, and shame. (Rotberg, 2006)

Narratives also sharpen inter-group differences by describing opponents in de- legitimizing terms while glorifying one's own group. The Hindu narrative paints a very positive picture of the Hindus and a negative picture of the Muslims. This creates a sense of differentiation and superiority between the in-group and the out-group.

All responsibility for the outbreak of a conflict and its continuation is attributed to the Muslims. And in order to highlight the immorality and inhumanness of the Muslim, the narrative focuses solely on the atrocities and cruelties committed by the Muslims against the Hindus. It also amplifies the conflict as a life and death struggle and depicts it as an irreconcilable situation. For the people that subscribe to it, the narrative thus precludes any peaceful solution. (Rotberg, 2006)

Narratives help in maintaining conflict by assigning a particular meaning to political events. Looking through the lens of their collective narrative, Hindus only see their own political concessions and compromises and dismiss any such moves on the part of the Muslims as insincere or misleading. Such narratives also allow them to ignore the certain aspects of the situation, for example, the role of criminals and mafia elements in the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

Criminals / Mafia elements

Much of the killing and destruction in 2002 was carried out either by criminals directed by politicians. This is because there is a strong nexus of politicians and Narratives in Guj arat 49 criminals in Gujarat. In fact, the land mafia has been a crucial part of other Hindu-

Muslim riots in Gujarat since India's independence.

Post independence there was a development boom in Gujarat. This development attracted many migrants to the cities and the competition for urban spaces intensified. This led to the emergence of a new influential group: the land and builders mafia. In cities like Ahmedabad, these migrants, often poor laborers working in the unorganized sector, lived in urban slums built on private land. Slumlords took money from migrants to settle them on such land and later as real estate prices appreciated, evicted them through intimidations, physical violence, and even slum clearances by the local government. With the emergence of communal parties, communal riots began to provide a cover for such land clearing. (Yagnik & Sheth,

2005)

The introduction of the Urban Land Ceiling Act decreased the available private land within the city. The focus then shifted to municipal land in the city and panchayat land belonging to villages on the margins of the expanding city. Political connections were vital for illegally occupying government or panchayat land and thus the nexus between builders, politicians and the underworld became stronger. (Yagnik

& Sheth, 2005)

Even in 2002, these elements took advantage of the attacks on slum settlements to rid them of Muslim residents and property owners. They also prevented residents from returning to their neighbourhoods and homes after the violence had subsided. (Brass, 2003)

Liquor Mafia

Gujarat is legally a dry state. This has created a flourishing bootlegging business within the state. With the establishment of giant corporations and entry of Narratives in Guj arat 50 large number of professionals from outside the state, there is a constant demand for

liquor that can only be met by illegal liquor suppliers. These liquor suppliers could not survive without police and political patronage and therefore the liquor mafia

generously funded political parties and supplied muscle power during elections. This mafia was earlier controlled by Muslims but by the early 1970s Hindus began to take over the business. Economic rivalries between factions within the liquor mafia often took communal overtones and religious occasions provided as excuses for large scale violence. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

Economic factors:-

It is important to note here that while Gujarat is prosperous, many of its

leaders are more focused on attracting foreign investment and industry than on

improving the quality of its citizen's lives. The state ranks very high in

industrialization, urbanization, and per capita income, but low on "human

development" indicators such as education, maternal mortality, underemployment,

and persecution of caste based minorities. Any violence arising from the large pockets

of discontents and great poverty especially in rural areas is also given a religious overtone.

The Muslim's traditional and historic role as moneylenders makes them convenient objects of envy and resentment among the poor and unemployed Hindus

and an easy target for violence resulting from general discontent. (Nussbaum, 2007)

Riot Production:-

In situations like Gujarat where there is a great social distance between the two groups, this narrative also forms the basis for the creation and acceptance of rumors and propaganda which can lead to direct clashes or riots (Rydgren, 2007). In Narratives in Guj arat 51 fact, narratives are an essential part of riot production in cities such as Ahmedabad where Hindu-Muslim riots are endemic.

Many believe that this is due to long standing animosity or communal tension between the Hindu and Muslim communities in Gujarat. However, Brass argues that the maintenance of communal tensions, accompanied from time to time by lethal rioting at specific sites is essential for the maintenance of militant Hindu nationalism, political parties and organizations in India. (Brass, 2003)

He believes that a prior history of communalism or the immediate circumstances surrounding the precipitating incident do not provide a satisfactory explanation for the outbreak of large scale Hindu Muslim riots or anti Muslim pogroms. Instead, he feels that the decisive factor is the action that takes place before and after the precipitating incidents. He argues that such actions, that fill the immediate space and time between past history and immediate circumstance, are often planned and organized. (Brass, 2003)

He agrees that "representations of a collective past" contribute considerably to the persistence of communal violence in India. However, he believes that when one examines the actual dynamics of riots, one discovers that the production of communal riots is very often a political one, frequently associated with intense inter-party competition and mass political mobilization. (Brass, 2003)

There are active, knowing subjects and organizations involved in the production of riots. These subjects and organizations, engaged in a continuous tending of the fires of communal divisions and animosities, use a combination of subtle means and confrontational tactics to gain control over the incidence and timing of riots.

(Brass, 2003) Narratives in Guj arat 52

These "institutionalized riot systems", consist of persons or groups that have specific roles in rehearsal for and the production of communal riots, for example, informants, propagandists, poster plasterers, rumor-mongers and recruiters. (Brass,

2003)

The informants carry messages about the occurrence of Hindu-Muslim incidents to propagandists who then create messages to be conveyed to general public through the press or vernacular journalists who publish these messages in the form of

"news". These messages are also spread through poster plasterers and rumor mongers.

If the time is ripe, then recruiters collect crowds from colleges and universities and thugs to kill, loot, and burn. (Brass, 2003)

The communalist discourse of the Hindu narrative contributes significantly to this production and perpetuation of communal violence in the country.

Fundamentalist Hindu organizations manipulate the symbols and emotions generated by narratives to provoke popular passions and incite riots. They also explain precipitating incidents through narrative frames. (Brass, 2003; Nussbaum, 2007)

For example, in 2002 the precipitating Godhra incident was portrayed as another attack by the aggressive and terrorist Muslims on peaceful Hindus. The use of the Hindu narrative is evident in the words of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the BJP Prime

Minister of India at the time, who stated:-

"What happened in Gujarat?... We should not forget how the tragedy of Gujarat started... How did the fire spread?... wherever Muslims live, they don't like to live in co-existence with others, they don't like to mingle with others and instead of propagating their ideas in a peaceful manner, they want to spread their faith by resorting to terror and threats. The world has become alert to this danger. " [italics added] (Nussbaum, 2007)

The rhetoric of his speech was artfully constructed to link the narrative belief of aggressive and terrorist Muslims to the Godhara incident. It also justified the Narratives in Guj arat 53 lawlessness of Hindus in Gujarat by blaming the Muslims for starting the conflict.

(Nussbaum, 2007)

Basically, riots persist because they are functionally useful to a wide array of individuals, groups, parties and authorities. In fact, riots are a common and even an anticipated form of collective action in Gujarat along with political movements and processions.

Political mobilizations /Social movements

Narratives can also inspire mobilization and action among such group members. By justifying the goals of the conflict, de-legitimizing the opponent and reminding group members of an out-group's violent acts in the past, narratives imply the necessity of exerting all group efforts and resources to the struggle against the enemy. Narrative beliefs arouse patriotism and loyalty, which lead to a readiness for sacrifice in order to defend the group or country and to avenge the enemy's past violence. (Rotberg, 2006; Rydgren, 2007)

The Hindu narrative depicts the Muslims as a grave threat to national security.

It creates a perception that Muslims are disloyal to India and are looking to partition it further through violence. Such perceptions lead people to overestimate the likelihood of future conflict. This enables people to mobilize Hindus against the Muslims and take pre-emptive violent acts to prevent possible harm, avert perceived danger and defend themselves.

The emotionally laden symbols generated by this narrative are often manipulated by politicians or leaders to evoke hostile feelings and exacerbate fear.

They use and manipulate narrative myths and symbols and spread them through narrative based mobilizations to generate mass hostility and gather support. (Edelman,

1971; Kaufman, 2001) Narratives in Guj arat 54

In Gujarat, the RSS, VHP and BJP have developed and consolidated their social base in Gujarat through a series of narrative based symbolic social movements.

Their first successful movement was a Yatra (journey) undertaken to unite Hindus across the state using the emotionally potent symbol of Gangajal (Hindu holy water from the river of Ganga). (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

Thereafter, the VHP used the Ram-temple in Ayodhya as the main focal point for mass mobilization movements. Movements such as the 'Ram Janaki Dharam

Yatra' in 1987 and the 'Ramshila Pujan' in 1989, generated a lot of support and money for the organization. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

However, each of these yatra mobilizations also left behind a trail of communal clashes in Gujarat. This is because the messages of these yatras contained an inflammatory rhetoric of hostility and a scarcely veiled encouragement to listener to act out against the other community. They were deliberately designed to incite violence. (Yagnik & Sheth, 2005)

Processions

Another form of collective action that is designed to provoke the other community into aggressive action is the religious procession. Such processions are religious symbolic celebrations that have been taken over by political leaders and groups for their mobilization purposes. (Brass, 2003)

These processions are accompanied by the militant elements of the Sangh

Parivar that close down shops and block roads. Such processions deliberately pass through localities inhabited by the other community. Procession members also engage in activities that interfere with the peace or even the property of the other community.

Some of these processions also involve sloganeering and displays of arms like Narratives in Guj arat 55 bamboo sticks and swords. This can be very provocative and/or intimidating. (Brass,

2003)

An especially provocative procession is the funerary processions where the

dead body of a member of one community allegedly killed by a person from other

community is carried through localities containing large concentrations of the other.

Such processions are sure to lead to violence. Such a procession was undertaken in

2002, when the VHP brought the bodies of the Godhra victims to Ahmedabad (even

though some of the victims lived elsewhere). The bodies of the victims were paraded

around town and accompanied by hate messages that contributed considerably in

inciting violence and hostility. (Brass, 2003) Narratives in Guj arat 56

Chapter Six - Research Questions

Research Question 1

The previous sections have outlined the central tenets and role of the dominant

Hindu conflict narrative in Gujarat. It did not however present a Muslim conflict narrative. This is because there is very little information about the Muslim narrative post-independence. In order to develop a balanced understanding of the conflict situation, it is essential to gain knowledge about the Muslim narrative.

Also, when Varshney (2002) compared the Hindu-Muslim conflict dynamics between 6 cities in India (including Ahmedabad), he found out that in each city, different factors were responsible for the outbreak of violence. Therefore, it is possible the conflict dynamics unique to Ahmedabad have created narratives themes that are also unique to the city. These unique narrative themes may help us understand and explain the extreme polarization and segregation that exists in this city.

Therefore for the purpose of this research, I shall focus solely on the conflict narratives of the people of Ahmedabad. My first research question is: What are the narratives of the people of Ahmedabad?

Research Question 1 Hypotheses:-

Hypothesis 1.1:-

In his book on the Hindu-Muslim relations in India, Ashutosh Varshney

(2002) identifies three national narratives related to the Hindu-Muslim conflict - secular nationalism, religious nationalism and lower caste unity. The secular nationalism narrative emphasizes that religious faith does not determine citizenship and rights in India. The religious nationalism narrative emphasizes that religion is what gives India its national identity. The two forms of this narrative - Hindu and Narratives in Guj arat 57

Muslim are mirror images of each other. The lower caste unity narrative primarily attacks Hindu nationalism by focusing on the deeply hierarchical and unjust nature of the Hindu social order (where upper class minorities have advantages over lower class majorities).

Through his research, Varshney has shown that all three narratives are used to organize mass politics and have a considerable influence on Hindu-Muslim relations in India. However, the prevalence and acceptance of these narratives varies from city to city. (Varshney, 2002).

Ahmedabad is home to a large number of Muslim and low caste communities and it is also the stronghold of the RSS which is an active supporter and promoter of religious nationalism. Based on this, I expect that - All three national narratives will be present at the local level in Ahmedabad.

Hypothesis 1.2

Horowitz (2002), states that six characteristics of a group determine whether they will be targeted in an ethnic riot. These characteristics are a reputation for aggression, traditional antagonism, opposition in war, political strength, external affinities and psychological strength. Given the fact that the Muslim community is the target of almost all riots in Gujarat and Ahmedabad, I expect that:- The conflict narratives of Hindus in Ahmedabad will reflect an attribution of all six of these characteristics to Muslims, with a reputation for aggression and traditional antagonism being the most prominent.

Hypothesis 1.3

Research has also shown that negative feelings resulting from inter-group conflict linger on long after the violence itself has terminated. In protracted conflict situations, people speak of atrocities committed against their group without Narratives in Guj arat 58 necessarily differentiating between events that occurred recently or many years ago

(Ignatieff, 1997; as cited in Wohl, 2005, p.88). Given the long history of the Hindu and Muslim conflict in Ahmedabad, I expect that:- the conflict narratives of both

Hindus and Muslims will reflect collective guilt assignment to the out-group.

Hypothesis 1.4

Narratives also contain myths about traumas or calamities suffered by the group's ancestors. These myths define the group as a victim which must seek security or revenge from the outgroup (Volkan, 1996; as cited in Kaufman, 2006, p.205).

Since its inception, the state of Gujarat and the city of Ahmedabad has witnessed several incidents of mass violence and bloodshed. Based on this, I expect that:- the conflict narratives of both Hindus and Muslims reflect selective memory of historical traumas. In particular, I expect both to have selective memories about the 2002 violence i.e., Hindus will remember more incidents of Muslim violence against Hindus that of Hindu violence against Muslims and vice versa.

Hypothesis 1.5:-

Richard D Lambert (as cited in Horowitz, 2002, p.443) states that when people are subjected to stray assault or mob attack due to their religion, they realize the significance of their membership in that religious group. This increase in group identification then leads to an increased polarization from the other groups (Horowitz,

2002). In Gujarat, the distance between both communities has increased considerably since the 2002 violence. Based on this, I expect that:- the conflict narratives of both

Hindus and Muslims will reflect an increase in identification with their group after the 2002 violence. Narratives in Guj arat 59

Research Question 2

Varshney (2002) defines civic life or civil society as a non-state space of collective life that can include different kinds of social and political associations. His research on civic life in India shows that inter-communal civic links are an important factor in determining the susceptibility of a society to lethal communal violence such as riots. These civic links maintain peace by promoting communication and serving the social, economic and cultural needs of the two communities (Varshney, 2002).

Gujarat and in particular Ahmedabad has been known for its active civic society. It was the centre for Mahatma Gandhi's social movements. Therefore, my second research question is: Is there a difference between the narratives of people belonging to different kinds of civic associations in Ahmedabad?

Research Question 2 Hypotheses

Hypothesis 2.1

Civic associations provide people with an opportunity to interact with each other and as White (2003), discovered in her case study, the opportunity to interact with each other and a shared sense of motive leads to a re-crafting of conflict narratives. Based on this I hypothesize that: the conflict narratives of both Hindus and

Muslims belonging to inter-ethnic associations will be different from those belonging to intra-ethnic associations.

Hypothesis 2.2

Collective violence such as riots rarely engulfs an entire town or city of any substantial size. Nor does it ever include all elements in the city's social organization, whether defined by class, caste, religion or other cultural community (Brass, 2003).

There is sufficient evidence that riots between Hindus and Muslims often occur where Hindu and Muslim areas are in close juxtaposition to each other, for Narratives in Guj arat 60 example in slums or low income housing settlements. However, during the 2002 riots, there were pockets of calm like Ram Rahim Nagar in Ahmedabad, where the Hindu-

Muslim communities united to prevent any violence in their area (Sewak, 2006).

Economic interdependence and everyday social engagement between the two communities living in these areas is often cited as the reason behind the lack of violence. Based on this I hypothesize that: The conflict narratives of people living in those areas of Ahmedabad where there was no violence in 2002 will be markedly different from the narratives of the people living in areas where there was violence. Narratives in Gujarat 61

Chapter Seven - Methodology

Research Approach

A qualitative, action research approach was adopted for this research project.

The rationale for this outlined in the following sections:-

Qualitative research

Qualitative research is used to pursue knowledge about human, societal, political and global conditions through an understanding of the historical, cultural, economic and emotional context of participants (Kirby & McKenna, 1989; Palys,

1997; Stringer, 1999).

Qualitative researchers reject the idea that a statistical criterion can ever define explanation or create understanding and they place greater emphasis on understanding processes that can create and change participants' cognitive constructions. The main aim of qualitative research is to capture behaviors, attitudes and motivations that cannot be captured through strict empirical methods (Kirby & McKenna, 1989).

In conflict situations such as the one in Gujarat, the historical, cultural, economic and emotional context of participants is essential to understanding their behavior, attitude and motivation. In such situations, the information that can be gained and the inferences that can be made from qualitative data are more valuable than statistical quantitative data.

Action Research

Action research is not just a form of qualitative research (Greenwood & Levin,

2007). It is the conjunction of three elements: action, research and participation. It is research strategy that generates knowledge for the express purpose of taking action to promote social change. It aims to increase the ability of the involved community or organization members to control and improve their capacity to deal with their Narratives in Guj arat 62 situation (Greenwood & Levin, 2007). It is a fully collaborative, participatory, non competitive and non exploitative process between researcher, participants and any others involved in the process (Stringer, 1999; as cited in Gray, 2004).

Action research has a social change agenda but its aim is not to present finalized 'answers' to the problem but to reveal the truths and realities held legitimately by different groups and/or individuals with different experiences, worldviews and culture (Stringer, 1999; as cited in Gray, 2004). Action researchers work in collaboration with the participants to develop a joint construction of their situation and facilitate change. They have a profound interest in the validity of the generated knowledge because the results will affect the lives of the stakeholders

(Greenwood & Levin, 2007). They also seek to develop and maintain non exploitative social and personal relationships that enhance the social and emotional lives of those who participate (Stringer, 1999; as cited in Gray, 2004).

This project was conducted with an aim to provide useful recommendations for change. It focuses in particular on ways in which narratives can be used to aid reconciliation processes.

The action research process involves 5 essential steps or parts. The first step involves identifying a problem or defining an area of exploration and then asking a question. The second step involves deciding what data should be collected and how it should be collected. The third step involves collecting and analyzing the data. The fourth, is describing how the research findings can be used and applied. And lastly, the fifth step involves reporting or sharing the findings and plan for action with others. (Johnson, 2008)

Following this approach, I have already identified the area of exploration and posed research questions in the previous chapters. In the following chapters, I shall Narratives in Guj arat 63 describe the research method, ethical concerns, participants, procedure and limitations. Thereafter, I shall report the results and analyze the collected data.

Research Method

Action researchers use different kinds of social research techniques such as surveys, statistical analyses, interviews, focus groups, ethnographies and life histories to gather information through effective, open and honest communication. (Greenwood

& Levin, 2007; Palys, 1997). For this research project, I chose to use a questionnaire for gathering data (refer to Appendix A).

The questionnaire contained general and non-leading questions to allow for non-biased responses. For example, even though there is overwhelming evidence of a

Hindu-Muslim conflict, the participants were asked if they thought there was indeed a conflict in their city or country between the two communities. The broad and open- ended questions and ample space provided the participants the opportunity to tell their story in their own way. An additional comment page was also attached to the survey in order to enable the participants to give their feedback or elaborate on certain points.

The participants were also asked to answer questions about their attitudes towards forgiveness and reconciliation. Demographic information such as age, sex, religion, occupation and group memberships was also collected.

Reliability and Validity

Qualitative studies cannot be tested for validity and reliability in the same ways as quantitative studies. One way of determining validity for qualitative research is for the researchers to adopt a reflexive stance, through which they critically reflect on their influence on the research process. Therefore, an attempt is made throughout this project to continuously check my interpretations and assumptions (Gray, 2004). Narratives in Guj arat 64

Action research relies on interpretation both by the parties and the researcher.

Validity is applicable only within a certain narrative (i.e., that narrative is true for that person) and reliability usually lies only within the specialized knowledge of the one person telling the story (Druckman, 2005). For this research project, every participant was considered to be the expert of their story. Every attempt was made to make sure that the participants felt comfortable in discussing their true narrative, and they were asked to only talk about what they thought instead of what their community members think.

Also the purpose of validation in action research is to test out key arguments with a critical audience to identify where there is a lack of clarity or focus, sharpen claims to new knowledge and ensure that the data match these claims (Gray, 2004).

For this research paper, my community sponsor and my academic advisor act as the critical audience to check the data for accuracy and faithfulness of my interpretation.

Ethical Issues and considerations

Free and Informed consent

All participants were asked for their consent prior to their participation in the study. The consent however was obtained verbally as people were not comfortable with signatures. I explained the purpose of the research before handing out the questionnaire to each participant or filling it out for them. Also a form detailing the purpose of the research, the contact information of my academic supervisor and my personal contact information was attached to all the questionnaires, (refer to Appendix

B)

The questionnaire was also translated into Gujarati to accommodate those that did not want to or could not answer in English. A local person was enlisted to help me Narratives in Guj arat 65 communicate better with the participants that could not understand the Indian national language - Hindi or just preferred to converse in the local language of Gujarati.

Respect for Privacy and Confidentiality

Every precaution was taken to ensure the safety and security of all participants. Their names or contact information were never collected on the questionnaire to maintain confidentiality.

All contact information needed for recruitment purposes was always recorded in my private diary. The identity and opinions of the participants were never discussed with anyone.

All the collected questionnaires were only identifiable by a generic code, making it impossible for anyone to ascertain the identity of the participant.

The Right to Withdraw

All research participants were informed of their right to withdraw from the research at any time. They were also told that they were free to not respond to any of the questions if they wished.

Communication and Maintaining Good Faith

All participants were provided with my contact information, i.e, email address, postal address and phone number to enable them to maintain contact with me.

The situation in Gujarat is very sensitive and there is ample potential for misunderstandings to arise. Since I am Hindu, I always made an effort to make sure that the participants were comfortable with me and my research before they filled out the questionnaire. I tried to anticipate areas where possible misunderstandings could arise and always tried to any clear doubts about the integrity of my research. No attempt was made to deceive the participants in any way. Narratives in Guj arat 66

Research Participants

Sponsor

My community sponsor for this project was Mr. Iqbal Baig, who is a program

manager for SAMERTH. SAMERTH is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation

that works on a variety of issues like peace building, livelihood promotion and

conflict mitigation in Gujarat. It actively promotes intercommunity dialogue between

the Hindu and Muslim communities in the divided city of Ahmedabad. Their research

team has also conducted research on ways of promoting sustainable livelihood and the

community segregation in the city of Ahmedabad (www.samerth.org).

I used the office of SAMERTH and utilized their libraries and contacts to find

information and participants. The SAMERTH field workers were instrumental in

helping me access the Muslim participants living in the sensitive areas of Ahmedabad.

Population

All participants were local residents of the city of Ahmedabad. A snowball

sampling technique was used to recruit participants for this study. This involved

starting with one or two people and then using their connections and their

connection's connections to generate a large sample.

The questionnaire was first tested on 4 participants to determine the feasibility

of the questions and detailed feedback was obtained from them to enable me to make

changes to the questionnaire. Their responses were not used for data analysis.

A total of 77 participants answered the revised questionnaire - 31 Hindus, 41

Muslims and 5 Others (those who did not see themselves as Hindu or Muslim). Out of

these, 7 Muslim questionnaires were discarded because they were filled out by field

workers of my sponsor organization in a group situation. Group dynamics might have Narratives in Guj arat 67 greatly influenced the response of these participants, therefore, I felt I had to discard their data.

The remaining 70 participants were from different socio-economic and educational background. However, I was unable to get a gender balanced sample. Out of the 31 Hindus, 27 were male and 4 were female, and out of the 34 Muslim participants, 10 were male and 24 were females.

The reasons for this imbalance are that it was difficult to find male Muslim participants to answer my questionnaire. Most of them are daily wage earners. In such households, I found that the female members of the family were more willing to answer a lengthy questionnaire. On the other hand, in the Hindu community, the male members of a household generally preferred to answer the questionnaire. A more gender representative sample was definitely obtainable but required more time than I had on hand.

I was also unable to recruit many 'low caste' or Dalit participants. Again, this is due to the fact that most are daily wage earners and it is not possible for them to find the free time to participate in research. I was only able to have short but insightful conversations with them; however, I cannot use that material as I could not ask them all the questions or obtain consent.

Procedure

All participants were usually contacted by phone to fix a meeting. Upon arrival, I would describe my research and ask them to take part in my research. Verbal consent for participation in the study was always obtained before giving them the questionnaire. Narratives in Guj arat 68

All participants were given the choice of letting me fill out the questionnaire for them. They were also given the option of filling out the questionnaire in front of me or later at their convenience. The filled out questionnaires were later collected from the participants at a time of their choice.

Some participants offered to distribute the questionnaires on my behalf. They were provided with empty questionnaires and information sheets that detailed the purpose of the research.

Participants were also asked to put the completed questionnaires in envelops or to staple them to maintain confidentiality. All questionnaires that were handed out were collected by the researcher in person or through the participant's trusted contacts in order to maintain confidentiality.

A Gujarati Jain translator accompanied me to my meetings with the participants, all whom were pre-informed about her presence. However, if the participants were not comfortable with her presence, I went to meet them alone.

Research Limitations

Before I start discussing the data collected, it is important to outline the limitations of the current research.

Time taken to complete the research:-

The research for this project was completed in a month. This is a short period of time for a qualitative research project. Naturalism or post-positivism, is a more traditional paradigm in qualitative research. In naturalism, the researcher gets involved in the setting for a sustained period until representative-ness and exhaustiveness of the data are confirmed. However, due to insufficient time, access and opportunity for saturation, most professional and study oriented researches usually comprises of shorter, smaller more micro studies. (Holliday, 2007) Narratives in Guj arat 69

This being a research project for a MA program had to completed within a certain time period, making it impossible for me to spend more time in the setting. I do believe however, that the time spent was adequate for a project of this nature.

Use of questionnaire:-

Interviews are generally preferred over questionnaires because questionnaires do not help to generate the forms of collaborative problem solving that action research requires (Gray, 2004). However, the situation in Gujarat at the time of this project demanded the use of questionnaires.

This research project was first devised with interviews as the method of data collection. However, on arrival in the city of Ahmedabad, I discovered that due to a prevailing atmosphere of fear, no one was willing to be interviewed openly. People feared reprisals for voicing their opinions and concerns. No one agreed to be taped.

Also most people preferred not to discuss the subject in public places like offices, restaurants or other possible meeting venues. It was not feasible for me to visit all the participants at their home. Also, a few participants were uncomfortable with home visits, as they feared a disclosure of their home address. Therefore in order to keep participation in the research project safe and confidential, to maintain consistency and to facilitate timely data collection, I decided to change my data collection method to questionnaires instead of interviews.

I believe the data collected is enough for me to answer my research questions and make tentative generalizations.

Personal Biases

As a member of the Hindu community in India, I am a part of the Hindu-

Muslim conflict. I also admit to feeling contempt for Hindus affiliated with organizations such as the RSS, BJP or VHP. I also feel contempt for narrow minded Narratives in Guj arat 70 members of the Muslim community. However, my contempt for the biased Hindus outweighs my contempt for the biased Muslims. This is therefore my personal bias.

I have tried to remain neutral in my research and have always invited a discussion of my assumptions. I constantly checked my assumptions with members of both Hindu and Muslim communities. I tested my questionnaire on both Hindu and

Muslim participants in Ahmedabad and made changes based on their feedback before

I handed them out in the field. I also kept all the questions non-leading and free from assumptions.

I believe that my research and discussion are as free from biases as humanly possible. Narratives in Guj arat 71

Chapter Eight - Findings

One of the major issues in qualitative research is the extent to which data should be analyzed. Some researchers believe that the data should not be analyzed at all and that it should only be presented - allowing it to speak for itself, untainted by the potential subjective interpretations of the researcher (Strauss and Corbin, 1998 as cited in Gray, 2004).

Others like Holliday (2007), state that simply reporting the facts provides only a thin description of the data and that we need a thick description that looks at the meaning and context of the data for a better analysis. For the purpose of this paper, I will be doing both.

I will first report the basic data pertaining to each research question and hypotheses. Then I will present a thicker description through a narrative analysis of the data.

Research Question 1

What themes characterized the narratives of the people ofAhmedabad?

In order to identify the narrative themes I conducted an inductive analysis of the data. This involves organising the observed data into groups and identifying the recurring themes or patterns present in the data. Similar things are then coded and moved into initial categories.

For the data obtained here, I developed a coding system that examined the questionnaire responses of the participants for presence of the hypothesized and new themes, (refer to Appendix C, for the coding scheme). The codes of each participant were then entered into an excel table, enabling me to obtain basic descriptive statistics. Narratives in Guj arat 72

In the following section, I will present the data results obtained from the 65 participants who identified as either Hindu or Muslim. The responses of the participants that did not identify as either Hindu or Muslim will be discussed in a later section.

Here are the results pertaining to each hypothesis.

Hypothesis 1.1: All three national narratives will be present at the local level in

Ahmedabad.

The numbers for this hypothesis were too low to be statistically significant.

Out of the 65 participants tested, 3 Hindu and 6 Muslim participants' responses reflected the secular narrative; 4 Hindu participants' responses reflected the religious narrative and only 1 Hindu participant's narrative reflected the lower caste narrative.

However, this does not mean that other participants, who did not volunteer this information, do not believe in one of these three national narratives. I attempted to test this hypothesis through a non-direct, non-leading question and it is possible that more participants may have responded positively to a direct inquiry.

Hypothesis 1.2: The conflict narratives of Hindus will reflect an attribution of six characteristics to Muslims:- a reputation for aggression, traditional antagonism, opposition in war, external affiliates, political threat and psychological strength. I expect a reputation for aggression and traditional antagonism to be the most prominent.

The conflict narratives of Hindus reflected all the hypothesized characteristics except opposition in war. As expected, a reputation for aggression and traditional antagonism were the most prominent. Narratives in Guj arat 73

12 participants (38.7 %) talked about Muslim aggression; 7 (22.6 %) cited traditional antagonism; 6 (19.4 %) linked the local Muslim population to other

Muslims countries (including Pakistan); 3 (9.7%) believed Muslims' to be psychologically stronger and 2 (6.5%) mentioned Muslims as a political threat.

I believe the numbers would have been much higher for all characteristics if I had interviewed the participants. During my time in Ahmedabad, I found that people talked more freely when they were 'off the record'. I was considered to be an in-group member due to my religious identity therefore they could share all their fears and concerns. They did not however want their views in print as they did not want to give my 'western' audience a bad perception of Ahmedabad. Some Hindus even downplayed the conflict as a minor issue that has been blown out of proportion by biased persons (i.e, media, activists).

Also, the data reveled that some Hindus (5 to be exact) link the Muslim's reputation for aggression to their diet. I shall discuss this further in a subsequent section.

Hypothesis 1.3: The conflict narratives of both Hindus and Muslims will reflect collective guilt assignment to the out-group.

II Hindu participants (35.5%) assigned collective guilt to the Muslims but none of the Muslim participants blamed the Hindus. 29%, or 10 out of 34, Muslims believed the Hindus of Ahmedabad and/or Gujarat to be peaceful in nature. Almost all of the Muslim: 33 or 97% of them, blamed politicians for the violence.

53% or 18 Hindus also blamed the politicians for the conflict and 32% of the

Hindus also believed that they are i peaceful community. Narratives in Guj arat 74

Hypothesis 1.4: The conflict narratives of both Hindus and Muslims reflect selective memory of historical traumas and the 2002 incidents of violence, i.e., Hindus will remember more incidents of Muslim violence against Hindus that of Hindu violence against Muslims and vice versa.

10 (or 32%) Hindu participants showed a selective memory of historical traumas - recalling incidents where their community had suffered at the hands of the

Muslims. The Godhra train burning incident was mentioned most often. Others incidents mentioned were the Akshardham temple attack, 1969 riots, historical attacks on temples and local violence.

In comparison, 64.7% (or 22 out of 34) of Muslim participants showed a selective memory of traumas. They recalled only the 2002 and/or 1992 riots (after the demolition of Babri masjid).

Also, to the Hindus, Godhra was the most defining moment of 2002, while for the Muslims, the violence that followed afterwards was most important.

Hypothesis 1.5: The conflict narratives of both Hindus and Muslims will reflect an increase in identification with their group after the 2002 violence.

This hypothesis proved difficult to test as I did not ask the participants this question directly because identity is a sensitive issue for Muslims in India. Instead I attempted to test this in an in-direct, non-leading manner by asking the participants if their interactions with members of the out-group had changed since 2002. However, most people chose not to answer this question. Only 2 Hindus and 6 Muslims reported that their interactions had changed but did not specify how they had changed.

I had also asked the participants about the identity that they considered was most important to them - national (Indian), regional (Gujarati), religious Narratives in Guj arat 75

(Hindu/Muslim) or any other. The majority of participants, both Hindu and Muslim, held their national identity to be the most important. Also more Muslims (29, as compared to 18 Hindus) than Hindus claimed to be attached to their Indian identity.

A possible explanation of this is that the Muslims' loyalty to the nation has been questioned since the partition, making their national identity a matter of great importance to them.

Summary

The important conclusions that can be drawn from these tests are that Muslim reputation for aggression, traditional antagonism and external affiliates are the most common themes in the Hindu participants' conflict narrative. Some Hindus also hold the non-vegetarian diet of Muslims to be responsible for their aggression.

Additionally, some Hindu and most Muslim participants blamed politicians for the creation of the conflict and eruption of violence. Also, more Muslim than Hindu participants showed evidence of a selective memory for traumas.

Research Question 2

The data collected from different participants was tested for the presence of narrative themes such as reputation for aggression, traditional antagonism, external affiliates, psychological strength, political threat and blame attribution to politicians.

It was also tested for collective guilt assignment and selective memory of historical traumas. This was done to determine whether there was a difference between participants belonging to the different categories that were hypothesized earlier.

Here are the results:- Narratives in Guj arat 76

Hypothesis 2.1: The conflict narratives of both Hindus and Muslims belonging to

inter-ethnic associations will be different from those belonging to intra-ethnic associations.

The results for this test were largely inconclusive as most people were hesitant to reveal if they were member of any organization. However a few interesting trends were observed.

Hindus

A total of 8 Hindu participants belonged to intra-ethnic associations and 4

Hindu participants belonged to inter-ethnic associations.

The interesting differences that came up among these participants were in the

case of a reputation for aggression and selective memory for historical traumas. 5 out

of 8 (62.5%) Hindu participants belonging to intra-ethnic associations believed

Muslims to be aggressive whereas, only 1 out of 4 (25%) of the Hindu participants belonging to inter-ethnic association mentioned Muslim aggression. The test for

selective memory of historical traumas and collective guilt assignment resulted in the exact same number as the test for reputation for aggression (1 out of 4 and 5 out of 8).

There was no difference on traditional antagonism and psychological strength of Muslims (25% of both groups). However, participants belonging to intra-ethnic association were more likely than inter-ethnic association members (50% to 25%) to blame politicians for the violence. Also intra-ethnic association members were more likely to view Muslims as a political threat (25% vs 12.5%). None of the inter-ethnic members mentioned external affiliates, while 25% (2 out of 8) of the intra-ethnic members did. Narratives in Guj arat 77

Muslims

Only 20 Muslims answered this question, and all of them reported to be members of inter-ethnic associations. Thus the only interpretation that I am able to draw from the data is that Muslims belonged to more inter-ethnic associations than

Hindus. The reason for this might be that the Muslims are a minority in Ahmedabad and so most of them have no choice but to interact with Hindus.

Hypothesis 2.2: The conflict narratives ofpeople living in those areas of Ahmedabad where there was no violence in 2002 will be markedly different from the narratives of the people living in areas where there was violence.

All the residential areas were categorized into 2 categories based on data from

SAMERTH's research reports on violence in 2002. Group 1 contained the participants living in an area where there was violence in 2002, in Group 2 had participants that lived in areas where there was no violence in 2002.

A total of 27 (5 Hindus, 22 Muslims) people lived in areas where there was violence in 2002 and 38 (26 Hindus, 12 Muslims) lived in areas where there was no violence.

Out of the people living in areas where there was violence, 2 out of the 5

Hindus attributed aggression to the Muslims, 1 talked of Muslim's psychological strength and related aggression to diet. 3 blamed politicians. Among the Muslim participants, 21 blamed politicians.

Out of the 26 Hindus living in peaceful areas, 10 attributed aggression to the

Muslims, 2 talked of traditional antagonism, psychological strength and political threat, 6 mentioned external affiliates and 4 thought aggression was related to diet. 15 Narratives in Guj arat 78

blamed politicians. Out of the 12 Muslims living in a peaceful area, 2 mentioned

traditional antagonism and 12 blamed politicians.

Summary

The important conclusions that can be drawn from these two tests were that

Hindu participants living in areas where there was no violence in 2002 and those that

are members of an intra-ethnic association are slightly more likely to believe in

Muslims reputation for aggression and their external affiliates.

Additional Findings

Inter-group Interaction

Being a part of an inter-ethnic association does not mean that the participants

do in fact interact with members of the out-group. So in order to see if the amount of

inter-group interaction is related to the presence of narrative themes in a participant's

conflict narrative, I asked the participants if they interacted with members of the out-

group. I also asked them about the quality and quantity of their interactions.

The participants were then divided into 4 groups based on the quality of their

inter-group interactions: high, medium, low and no interaction. The high interaction

group was the one that reported having personal relationships, friendships with out-

group members. The medium interaction group was the participants that have social

or business relationships and the low interaction group consisted of participants that

have minimal functional relationships or were acquainted with members of the out-

group. The no interaction group was the one with people that did not interact at all with members of the out-group. These groups were un-equal in number, group 1

contained 13 individuals (7 Hindus, 6 Muslims), group 2 had 15 individuals (11

Hindu, 4 Muslims), group 3 had 15 individuals (7 Hindus, 8 Muslims) and group 4 had 22 (6 Hindus, 16 Muslims). Their results were as follows:- Narratives in Guj arat 79

Out of the 13 participants that did not interact with out-group members, 6 were

Muslim, and they showed no other narratives themes but all 6 of them did attribute blame to the politicians. Out of the 7 Hindus that did not interact with Muslims, 4

talked about Muslim's aggression, 3 mentioned traditional antagonism, external

affiliates and blamed politicians. Also 2 of them related aggression to diet.

In the low interaction group, the 2 out of 4 Muslims blamed politicians. And

out of the 11 Hindus, 7 talked about Muslim reputation for aggression, 3 mentioned

traditional antagonism, external affiliates and psychological strength and 2 talked

about the political threat. 6 of them blamed politicians and 3 related aggression to

diet.

In the medium interaction, 3 out of the 8 Muslims blamed politicians. 1 out of

the 7 Hindus attributed aggression, mentioned traditional antagonism. 4 of them blamed politicians.

In the high interaction group, 15 out of the 16 Muslims blamed politicians.

Out of the 6 Hindus, 5 blamed politicians.

Summary

The data reveals an important trend. Hindu participants with a higher level of interaction reported less narrative themes such as Muslim reputation for aggression, traditional antagonism and external affiliates. Also these participants that did interact with Muslims in any capacity were more likely to blame politicians instead of the entire Muslim community.

The 'Other'Narrative

Not all participants identified themselves as Hindu or Muslim. 5 participants explicitly stated that they did not feel that they belonged to either one of these categories even though they could be classified as Hindu or Muslim. This goes to Narratives in Guj arat 80 show that even though people are born "Hindu" and "Muslim", they may not necessarily identify with these categories. In this group, all participants blamed politicians for creating conflict and no one showed any other narrative theme. They all reported medium to high levels of inter-group interaction.

The conclusion we can draw here is that people who are less attached to their religious identity are also less likely to believe in stereotypes about the out-groups and are more likely to interact with out-group members.

Narrative Analysis

Narrative analysis is an interpretive and reflective way of analyzing qualitative data that includes an exploration of the causes, explanations, and effects of both the oral and written communication. It addresses nuances, innuendos, emotions, and nonverbal behaviors in the analysis and focuses on what is said, why and with what effect to allow for a broad and thematic understanding of the conflict process.

Researchers do not try to validate the accurateness of the person's story, but to discover the meaning of it (Johnston, as cited in Druckman, 2005, p.277).

In the following paragraphs, I present a narrative analysis of the responses of

Hindu and Muslim participants.

Language:-

When talking about the 2002 violence, most participants of the study used the word "toofan" i.e., storm to refer to the incident. Almost no one used the corresponding Hindi word for 'riot'. This is a reflection of how people on the ground view the Hindu-Muslim violence or riots as something akin to natural forces that they have no power over.

Most Muslim participants, even those that had not been touched by the violence in 2002, used expressions that conveyed a sense of helplessness and despair. Narratives in Guj arat 81

Also, all except the riot victims with whom I spoke were careful about what they said

about the Hindu community. Perhaps this was a reflection of their lack of complete

trust in me, a Hindu researcher, or perhaps this was a learned behavior of a minority

community.

All Hindu participants except a politician and a bureaucrat were more open

and expressive.

Non-verbal behaviors

Most Muslim participants were eager to answer the questionnaire and once

completed, some would continue to discuss the topic with me. However, most Hindu

participants displayed a laid back attitude to answering the questionnaire. Most

preferred to talk about things other than the conflict.

Emotions

Many participants used the additional comments page to express their feelings

about the project. Muslim participants in general were heartened that someone was

taking an interest in the subject whereas Hindu participants were tired of the attention being given to the Hindu-Muslim conflict by the media and researchers.

Innuendos

Many Hindu participants implied that all Muslim men were sexual predators

or that Muslim society in general lacked morality. Some wrote about innocent Hindu

girls being tricked or trapped by Muslim men and warned me to be on my guard.

This is a result of the stereotypes and propaganda spread by organizations such as the RSS and VHP. Their campaigns often highlight the danger that Muslim men pose to Hindu women (Nussbaum, 2007). Narratives in Guj arat 82

Chapter Nine- Discussion

The findings of this research project revealed very little about the Muslim

narrative. However, it revealed that the Hindu narrative contains three out of the six

characteristics that Horowitz (2002) believes determine if a group will be targeted in

an ethnic riot. These characteristics are - a reputation of aggression, traditional

antagonism and external affiliates. The cause and consequences of each characteristic

are discussed below.

Reputation for aggression

38.7 % of the Hindu participants talked about Muslims aggression. This is not

surprising considering the history of the region and the influence of the Sangh Parivar organizations in Gujarat.

However, some participants presented an interesting theory for Muslim

aggression. They directly blamed the non-vegetarian diet of the Muslims for their aggression. A possible explanation for this is that majority of the people living in

Gujarat are vegetarian and greatly influenced by the Jain religion. The Jain community members are strict vegetarians. They believe in non-violence and practice it in their daily lives. For example, they are even regardful of their actions towards micro-organisms and actively attempt to minimize any harm to them.

These individuals associate eating meat with violence and aggression. And thus they believe that Muslims are aggressive because they eat meat. A Jain priestess made this link explicit when she told me that "if you can kill an animal then you will have no problem killing a human being".

Also, vegetarian Hindus also consider meat to be impure and they go to great lengths to avoid any contact with non-vegetarian food. Most do not like their food to be cooked in a kitchen where non-vegetarian food is prepared and will even go to the Narratives in Guj arat 83 extent of boycotting utensils used for serving non-vegetarian food, even after they've been washed. To these Hindus, non-vegetarian food is pollution and the people consuming these foods unclean.

To such people, the segregation of Hindus and Muslims is segregation between the vegetarians and non-vegetarians. To them this is a pleasant development.

External Affiliates

19.4% of the Hindu participants cited external affiliates of the local Muslims.

They believe that the Muslims living in Ahmedabad or India in general have maintained their links to Pakistan and the larger Islamic world.

The reason for this lies in the history of the partition, the India-Pakistan conflict and the proximity of Pakistan to Gujarat. The concept of "Islamic brotherhood" enables the Hindus to believe that the Muslims in India are being supported by the larger Muslim world. They believe that all terrorists are Muslims that have been funded by fundamentalist Islamic states or organizations outside of

India.

Traditional antagonism:-

22.6 % of the Hindu participants talked about the traditional animosity between Hindus and Muslims. They quoted historical incidents and traumas to create a narrative where the Hindus have always been the victims of the violent, aggressive and bigoted Muslims. This is again not surprising given the biased history and hate propaganda that has been actively spread by the RSS, VHP and BJP in Gujarat.

A consequence of these narrative themes are that the members of the Hindu society who strongly adhere to it, tend to absorb what fits the content of the narrative and dismiss the information that opposes it. Such narratives become a prism through Narratives in Guj arat 84

which group members construe their reality, collect new information, interpret their

experience and make decisions about their course of action. (Rotberg, 2006).

Thus we can imagine that in 2002, it was easier for people to believe that it

was the Muslims that set fire to a train full of Hindu devotees in Godhra. The

presence of the narrative in the minds of the Hindus made them believe the media and

leaders when they propagated the "terrorist attack" theory. And it allowed them to justify the violence against Muslims

Another major consequence of believing in these characteristics is that the

Hindus' expect the worst from the Muslims and react accordingly. This reaction in

turn instigates further rounds of hostility and animosity from certain elements within

the Muslim community and the conflict continues.

Additional Findings

Blame attribution to politicians

Another finding of this study is that most Muslim and some Hindu participants blame the politicians for the politicians for the creation of the conflict and eruption of violence.

A possible reason for this may be that both the Muslims and Hindus in India have ample experience and examples of dishonest politicians that have used conflict for gaining political advantage. In Gujarat, the politicians openly spread hate through their speeches and propaganda. In 2002, many leaders were directly involved in directing the murdering mobs and protecting the killers.

Thus the role of politicians in maintaining this conflict and producing the violence in 2002 cannot be denied. However they did not create this conflict. For the

Hindus, blaming the politicians is a way of shifting the blame and responsibility for the violence away from the Hindu collective. For the Muslims, this is a way to Narratives in Guj arat 85 maintain a victim complex and avoid introspection about the conflict contributing actions of Muslim community.

Inter-group interaction

This research also revealed that Hindu participants with a higher level of interaction were less likely to report narrative themes such as Muslim reputation for aggression, traditional antagonism and external affiliates.

This is in agreement with psychology findings that have long-since proven that inter-group contact is one of the most effective strategies for improving inter- group relations (Dovidio, Gaertner, & Kawakami, 2003). Inter-group contact promotes positive inter-group emotions and mitigates negative ones (Miller, Smith, &

Mackie, 2004). Positive interactions between members of different groups can reduce inter-group prejudice and hostility (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006).

In the next section, I shall examine peace-building methods that can be used to decrease the inter-group hostility and encourage reconciliation among the Hindus and

Muslims of Gujarat. Narratives in Gujarat 86

Chapter Ten- Recommendations

Post 2002 Social Situation

It has been seven years and the situation in Gujarat has not improved. Gujarat is still under the control of Narendra Modi and the BJP. His government has allowed militant Sangh Parivar groups such as the RSS, VHP and BD, to run wild in Gujarat.

Using a wide array of strong-arm tactics, they have managed create an atmosphere of fear and hatred.

The perpetrators of 2002 violence are still free and the displaced are still living in inadequately equipped relief camps because they are too afraid to go home. As of

January 2006, it was estimated that between 60 to 90 percent of the people affected were still unable to return to their homes. (Parker, 2008, p 2)

The sole focus of the state government is to attract investments and streamline development. In order to reassure its investors, it is critical for the state to portray an image of normalcy. Therefore, the government now denies the existence of many relief camps, forcing the NGOs to handle them alone. Lack of funds, an insensitive social community and unsupportive government have made the maintenance of these camps is a constant and monumental struggle (Mander & Nanavati, 2006)

Their condition is truly deplorable. The residents have given up hope of regaining or recovering their losses, their main aim now is to find a source of income to sustain themselves. However, the activities of the RSS-VHP & BD groups continue to make their lives miserable. These groups actively promote the economic boycott of

Muslims through persuasion, intimidation or force (Concerned Citizens Tribunal,

2002a).

In fact, Muslims all over Gujarat are treated as second class citizens. They are systematically discriminated against by government that is completely indifferent to Narratives in Guj arat 87 their needs. Muslims continue to be indiscriminately arrested across the state and sometimes even shot dead by the police in fake encounters. ("Sohrabuddin case",

2008).

In major cities like Ahmedabad, Muslims are being driven out of Hindu areas and forced to relocate to Muslim ghettos that lack basic civic amenities. The state government claims to have the best infrastructure in the country, still residents of areas like Juhapura in Ahmedabad struggle for electricity, clean water, healthcare and transportation.

This geographical segregation along religious lines has widened the social distance between the Hindus and Muslims and made both communities more insular.

There is a complete lack of shared spaces for children, as most parents are either forced or persuaded to send their children to exclusively Hindu or Muslim schools.

An atmosphere of fear and prejudice prevails in Gujarat. Inter-community prejudices are now deeply entrenched and constant strife is a part of daily life for many Muslims.

(Yagnik & Sheth, 2005; Nussbaum, 2007)

The social distance between the two communities is so great that politicians, conflict entrepreneurs and mischief makers on both sides can easily manipulate the situation to further escalate the conflict

To prevent this from happening, it is essential for peace-builders to merge short term needs of the people with a long term vision of the community. Peace- building must not become a fire-fighting process where all efforts are directed at managing immediate crises. (Lederach, 1997; as cited in Deutsch, 2000). Peace- builders must look towards the future and focus on rebuilding relationships by promoting reconciliation and communication among the Hindus and Muslims. Narratives in Guj arat 88

NGOs in Gujarat

Post-2002, a lot of emphasis was been given to relief, rehabilitation, justice and reconciliation by activists and NGOs. In terms of reconciliation efforts, major international organizations such as CARE, ActionAid, Oxfam and the Ford

Foundation funded projects to encourage peace and reconciliation. However, these projects attained only limited success. Eventually the funding and program scopes were cut back. (Parker, 2008, p. 10)

One such program was the Gujarat Harmony Project initiated in May, 2002 by

CARE India and 12 partner NGOs in Gujarat and Ahmedabad. Its focus was on facilitating reconciliation, restoring livelihood and providing psychological healing and therapy to the victims of the 2002 carnage. By the time it ended in November

2004, the project had made some impact at the local level. However, the sum total of these efforts was too small for reconciliation. (Ahmed, 2004, p 101)

Most NGO's in Gujarat now focus on alleviating poverty, providing livelihoods to Muslims and seeking legal justice. Many of them believe that reconciliation in Gujarat is problematic because the necessary conditions of the reconciliation process - such as acknowledgement, remorse, reparation and justice have not been met. The State has refused to provide support and there has been no public acceptance or expression of collective regret for the 2002 violence. Instead there is active denial, along with pride and the sentiment that the Muslims 'deserved it'. (Parker, 2008, p. 9)

NGO's, like the Aman Biradari, feel that justice needs to occur before any thought can be given to reconciliation. Meanwhile, a power imbalance between the

Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat, the lack of interest among the Hindus to participate in dialogue with the Muslims, terrorist attacks and physical separation of the two Narratives in Guj arat 89 communities have made reconciliation a monumental task for the organizations that do engage in reconciliation promoting activities. (Parker, 2008, p.l 1)

Particularly problematic are the lack of State support and the dominance of the

Hindu nationalist Sangh Parivar groups. I believe that in order to counter their hegemony, peace-builders need to establish a counter hegemony.

Gramsci (as cited in Fetherston, 2002, p.210) has argued that dominance in society is not maintained primarily through state intervention or force. It is maintained through civil society institutions (educational, religious and associational) that are imbued with the social meanings constructed by the elite. These institutions operate to shape, directly or indirectly, the cognitive and affective structure whereby men perceive and evaluate problematic social reality.

Gujarat is such a society, where the Sangh Parivar has established and maintained dominance through a complex network of social and civic organizations such as the RSS and VHP. They are omnipresent in Gujarat's civil space and give meaning and direction to Gujarat's social life.

In such states, where the hegemonic views are resistant to direct or immediate influence, successful social transformation must take the form described by Gramsci as a 'war of position'. This means that peace builders need to build consensus among non-dominant groups and establish a counter hegemony which will articulate an alternative direction for social life. The hope is that with time, more groups would be drawn into articulating and practicing alternative social meanings. (Fetherston, 2002)

I believe that in order to establish such a counter hegemony, peace-builders need to utilize Positive Approaches to Peacebuilding. Narratives in Guj arat 90

Recommendationl. Utilize Positive Approaches to peace-building: -

Positive Approaches are a group of concepts, theories and activities for

working towards change in relationships, organizations, communities and other

human systems. A primary assumption of most positive approaches is that in all

human systems there are things that are or have been working well. These things, i.e.,

practices or behaviors can be identified, analyzed and built upon for envisioning,

designing and implementing system change. Common characteristics of the positive

approaches are that they share an orientation to the positive power and potential of

human beings, place a lot of emphasis on the importance of meaning making and use

a variety of techniques to motivate and mobilize people for action. (Sampson, Abu-

Nimer, Lieber & Whitney, 2003)

Positive approaches to peace-building can be a specific technique, method, practice, phased methodology or group process or a full fledged strategy for producing systematic change involving multiple interventions, phases, techniques and/ or processes. (Sampson, Abu-Nimer, Lieber & Whitney, 2003)

Some examples of positive approaches to peace-building are talking circles, appreciative inquiry, the future search workshops, positive deviance, positive media and artistic expressions. Out of these, I believe the future search workshops and positive deviance and positive media strategies are particularly useful in Gujarat.

Future Search:-

Future search is a planning meeting that helps people transform their capability for action. It brings together people from all walks of life into the same conversation. Those with resources, expertise, formal authority and need come together to discover common ground and make concrete action plan. Narratives in Guj arat 91

I believe that future search workshops should be conducted with Muslim community in Gujarat, particularly Ahmedabad. Such meetings should be attended by all society members from all levels, religious, political and community leaders, grass root development workers, activists, journalists, students, youths and elders.

Mutual learning and discussion among such stakeholders can lead to strategies to curb terrorism and seek community betterment. This is necessary because those directly involved in the conflict maintain the ultimate responsibility for reconciliation.

People in conflict situations need a strong belief in their own ability to construct solutions. (Brenes, 2001)

It is important for the Muslims in Gujarat to come out of a victim mentality and work actively at changing their situation. They cannot let their views be misrepresented by fanatic religious leaders or opportunistic politicians. The moderate

Muslims need to speak out and control the extremists in their ranks. Recently, Muslim scholars in India held a meeting and publicly denounced terrorism as a non-Islamic act (Majumdar, 2008). However, a more inclusive and representative Muslim group, would have a better chance of changing perceptions.

Positive Deviance:-

Positive deviance is the observation that in most settings, a few at risk individuals follow uncommon but beneficial practices and consequently experience better outcomes than their neighbors who shared similar risks. (Marsh, Schroeder,

Dearden, Sternin & Sternin, 2004, p. 1177)

This approach involves partnering with communities to gather information about positive deviant behaviors that have resulted in unexpected good outcomes despite high risks, analyzing these behaviors to confirm their effectiveness and Narratives in Guj arat 92 adaptability, designing behavior change activities to encourage community adoption of the new behaviors. (Marsh, Schroeder, Dearden, Sternin & Sternin, 2004, p. 1177)

So far, this strategy has mostly been used to improve child health in poor societies, however, it has a vast potential to help communities gain other social benefits. Positive deviant behaviors are likely to be acceptable and sustainable because they are successfully practiced by at-risk individuals and do not conflict with the local culture. The main advantages of this approach are that it is informed by the wisdom of the people facing the situation and it enhances local capacity for problem solving. (Marsh, Schroeder, Dearden, Sternin & Sternin, 2004, p. 1177)

In India, a long history of colonisation might have led many to feel inferior about their own culture and abilities to solve problems. In order to attract funding, many local organizations advocate western approaches to building cultures of peace

(Brenes, 2001). However these approaches may have limited applicability and sustainability in Gujarat, whereas centuries old practices might include useful practices for healing, conflict management, reconciliations and tolerance building. For example, in the past, local panchayats (footnote) and trader unions were crucial in maintaining peace in Gujarat.

Even now, there are mixed communities, like Dioli, in Gujarat that have managed to escape violence and remain peaceful. Such mixed villages and neighbourhoods that resisted violence in 2002 and that continue to actively maintain a peaceful community through peace committees, social events and building of social capital. (Parker, 2008, p 6)

Elsewhere, successful initiatives have been taken by concerned community members to foster communal harmony and interaction between children of all communities. An example of this the Arzoo initiative founded by Sulekha Ali, a Narratives in Guj arat 93 woman living in the volatile mixed neighborhood of Behrampura in Ahmedabad.

(Parker, 2008, p 6)

Such initiatives and communities also need to be highlighted through the media.

Positive Media:-

This involves using the media channels to counter the saturation of violent images and hatred messages. An example of this is the 'Everyday Gandhis' project

(www.everydaygandhis.com). This purpose of this project is to tell stories of ordinary people that have created peace in their communities despite risks and difficulties.

In Gujarat, the media can and should be utilized to spread a positive awareness about the Muslim community. Muslim moderate views, stories of peaceful co- existences, profiles of non-stereotypical Muslims need to be highlighted in order to dispel the narrative based myths and stereotypes of the Hindus. It is not necessary to use state based communication channels, development agencies can and should use local media channels and distribute their own literature and distribute them widely.

Replacing myths that justify hostility also requires the teaching of fair minded history instead of an ethnocentric one. Therefore, peace-builders in Gujarat also need to pay attention to the Gujarati Education system.

Recommendation 2: Focus on the education system

In India, the Hindu nationalists have worked to present a specific picture of

Indian history through the education system. When the BJP's ascended to governmental power, it launched an aggressive campaign to "Saffronize" education, i.e., to infuse it with the ideology of Hindutva. Textbooks issued by the National

Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT) in 2002 and 2003 Narratives in Guj arat 94

(particularly the history and social science textbooks), were replete with the one-sided narratives of the Sangh Parivar. (Nussbaum, 2007)

These textbooks were later withdrawn by the subsequent Congress government. However, education being a state matter, and a large proportion of

India's children are educated from state sponsored textbooks, not by the national ones proposed by NCERT. These textbooks are usually written in the local language making them more broadly accessible to students that English language texts.

(Nussbaum, 2007)

Many activists like, Father Cedric Prakash of the "Citizens for Justice and

Peace" group in Ahmedabad, have spoken out against the fact that textbooks like the new English language books even represent Hiltler and Nazis in a positive light

(Parker, 2008). However, other organizations have not paid sufficient attention to this matter. I believe it is important for peace-builders to actively demand for a change in school textbooks.

Also, while waiting for their demands to be met, peace-builders should focus on developing and implementing comprehensive peace education programs for schools across the city and state.

Peace Education

Peace education is a term used to refer to joint school based or off campus programs and learning projects, weekend workshops, summer camps, community based seminars and theatre or art clubs that promote peace. Peace education is aimed at increasing tolerance, reducing prejudices, weakening stereotypes, changing perceptions. (Bar-Tal, 2002 as cited in Salomon, 2004, p.258).

Ideally peace educations leads to a different way of relating to the other collective group involved in a conflict (Salomon, 2004). It may not lead to conflict Narratives in Guj arat 95 resolution, but it can marginally increase mutual understanding, tolerance and slightly reduce violence. And in a situation like Gujarat, even that is something worth aspiring to.

Such a peace education program is currently being implemented by

SAMERTH. Volunteers and workers of this organization conduct peace education classes in both Muslim and Hindu schools. However, this program lacks funding and adequate materials.

It is important for organizations like this to partner with international organizations that can provide it with lesson plans, educational materials and strategies that can then be translated to the local language and adapted to the local culture. It is especially important for them to focus on peace education approaches that aim primarily at attaining the legitimization of the other side's perspective - its collective narrative, fears, dreams and experiences. (Salomon, 2004).

These peace education programs also need to coupled with programs that increase inter-group contact among the youth of Gujarat.

Recommendation 3.:Promote inter-group contact among the youth

Inter-group psychology has revealed that the perceptions and attitudes of individuals change when they interact with or experience a different cultural setting.

Research into this phenomenon, termed as the 'Contact hypothesis' has outlined conditions necessary to effect attitudinal change in individuals and groups (Hewstone

& Brown, 1986). Using these theory practitioners and researchers have devised intervention models to help participants in inter-ethnic encounters change their attitudes and perceptions. (Abu-Nimer, 2001)

These intervention models include conducting inter-religious or inter-ethnic workshops that facilitate a change from the participants' narrow, exclusionist, Narratives in Guj arat 96 antagonistic or prejudiced attitudes and perspectives to a more tolerant and open- minded attitude. (Abu-Nimer, 2001)

There are no opportunities for constructive mutual engagement and peaceful contact for the youth in Ahmedabad. In such situations, it is important to increase the options for children to share space and this can be done through peace workshops.

Peace workshops for children:-

Young people are more impressionable than adults and easier to goad into violence unless dissuaded. In order to prevent future generations from turning to violence, it is essential involve the youth in workshops that provide them with a knowledge that peace is more advantageous than violence. The purpose of these workshops is to create a dialogue among young people wherein they can meet the other, learn about them and create sustainable relationships. Examples of such programs are the 'Seeds of Peace' initiative that brings together Israeli and Palestinian teenagers for a three week summer camp in the US.

It is also important that peace-builders hold workshops to build counter narratives. In these workshops, young participants can interact to create a common story or narrative for the whole community that would transcend the narratives limited to individual groups.

Peace-builders can also use narrative mediation techniques to facilitate the building of counter narratives.

Recommendation 4:. Use Narrative mediation techniques to build counter narrative

Narratives in Gujarat are so well entrenched that any move by NGOs towards establishing peace and eventual reconciliation would require changing the collective narratives of the Hindus. Narratives in Guj arat 97

Bar-Tal (as cited in Rotberg, 2006, p.36), specified the modification of five narrative themes to aid reconciliation. These include the themes surrounding the group's goals, attitudes toward the rival group, ideas about one's own group, relationship with the opponent and peace.

In other words, peace-builders need help both communities to :-

- formulate new societal beliefs and goals by using new symbols and myths

- change the perceptions of one community about the other community and

humanize them

- encourage each community to take responsibility for its role in the outbreak

and continuation of the conflict and its refusal to engage in a peaceful solution

- promote intercommunity friendship and co-operation

- Help both communities visualize peace, outline its benefits and specify the

conditions or strategies needed to achieve it.

In order to meet these objectives, peace-builders need to examine existing narratives, highlight the myths and delusions inherent in them and make room for new stories and new narratives. This can be done through narrative mediation techniques.

These techniques have generally been used in interpersonal conflicts but can be adapted to inter-group conflict situations.

Narrative mediation techniques are based on the principles of social constructivism. This approach advocates that we construct our own understanding of the world that we live in. All of us generate our own rules and mental models to make sense of our experiences. In narrative mediation, emphasis is placed on the stories that people use to construct their own reality as different stories lead to a different realities. (Monk & Winslade, 2001) Narratives in Guj arat 98

The goals of narrative mediation are a hybrid between solutions created out of a problem solving approach and the transformative approach, in which empowerment, recognition and social justice are sought (Bush & Folger, 1994, as cited in Hansen,

2003).

It is critical that the mediator or peace-builder be tuned into the dominant discourses that color the worldviews of both communities. In order to do this, it is important to involve individuals that Lederach (1999) terms as 'witnesses'. A witness is someone who undertakes the journey through conflict with the survivors and creates a space for listening and understanding. In Gujarat, the local NGO are the witnesses that can turn into narrative mediators.

These mediators first need to draw narrative stories and notions out of the conflicting groups. Then they need to work with narrative principles to try to rewrite the group's stories. A basic assumption of this approach is that for every dominant conflict story, there is an alternative story of trust and cooperation available and possible. It is the mediator's responsibility to search the narratives stories for alternative ways of viewing the conflict and the other party (Taylor, 2002; Monk

&Winslade, 2001, as cited in Hansen, 2003).

From these alternative ways of viewing the conflict, mediators can identify preferred options from which to generate a new shared narrative, outside of the established mode of thinking (Winslade, Monk & Cotter, 1998).

They create a space for members of conflicting groups to come together and explore their narratives and help them build new stories of trust and cooperation

(Monk & Winslade, 2001).

The main strategies of narrative mediation are deconstruction and externalization. Narratives in Guj arat 99

Deconstruction of the conflict saturated story involves undermining the certainties on which the conflict feeds and inviting parties to view the plot of the dispute from a

different vantage point. These vantage points are established through externalization where conflict parties objectify the problem and place it outside themselves. This mechanism readdresses and destabilizes the "totalizing descriptions" or the tendency

to sum up a complex situation in one description that inevitably favors oneself and places the blame for the conflict on the other party. (Monk & Winslade, 2001)

There is a great need in Gujarat to destabilize the tendency of the Hindus to

sum up the entire conflict in ways that glorify the Hindus and blame the Muslims.

Therefore workshops based on narrative mediation techniques would be beneficial in

this situation.

Conclusion:

Healing cannot be imposed upon a society and thus it might take generations before we see the result of many reconciliation and conflict transformation activities.

This might create a perception that reconciliation and conflict transformation attempts

are futile and deter many from engaging such activities.

However, the alternative situation, where entire generations will grow up with

deep rooted hatred of the other, is too scary for people to sit by idly. Any society

where violence is an acceptable and rational option will remain shrouded in a vicious

cycle where the violence will never end. Therefore, it is essential to continue with

such peacebuilding activities in Gujarat. Narratives in Guj arat 100

References

Abu-Nimer, M. (2001). Conflict resolution, culture and religion: Toward a training model of interreligious Peacebuilding. Journal of Peace Research, 38(6), 685-704.

Ahmed, S. (2004). Sustaining peace, rebuilding livelihoods: The Gujarat harmony project. Gender and Development, 12(3), 94-102.

Bargal, D. (2004). Structure and process in reconciliation-transformation workshops: Encounters between Israeli and Palestinian youth. Small Group Research. 35 (5), 596- 616.

Bhan, R. (2007). Nanavati Commission slams Modi govt. NDTV. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070019785&ch=7/ 22/2007%2010:58:00%20PM

Brass, P.R. (2003). Production of Hindu-Muslim violence in contemporary India. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Brenes, A. & Wessells, M. (2001). Psychological contributions to building cultures of peace. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 7(2), 99-107.

Bunsha, D. (2006). Scarred: Experiments with violence in Gujarat. New Delhi: Penguin.

Concerned Citizens Tribunal (2002a). Crime against humanity: An inquiry into the carnage in Gujarat: Incidents and evidence. Mumbai: Citizens for Justice and Peace. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://www.sabrang.com/tribunal/index.html

Concerned Citizens Tribunal (2002b). Crime against humanity: An inquiry into the carnage in Gujarat: Findings and recommendations. Mumbai: Citizens for Justice and Peace. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://www.sabrang.com/tribunal/index.html

Davis, J.E. (2002). Stories of change: Narrative and social movements. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Deustch, M. (2000). The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice. San Francisco : Jossey Bass.

Dovidio, J.F., Gaertner, S.L. & Kawakami, K. (2003). Intergroup contact: The past, present and the future. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 6 (1), 5-21.

Druckman, D. (2004). Doing research: methods of inquiry for conflict analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Edelman, M. (1971). Politics as symbolic action: Mass arousal and quiescence. New York: Academic Press.

Fetherston, A.B. (2000). Peacekeeping, conflict resolution and peacebuilding: A reconsideration of theoretical frameworks. International Peacekeeping, 7(1), 190-218. Narratives in Guj arat 101

Gadkari, J. (1999). Hindu-Muslim communalism: A panchnama. Mumbai: Damodar Dharmanand Kasambi Educational Trust.

Gottschalk, P. (2000). Beyond Hindu and Muslim: Multiple identity in narratives from village India. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gray, D.E. (2004). Doing research in the real world. Thousand oaks: London, Sage : CA.

Greenwood, D .J & Levin, M. (2007). Introduction to action research: social research for social change. 2nd edition. Sage publications: London.

Hansen, T. (2003). The narrative approach to mediation. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://www.mediate.com/articles/hansenT.cfm

Henry, M.A. (1997). Problematized narratives: History as fiction in E.L. Doctorow's Billy Bathgate. Critique, 39(1), 32-41.

Holliday, A. (2007). Doing and Writing Qualitative Research, second edition. Sage publications: London.

Horowitz, D.L. (2002). The deadly ethnic riot. Berkeley: University of California.

Johnson, A.P (2008). A Short Guide to Action Research (3rd ed.). Boston: Pearson.

Kacowicz, A.M. (2005). Rashomon in the Middle East: Clashing narratives, images and frames in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Cooperation and Conflict: Journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, 40 (3), 343-360.

Katju, M. (2003). Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. Hyderabad: Orient Longman.

Kaufman, S.J. (2001). Modern hatreds: The symbolic politics of ethnic war. New York: Cornell University Press.

Kaufman, S. J. (2006), Escaping the symbolic politics trap: Reconciliation initiatives and conflict resolution in ethnic wars. Journal of Peace Research, 43(2), 201-218.

Kirby, S. & McKenna, K. (1989). Experience, research, social change: Experience from the margins. Toronto, ON: Garamond Press.

Lederach, J.P. (1999). The journey towards reconciliation. Waterloo, ON: Herald Press.

Lieberman, B. (2006). Nationalist narratives, violence between neighbours and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia-Hercegovina: a case of cognitive dissonance? Journal of Genocide Research, 5(3), 295-309.

Majumdar, Sanjoy (2008). Muslim Scholars decry terrorism. BBC NEWS. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.Uk/2/hi/south_asia/7262283.stm

Mander, H. & Nanavati K. (2006). Surviving state hostility and denial: A survey of relief colonies for people affected by mass violence in Gujarat 2002 - A report. Ahmedabad: Nyayagrah. Narratives in Guj arat 102

Marsh, D.R., Schroeder, D.G., Dearden, K.A., Sternin, J. & Sternin, M. (2004). The power of positive deviance. British Medical Journal, 329,1177-1179. Retrieved September 12, 2008 from http://www.bmj.com/cgi/content/full/329/7475/1177

Miller, D.A., Smith, E.R. & Mackie, D.M. (2004). Effects of intergroup contact and political predispositions on prejudice: Role of intergroup emotions. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 7(3), 221-237.

Mishra, P. (2004). An end to suffering: The Buddha in the world. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Monk, G. & Winslade, J. (2001). Narrative mediation: A new approach to conflict resolution. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Inc.

Nussbaum, M.C. (2007). The clash within: democracy, religious violence and India's future. New York: Oxford University Press.

Parker, P. (2008). Reconciliation in Gujarat. Peace Prints: South Asian Journal of Peacebuilding. 7(1), 1-15.

Palys, T. (1997). Research decisions: quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Toronto, ON: Harcourt Brace & Company Canada.

Pettigrew, T.F. & Tropp, L. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90(5), 751-783.

Post-Godhra mass graves unearthed. (2005, December 27). Times of India. Retrieved September 12,2008, from http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1348924.cms

Puniyani. R. (2000). The other cheek: Minorities under threat. Delhi: Media House.

Puniyani, R. (2003a). Communal Politics: Fact versus myths. New Delhi: Sage Publications.

Puniyani. R. (2003b). Communal Politics: An illustrated primer. Mumbai: J&P Publishers.

Rajnish (2007). Modi accused of inciting communal passions. NDTV. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070024594

Rotberg, R.I. (Ed.) (2006). Israeli and Palestinian narratives of conflict: History's double helix. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Rydgren, J. (2007). The power of the past: A contribution to a cognitive sociology of ethnic conflict. Sociological Theory, 25 (3), 225-244.

Sachar Committee Report. (2006, November). Social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/newsite/sachar/sachar_comm.pdf

Salomon, G. (2004). Does peace education make a difference in the context of an intractable conflict? Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 10 (3), 257-274. Narratives in Guj arat 103

Sampson, C., Abu-Nimer, M., Lieber, C. & Whitney, D. (Eds.) (2003). Positive Approaches to Peacebuilding: A resource for innovators. Washington, D.C: Pact Publications.

Sardesai, R. (2008). Ghetto Blasters. Hindustan Times. Retrieved August 06, 2008 from http: www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/Print.aspx?Id=53fb4e84-4776-4297-96eb- 6b642el4de81

Sewak, M. (2006). Gujarat- Hatred proof spaces. Communalism Watch. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://communalism.blogspot.com/2006/12/gujarat-hatred-proof- spaces.html

Sharma, R. (2004). Final Solution [Documentary Film], India: Associated Cinema & Television.

Singh, M. (2008). India: The terrorists within. TIME. Retrieved September 12,2008, from http://www.time.eom/time/world/article/0,8599,1826950,OO.html

Sohrabuddin case: Framing of charges on Sep 17 (2008, September 9). The Times of India. Retrieved September 12,2008, from http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Sohrabuddin_case_Framing_of_charges_on_Sep_ 17/rssarticleshow/3464507.cms

Stringer, E.T. (1999). Action Research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Tajfel, H. & Turner, J.C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour. Psychology of Intergroup Relations. 7-24.

Varshney, A. (2002). Ethnic conflict and civic life: Hindus and Muslims in India. London: Yale University.

White, A (2003). Rewriting narratives in the new South Africa: A story of reconciliation. In C. Sampson, M. Abu-Nimer, C. Liebler & D. Whitney (Eds.), Positive approaches to Peacebuilding: A resource for innovators (pp. 269-286). Washington, D.C.: Pact.

Winslade, J., Monk, J., & Cotter, A. (1998). A Narrative Approach to the Practice of Mediation. Negotiation Journal, 14(1), 21-43.

Wohl, MJ.A & Branscombe, N. R. (2005). Forgiveness and collective guilt assignment to historical perpetrator groups depend on level of social category inclusiveness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88(2), 288-303.

Yagnik, A. & Sheth, S. (2005). The shaping of modern Gujarat: Plurality, hindutva and beyond. New Delhi: Penguin.

Zakaria, R. (2002). Communal rage in secular India. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan.

Zakaria, R. (2004). Indian Muslims: Where have they gone wrong? Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. Narratives in Guj arat 104

Footnotes

1. The Aryans are also credited with establishing the caste system, which still

exists in modern India. It is believed that the caste system may have begun as a simple

division of labour, necessitated by the transition from nomadic and pastoralist life to a

settled life. Over time however, it was converted into a strict social hierarchy where

birth determined one's place in the society. The hierarchy of classes were termed as

castes and the four main castes were the "Brahmin" or priestly caste, the "Kshatriya"

or warrior caste, the "Vaisya" or tradesmen/farmer caste and the "Sudhra" or the

servant and labourer caste. Over time, the caste system became more complex with the addition of sub-casts or sects. (Mishra)

The poor low caste people were the victims of the social practice of

'untouchability' that was dictated by the Brahmins. They were excluded from

community feasts and functions, had marriage limits and were generally considered

'pollutants'. (Puniyani, 2003)

2. An example of their actions is the Shah Bano Case:-

After Independence, in an effort to reassure the Muslims that had remained in

India that their liberties would not curbed, Nehru decided on maintaining the separate

Civil and marriage laws, that have governed the lives of Hindus and Muslims during the British Rule. The Muslim Personal Law Board was established in 1967 to be the sole custodian of Islamic law in India. These separate laws were highly controversial and became the centre of the Nation's attention during the infamous Shah Bano case.

The facts of the case are as follows. (Gadkari, 1999)

Shah Bano, an elderly divorced lady, won maintenance from her husband under a section of the Criminal Procedure Code, enacted by the British rulers over a Narratives in Guj arat 105 hundred years ago. The judgement was appealed in the Supreme Court, which allowed the Muslim Personal Law Board to become party to the proceedings on behalf of the Muslim community. (Gadkari, 1999)

The Board argued against granting maintenance, as they claimed that would be going against their interpretation of the Islamic law. Shah Bano's lawyer argued that the legislature was free to enact a secular law in interest of the weaker sections of the society as per the necessities of time. The Supreme Court observed that a Common

Civil Code for all communities needed to be put into place. (Gadkari, 1999)

This infuriated the Muslim Personal Law Board and local Muslim leaders and they launched an aggressive campaign against the Supreme Court's judgement. Hindu parties and leaders began to argue for the enactment of the Common Civil Code on the premise of equality. (Gadkari, 1999)

In response to the huge demonstrations led by self-proclaimed leaders of the

Muslim masses, Rajiv Gandhi, (leader of the ruling Congress party and Prime

Minister of India), passed an act (called the Muslim Women (protection of rights on

Divorce) Act) exempting Muslim women from the application of the Criminal

Procedure Code. (Gadkari, 1999)

This led to allegations of 'Muslim appeasement' and pandering to the Muslim vote by many parties, including the VHP and a resurgence of hostility against

Muslims among a large section of Hindus. (Gadkari, 1999) Narratives in Guj arat 106

APPENDIX A

Questionnaire

- Please try to answer all the questions.

- If you need more space to write your response then please use the extra

pages attached to the questionnaire.

1.

1- Age

2. Gender Male | | Female [ [

3. Occupation

4. Income

5. Education

6. Are you a member of any political / social / religious / business /

neighbourhood group or association?

YES | 1 NO | |

7. If yes, please explain the objectives and activities of these associations/groups.

Please note that it is not necessary to name them.

8. Do these associations/groups have Hindu members?

Do they have Muslim members? Narratives in Guj arat 107

9. Which area of Ahmedabad do you live in?

10. Is this area considered a Hindu area, a Muslim area or a mixed area?

11. Is this area peaceful OR is it prone to violence?

12. If it is a violent area then

a) Are the incidents of violence related to religion?

b) What is the frequency of such incidents? (example: once a week,

months etc)

c) Please narrate a few incidents to illustrate. Narratives in Guj arat 108

13. If the area is peaceful, then

a) Why do think it is peaceful?

b) Has it always been peaceful?

1. In your opinion, is there a conflict between the Hindus and Muslims in India?

If yes, then please explain the reason behind or the issues involved in this

conflict. Narratives in Guj arat 109

In your opinion, is there or has there been any conflict between the Hindus and

Muslims in Ahmedabad? If yes, then please explain the reasons behind or the issues involved in this conflict.

What are the key incidents in that come to your mind when you talk about the

Hindu-Muslim conflict in Ahmedabad? Please explain what happened. Narratives in Guj arat 110

4. Have you ever been affected by any incident of Hindu-Muslim violence? If

yes, then how?

5. Who do you think suffers the most in a riot?

6. Do you think that riots can happen again in Ahmedabad?

7. If you think riots can happen again, then what do you think can or should be

done to stop this from happening? Narratives in Gujarat 111

III

8. Which identity do you most strongly identify with :-

a. Indian

b. Gujarati

c. Religious:- Hindu / Muslim

d. Other

9. What is your religion?

10. In your opinion, what are the Hindus of Ahmedabad like?

11. In your opinion, are all Hindus alike?

12. In your opinion, what are the Muslims of Ahmedabad like?

13. In your opinion, are all Muslims alike?

14. How many times in a week do you interact with people of a different religion?

15. If you do not interact with people of a different religion then why not? Narratives in Guj arat 112

16. If you do interact, then what is the kind of relationship you have with them.

For example: close friendships, business relationship, acquaintance etc.

17. Did the 2002 riots change your relationship with people of any religion? If

yes, then which religion?

18. Do you think that Hindus and Muslims can live together in peace?

IV

19. Are you a religious person?

20. How many times in a week do you engage in religious activities?

21. Are you interested in politics? Narratives in Gujarat 113

22. How many times in week do you engage in political activities?

23. Do you like to keep yourself informed of the current political issues? And do

you like to discuss politics?

24. Do you believe in having reservations ? If yes, then for which

community/group? If not, then why not ? Narratives in Guj arat 114

1. Ahmedabad is a peaceful city. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

2. I believe that justice for the victims of religious violence like the 2002 riots is important for peace in Ahmedabad. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

3. I believe that the Hindus and Muslims of Ahmedabad can reconcile. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

4. There is no conflict between the Hindus-Muslims in Ahmedabad. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

5. In order to have peace in Ahmedabad, it is important that the Hindus and Muslims learn to forget the past incidents of violence. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

6. I do not think it is possible for Hindus of Ahmedabad to forget the past. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

7. I do not think that it is possible for the Muslims of Ahmedabad to forget the past. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW

8. Ahmedabad is a divided city. YES NO MAYBE I DON'T KNOW Narratives in Guj arat 115

Additional Comments /Feedback Narratives in Guj arat 116

APPENDIX B

Informed Consent Form

Research Study on: The Role of Narratives in the Hindu-Muslim Conflict in

* Gujarat

My name is Ruchi Sharma. I am a graduate student in the Master of Arts in Conflict Analysis and Management program at Royal Roads University, Canada (www.royalroads.ca) and am conducting this study for my thesis. You are requested to be a participant in my research on the Hindu-Muslim conflict in Gujarat and the following form is to confirm your consent for participation in this study.

The purpose of my research is to explore the conflict narratives of the people of Ahmedabad. In order to accomplish my objective I will ask you a number of questions about the Hindu Muslim conflict. Your privacy will not be compromised and any information that can be used to identify you (i.e., names, addresses) will be not collected.

The interview should not take more than an hour. If at any time during the interview, you feel uncomfortable about answering the questions - you can choose to not respond or withdraw your participation. You can also choose to not have your interview taped and if you so wish, the interview will be transcribed by hand.

The interview will be recorded and coded for results. All data collected will be kept in a secure location for five years before it is discarded. If you choose to withdraw, all the data collected from you will be discarded in front of you. If you have any further concerns or questions about this, please let me know. My contact information for future reference is:- Ruchi Sharma Email: - r 1. sharmaa@gmail. com

You can also contact my supervisor at :- (Contact removed for publication)

Thank you for your participation. Narratives in Guj arat 117

APPENDIX C

CODING SCHEME

Code Theme S Secular nationalism - the statement reflects a belief in the idea that India is a nation for people of all religion. R Religious nationalism - the statement reflects a belief in the idea that the Indian nationality is based religious identity. L Lower-caste unity - the statement reflects a belief in lower caste unity.

A Reputation for aggression - the participant mentions the words aggressive, militant, terrorism or dangerous when talking about Muslims T Traditional antagonism - the participant mentions past violence committed by Muslims. E.g, invasion, destruction of temples, battles etc OW Opposition in war - the participant mentions the wars/battles fought against the Muslims - whether in India or Pakistan. PT Political Threat - the participant mentions the intention or ability of Muslims to control Ahmedabad/Gujarat/India, increase in population, group cohesion E External affinities - the participant links the Muslims to the greater Muslim world, Pakistan, Islamic terror groups etc PS Psychological strength - the participants mentions an excess of enterprise, ambition, energy, arrogance and achievement

CGA Collective Guilt assignment - the participant mentions that the Muslims/ Hindus were collectively responsible for violence

SM Selective memory - the participant mentions historical traumas where his group was attacked by the out-group, but not incidents where his group attacked the out-group

O Other themes. Any other statement that reflects the way the participant perceives the out-group