Intersectionality and the Interrogation of Power in Teen Vogue Social Media Coverage
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CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE Watch the Queen Conquer: Intersectionality and the Interrogation of Power in Teen Vogue Social Media Coverage A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication By Anastasia Crittenton December 2018 The thesis of Anastasia Crittenton is approved: __________________________________ _________ Dr. Elizabeth Blakey Date __________________________________ _________ Dr. Jessica Retis-Rivas Date __________________________________ _________ Dr. Stephanie Bluestein, Chair Date California State University, Northridge ii Acknowledgements First, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Wall and my committee: Professors Bluestein, Blakey, and Retis-Rivas. This thesis would not have been possible without their encouragement and leadership. They pushed me to become a better scholar while writing this thesis, from its origins to the final dotted i’s and crossed t’s. Three people in my life – my parents and my girlfriend, Philippa – were my rocks during this endeavor. They never gave up on me and helped me never give up on myself. Their constant support, love, and guidance provided a light during times of darkness. Finally, to those who knew I could do it from the start: Caitlin, Dana, Krystala, Leah, Jo, Rachel, and my dog, Ajax. iii Table of Contents Signature Page i Acknowledgements ii List of Figures v Abstract vii Chapter 1: Introduction 1 History of Teen Vogue 2 State of the Teen Magazine 5 Responses to Teen Vogue 7 Overview 9 Chapter 2: Literature Review 11 Theoretical Framework 11 Feminism 19 Women Online 31 Chapter 3: Methodology 38 Research Methods 38 Data Collection 40 Data Analysis 43 Problems Encountered 44 Chapter 4: Findings and Analysis 46 Subjects 47 Language 52 Tone 63 Imagery 74 Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion 82 Bibliography 85 Appendix A: Content Analysis Sheet 103 Appendix B: LGBTQ Term 105 iv List of Figures Figure 1.1 3 Figure 1.2 6 Figure 4.1 48 Figure 4.2 48 Figure 4.3 48 Figure 4.4 48 Figure 4.5 51 Figure 4.6 53 Figure 4.7 54 Figure 4.8 55 Figure 4.9 56 Figure 4.10 59 Figure 4.11 60 Figure 4.12 61 Figure 4.13 62 Figure 4.14 64 Figure 4.15 64 Figure 4.16 64 Figure 4.17 67 Figure 4.18 68 Figure 4.19 68 Figure 4.20 68 Figure 4.21 69 Figure 4.22 70 Figure 4.23 71 Figure 4.24 71 Figure 4.25 72 Figure 4.26 73 v Figure 4.27 74 Figure 4.28 75 Figure 4.29 75 Figure 4.30 76 Figure 4.31 77 Figure 4.32 77 Figure 4.33 78 Figure 4.34 79 Figure 4.35 80 Figure 4.36 80 vi Abstract Watch the Queen Conquer: Intersectionality in Teen Vogue Social Media Coverage By Anastasia Crittenton Master of Arts in Mass Communication The research of this thesis analyzes social media coverage by the teen and female- oriented publication, Teen Vogue. It specifically looks at the coverage of two events in June 2018: LGBTQ pride and the midterm elections. The core of the research is primary sources, including Twitter and Instagram posts pertaining to the two events. Upon analysis of these sources, it becomes evident how Teen Vogue focuses on two themes in its coverage: intersectionality and, subsequently, an interrogation of institutions of power posing a threat to the marginalized groups highlighted via intersectionality. A clear understanding of marginalized individuals and the hardships they face due to their identities reveals the importance of Teen Vogue’s choices in its coverage. vii Chapter 1: Introduction On December 10, 2016, Lauren Duca wrote an article titled “Donald Trump Is Gaslighting America” and it quickly went viral for its sheer audacity. It spread across Twitter, where it earned over 30,000 re-tweets and shares from people like longtime journalist Dan Rather, as well as Facebook. It’s not difficult to understand why. In the piece, Duca argues that Donald Trump, then President-elect, won the election through the psychological manipulation technique of gaslighting. Taken from the 1938 play Gas Light, the manipulation forces a person (or voters in a particular country, in this case) to doubt their own reality to the point of questioning their sanity. The article, however, isn’t the most surprising thing about this piece of journalism history. What’s most eye-opening is where the article was published – none other than Teen Vogue, the teen and younger women-oriented little sister to Vogue. Over the past few years, the magazine – now exclusively online – has become one of the most revolutionary, daring, and brazen publications in 21st century journalism. This thesis seeks to explore how Teen Vogue has focused its coverage – intended for an audience of girls and young women – on themes of intersectionality regarding various topics and social issues, and subsequently an interrogation of institutions of power. Specifically, this thesis will analyze this phenomenon by looking at Teen Vogue’s communication with its audience via social media through the mediated events of LGBTQ pride and the midterm elections over the month of June 2018. With the ever- changing landscape of journalism, the publication’s evolution and its ability to thrive in an unstable field provides a compelling look into the current state of journalism. The following introduction offers a basic history of Teen Vogue and its current place in the world of journalism, as well as an overview of the thesis. 1 History of Teen Vogue Compared to some other teen magazines, Teen Vogue is relatively young. In fact, a week before its first issue, the New York Times wrote an article about its arrival, appropriately titled, “Coming Late, Fashionably, Teen Vogue Joins a Crowd” (Carr, 2003). Its publisher, Condé Nast, launched the publication in 2003 as a sister print to Vogue (which began in 1892). Gina Sanders was the founding publisher of Teen Vogue while the Vogue editor-in-chief appointed Amy Astley as the magazine’s first editor (Carr, 2003). The magazine started at $1.50 an issue, half the price of its competitor, Seventeen, and from the start, it positioned itself as an outlier (Carr, 2003). Astley told David Carr of the New York Times in 2003: “We are going to do what we do well, which is fashion, beauty and style. A lot of other teen magazines are focused on relationships, boys, sex, and embarrassing moments. That is not our equity.” It began with four test issues, eventually publishing a total of six in its first year. By 2004, the number increased to 10. From its inception, Teen Vogue made it about its audience. While the recognizable name Vogue was certainly a boon, the magazine wasn’t going to be a replication simply aimed at teenagers. “I don’t think it’s relevant to their lifestyle or budget for teens to be wearing Gucci or Prada,” Astley said. “Why would we try to compete with something as successful as Vogue? We want to show them looks and clothes they can afford” (Carr, 2003). This is how Teen Vogue operated, even as magazine sales, especially for teen prints, continued to drop. Between 1997 to 2001, teen magazine circulation dropped from 9 million to 8.2 million (Carr, 2003). For over a decade, Teen Vogue successfully 2 continued its operation while surrounding teen magazines shuttered their doors. Finally, in 2016, they came to a point where management had to make changes. The switch to digital At the end of 2016, the publication decreased its print edition from 10 issues a year to just four, aiming to focus more on digital content (Kelly, 2016). The world of journalism in general began turning more towards digital, as that is where younger generations began congregating. The ubiquitous emergence of smartphones, laptops, and tablets led to a new world of communication and the dissemination of information. In many ways, this forced publications across the board to make changes. Several publications that went exclusively digital – like Complex and Nylon – continued creating magazine covers, only now shared on social media (Abad, 2018). In the first Figure 1.1 half of 2016, the single-copy sales of Teen Vogue dropped 50 percent, leading them to distribute 65,314 copies simply to meet a quota of 1 million copies (Kelly, 2016). On November 2, 2017, Condé Nast announced the end of Teen Vogue’s print edition, moving exclusively to its online venues. Even to the end of that chapter, however, it continued to take bold stances. Hillary Clinton edited the very last print edition. 3 At the center of these changes – both in content and the exclusive move to digital – was new leadership, with Elaine Welteroth replacing Astley as editor-in-chief in May 2016 (Wilson, 2016). Welteroth had served as the beauty and health director for the publication since 2012 (Wilson, 2016). She was 29 when she was appointed EIC, making her the youngest, as well as the second black EIC of a Condé Nast title (Wilson, 2016). She worked closely with digital editorial director Philip Picardi and Marie Suter as creative director. Many people contribute Teen Vogue’s success and groundbreaking journalism for the past few years to this trio. When Welteroth was appointed, Wintour said in a statement: “Elaine, Marie and Phil are fearlessly at the forefront, inspiring young trendsetters with their sophisticated take on emerging fashion, beauty, and pop culture, and they will lead Teen Vogue to the next phase of its success” (as cited in Wilson, 2016). The numbers also speak for their triumphant run of the company. In a single year, the Teen Vogue website gained 5 million users.