Sardar Sarovar : A Case Study of Development-induced Environmental Displacement Laurie Uytterlinde Flood

Abstract ting the stage for further incidents of terms of irrigation (Savur 1995, 156). environmental displacement in the fu- Indeed, Prime Minister Jawaharlal This article discusses how the Sardar ture through a combination of less than Nehru represented as 's Sarovar dam in lndia is a case of a devel- adequate resettlement and rehabilita- "secular temples" (Morse and Berger opment project which causes environ- tion of displaced persons and a general 1992,3). mental displacement on a massive scale. lack of attention to potential environ- The Sardar Sarovar Dam is the sec- This occurs through evictions and indi- mental impacts of the project. As well, ond largest project in the Narmada rectly through the impairment of liveli- this project creates inequality between Valley in terms of both total area sub- hoods by environmental changes. The development beneficiaries and those merged and the numbers of people problems of resettlement and rehabilita- who must bear the majority of the de- displaced (Baviskar 1995, 199). Ac- tion are emphasized in the article as are velopment costs. cording to the independent review further displacement efects due to this conducted by Bradford Morse and process. The inequality between devel- Historical Overview Thomas Berger for the World Bank, opment beneficiaries and those who The is India's fifth once completed the Sardar Sarovar must bear the majority of the develop- longest river, starting in the central Dam Project will submerge approxi- ment costs is also addressed. Indian state of and mately 37,000 hectares of land for the flowing west through the states of reservoir, and approximately 80,000 and to the Gulf of hectares for the extensive canal works. Cet article avance une argumentation Khambhat (see map). The Sardar It will displace at least 100,000 people selon laquelle le barrage du Sardar Sarovar Dam is only one of a proposed who reside in approximately 245 vil- Sarovaren lnde est clairernent un cas de hrty large dams-ten to be built on lages. Approximately 140,000 addi- projet de dheloppement entrainant des the Narmada itself, and the rest on its tional farmers will be affected by the d@lacements de populations pour rai- tributaries. In addition to these 30 ma- canal and irrigation system, and an sons environnementales sur une base jor dams, the Narmada Valley Project unknown number of people, ranging massive. Le phtnomhe se manifeste also envisions 135 medium and 3,000 somewhere in the thousands, will be sous la forme d'hictions et indirecte- minor dams (Baviskar 1995,199). Pro- affected by the disturbance of down- ment sous la forme d'une d6thioration posals for damming the Narmada have stream fisheries (Morse and Berger des conditions de vie due aux change- been around for many decades but 1992, xii-xiii). ments environnementaux. Le problhe were delayed until the mid-eighties de la relocalisation des populations et de because of political wrangling over the Justir~cationsfor the Project leur rkhabilitation au milieu est mis en sharing of the costs and benefits Sardar Sarovar is a classic example of a relief dans le prksent article, ainsi qu'un among the three states (ibid., 199).The development project which is deemed certain nombre d'autres gets dus li ce dream of political leaders and plan- tobe "in the nationalinterest." The jus- processus de d@lacement de popula- ning officials within Gujarat for many tification given for this dam project is tions. Les inkgalitks entre les bheificiai- years, the Sardar Sarovar Dam Project that it will bring enormous benefits to res de ces projets de dheloppement et finally commenced in 1987 (Morse and millions, whilst displacing relatively ceux qui doivent assumer le gros des Berger 19925). few people (ibid., 5).It willbring drink- cotits du dtveloppemen t es t aussi Dam building is integral to India's ing water to about 40 million people aborde'. development vision, which until re- living in the drought-prone regions of cently was modelled on the Soviet- Gujarat. As well, it will provide irriga- The Sardar Sarovar Dam is a case of a style centralized, state-led economic tion to a vast area within Gujarat and 2 development project which is both di- development with an emphasis on in- districts in , increasing the rectly and indirectly causing environ- dustrialization (Hardgrave and expected net value of their area's agri- mental displacement on a massive Kochanek 1993, 354-55). Within this cultural production sixfold (Morse scale. Moreover, this project is also set- context, dams are ideal since they are and Berger 1992, xii, 5; Wood 1993, amenable to top-down planning, pro- 974). In addition, the Sardar Sarovar Laurie Uytterlinde Flood is Graduate Student, vide tangble benefits to industrializa- Project will provide much needed hy- Faculty of Environmental Studies, York tion needs vis-A-vis , droelectric power. These justifications University, Toronto. and also to modernized agriculture in are couched in the utilitarian terms of

I/ 12 i%#&,Vol. 16, No. 3 (August 1997) I I The Sardar Sarovar Projects Area

Source: Bradford Morse and Thomas Berger, Sardar Sarovar: Report of the Independent Rmiew (Ottawa:Resource Future International, 1992), xxvi. balancing the needs of the many properly consulted beforehand, and alone a case wherein the different so- against those of a few. then sufficiently compensated in ways cial groups are equally sharing in the Moreover, even the discomfort of acceptable to them. Michael Cemea cats and the benefits of the project. the few is seen tobe minimal according proposes this justification in response Rather, it is the most vulnerable social to many project proponents. The ma- to these ethical problems of displace- groups which are disproportionately jority of people to be displaced by this ment. Cemea argues that incidents of carrying the burdens through loss of project "are tribal people whose lands development-induced displacement land and cult~re.~This is typical of the are said to consist of steep, rocky are morally justified so long as the dis- pattern of environmental displace- ground and degraded forests" (Morse placed persons are left no worse off ment in that the particular people and Berger 1992,5). Thus, proponents than they were before the develop- deemed "in the way" of national de- say, not only is the land to be lost of ment project (Cemea 1993,392). This velopment are often the more vulner- marginal value, but this project can justification entails an implicit moral able members of society (Bodley 1990, actually be seen as a development op- responsibility on the part of states and 137; ICIHI 1987,53; Penz 1993). How- portunity for displaced people since internationalinstitutions to ensure the ever, the fact that such practices are there is a resettlement component to proper compensation of people dis- widespread does not make them ethi- the project1 (ibid., 1992,5-6). placed as a result of development ini- cal. It is possible that development-in- tiatives. It is also disputable whether or not duced environmental displacement It cannot be said that the Sardar the development project can even be could be justified in certain cases Sarovar Dam is a case wherein all the said to be in the public interest. The where the people to be displaced were victims are fully compensated, let project will submerge fertile valley

Refuge, Vol. 16, No. 3 (August 1997) 13 land so as to irrigate a larger area of they depend for their lives and liveli- tion sites and who as a result less fertile land elsewhere. It will po- hoods, or they are being displaced as a must share surrounding envi- tentially cause waterlogging and in- result of the development-induced ronmental resources with these crease soil salinity. It will provide ideal deterioration of their environment to additional people (ibid., 117-18, sites for malaria-carrying mosquitoes the point where it can no longer sup- 164-66). to breed, causing potential health port them. While there are many Environmental Victimization: problems, and submerge a vast area of different groups of people who are forest at a time when forest conserva- both displaced and made vulnerable Jeopardizing Lives and tion is an acknowledged priority. In to displacement as a result of this Livelihoods addition, it is questionable as to development project, approximately In all of these cases, these are people whether the dam can provide the two-thirds of this number are who fit El-Hinnawi's definition of an amount of hydroelectricity which pro- adivasis-tribal people (Wood 1993, environmental refugee since they ponents suggest3 (Baviskar 1995,200; 975). "have been forced to leave their Savur 1995,157-61). These displaced people include the traditional habitat, temporarily or per- The decision to build the Sardar following categories: manently, because of a marked envi- Sarovar Dam is a policy choice-it is There are the "oustees," i.e. those ronmental disruption," caused by the possible to decide not to build the dam. who are being outright evicted to Sardar Sarovar Dam Project, "that Moreover, there are alternatives to make way for the dam project. In- jeopardized their existence and/or se- building the dam which could conceiv- cluded in this category are those riously affected the quality of their ably meet the stated development who are not formally recognized as life" (El-Hinnawi 1985, 4). Although needs better than this project will. Al- "Project Affected Persons," since circumstances varied widely, and thus ternatives could include a commit- they are being evicted to make way not all people were affected in the same ment to support grassroots research for the canal system, rather than the way or to the same degree, in general, into drought-resistant crop species reservoir (Morse and Berger 1992, the dam project substantially affected and environmentally-adapted plant- xv-xvi, 2024). people's economic livelihoods, their ing methods, as well as supporting re- There are those who are being dis- culture and their health. As a result, it search into alternate energy source~.~ placed as a result of losing a part of seems highly unlikely that these envi- In fact, there is a case to be made that the environmental resources upon ronmentally displaced people, even such investments are the more crucial: which they depend for their liveli- with the aid of the resettlement Only 3 percent of India's energy hood. Included in this category are scheme, will be fully rehabilitated to needs are met by electricity, while people who are: the standard of living which they were biomass provides more than 50 per i) not actually losing their agricul- enjoying prior to the development cent. Yet, in the Seventh Plan (1985- tural land to rising dam waters, project. This, of course, has ethical 1990), Rs. 32,000 crores [the crore is but will be losing surrounding implications for this development an Indian counting unit: it equals 10 lands which they used for other project, which will be returned to later. million] were allocated for the elec- important purposes (ibid., 147); tricity sector, whereas the develop- Economic Livelihoods ment of biomass resources received ii) those who will potentially lose less than Rs. 2,000 crores. (Baviskar access to environmental re- The Sardar Sarovar Dam Project af- 1995,2744) sources as a result of catchment fected people's economic security in area reforestation plans (ibid., some very fundamental ways. Many Electrical energy is used primarily 62); and people who were directly displaced as by urban consumers, business, and for iii)those who will lose access to a result of the project received no eco- agricultural pumping, all at highly environmental resources as a nomic compensation whatsoever. Peo- subsidized rates. The poor, who de- result of the canal creating a ple who were displaced as a result of pend on biomass for all or most of their physical barrier between them- the canal system, for example, were not energy-needs,do not benefit from this selves and those resources (ibid., considered to be covered under the subsidy (Baviskar 1995, 28; Savur, 2024); 1979 Narmada Water Disputes Tribu- 1995,161-62). Finally, there are those whose envi- nal ruling concerning "oustees," and ronment alters to the point of thus were not deemed to be entitled to Environmental Displacement putting their economic livelihoods resettlement (Morse and Berger 1992, The displacement as a result of the in jeopardy, including: xv-xvi). Indeed, many received little Sardar Sarovar dam is "environaen- i) downstream fishery-dependent or no compensation for land lost, and tal" primarily because of one of two people (ibid., 289); and no compensation for other resources, reasons. Either the people are being ii) people who customarily occupy such as fruit trees, destroyed by the displaced as a result of their restricted or utilize public land in areas Sardar Sarovar project (ibid., 202-3). access to the environment upon which which are targeted for rehabilita-

---- I 14 ~l -get Vol. 16, No. 3 (August 1997) For those who were supposed to be munity" (ibid., 183). These links, of p#ential of at least some families or covered under the resettlement and course, would be destroyed where the cdmmunity groups to resettle together rehabilitation program, there were still community was not resettled as a worse and Berger lW2,46). However, many forms of economic victimiza- whole. in cultural terms, resettling in Gujarat tion. Many, if not most, of the people to Perhaps most importantly, how- is a loss. For many it would mean mov- be displaced by the development ever, is the fact that even in the best- ing away from other important family project were tribal "encroachers" on case scenario for resettlement and and other social ties. As well, language state land because they held no legal rehabilitation, the process of displace- would become even more of a barrier, title to that land.5 Both the state of ment precedes that of relocation and since few tribal men and no tribal Maharashtra and the state of Madhya rehabilitation (ibid., 88). In other women know languages other than Pradesh chose to interpret the Tribu- words, there is that period of time their own and even then it would be nal ruling regarding "oustees" to mean wherein people are living a transitory, only the official language of the state that only those with formal title to double existence. There are relocation that they live in (ibid., 134). land, and their adult sons, would be costs which often have to be paid out Resettlement threatens to culturally given land for land, despite the fact before compensation is given. There is victimize people in other ways. These that this would make tribal people, also a readjustment period, wherein displaced people must adapt their life- who hold their land by customary us- land must be made ready to cultivate, style in that they are often "moving age, landless oustees (ibid., xvii). What and the general quirks of a new and from relative isolation and independ- must be understood here is that different environment adjusted to. ence to a high degree of dependenceon landlessness is an economic disaster Baviskar gives an example of one as- public institutions and services to pro- for these people's well-being since pect of the transitionary impact that tect against disastrous consequences land is their source of subsistence and the Sardar Sarovar Project had on of the move" (ibid., 109).Also, the caste knowledge of their local environment Anjanvara, the village she had lived in system and a general lack of social ties is their major skill. As the Narmada just prior to the dam project: has meant that for those resettled, there Control Authority stated in 1984, "For A handpump for the village was is almost always little in the way of tribals, there is no rehabilitation more sanctioned several years ago, but social bonding with other established effective than providing land as the never installed because the village communities in the area, leading to source of livelihood" (ibid., xviii). lies in the submergence zone of the social isolation (ibid., 154-55). In all Even for those who are covered un- dam. So the last few years and the cases where people have resettled, der the resettlement and rehabilitation present have been held captive to an they have expressed a feeling of loss segment of the development project, uncertain future. (Baviskar 1995,201) over leaving their home and their gods. their economic security was in many All of these transitionary problems Included in this list of losses are even cases jeopardized, even to the point of negatively impact on economic secu- the basics of privacy-many women displacing some family members from rity. In some cases, they may even who were interviewed bemoaned the one mode of production (that of culti- prove to cause yet further displace- loss of privacy that the forest provides vator) to another, more insecure, mode ment in the future. for bathing and performing their "ab- of production (that of wage earner). In lutions" (ibid., 111). many cases, land which was given was Culture too little or of poorer quality (ibid., 81- Many of these people are also victim- Health 194). ized in terms of their cultural well-be- The physical and psychological well- In addition, the resettlement and re- ing. Perhaps the most important being of all of those who experienced a habilitation policy did not recognize means of cultural victimization is the drop in the standard of their living other aspects of economic livelihoods. policy stance taken by both the state of would potentially be threatened as a It did not take into account economic Maharashtra and the state of Madhya result of the resettlement process. As practices such as fishing, pastoralism, Pradesh. "Oustees" have the choice of discussed earlier, the loss of one's cul- and gathering (ibid., 137). Also, the being resettled within their own state, ture, place, and economic security levels of economic productivity which but for many there is very little in the would certainly affect psychological result from local environmental and way of a real choice. Most "oustees" in well-being. And in many cases, even a cultural knowledge has been, for the these two states would be considered temporary drop in economic liveli- most part, ignored. Nor did the policy landless oustees (eligible only for a hood could result in a loss of access to properly take into account the forms of houselot) because they hold no legal an adequate and nutritious diet, which economic security that arise as a result title to land. However, in the state of would especially affect the health of of people's social ties-"[pleople at- Gujarat they would be given a mini- the very young. "In 1988, the Tata In- tribute their economic security to a mum of 2 hectares of land. Also, the stitute reported unusually high mor- long established web of human and state of Gujarat has more land avail- tality rates among Manibeli oustees, geographical links within their com- able in larger sections, allowing for the especially children, for the first years

Refige, Vol. 16, No. 3 (August 1997) 15 of relocation" (ibid., 156). Stress and colonialism concentrated on the gains ciety (Morse and Berger 199265).This anxiety which would result simply to be made by such means as trading is extremely important in terms of jus- from the anticipation of having to and outright coercive extraction.How- tlfying displacement since it aids in the move could quite possibly have both ever, later on, colonialists became legitimization of the imposition of eco- physical and psychological affects. more interested, for various reasons, nomic development on tribal people as In addition, many of the resettled in the well-being of the remaining in- being "for their own good" (Bodley areas are lacking in basic infrastruc- digenous peoples within their colonial 1990, 117-25). Indeed, Morse and ture, such as working water pumps territories. Forced acculturation pro- Berger referred to this perception of and proper, comfortable housing vided a means of gaining access to their tribal people, quoting Vidyut Joshi, (ibid., 81-194). land and natural resources, as well as a now of the Gandhi Labour Institute in means of forcibly drawing them into , that the displacement to Those Not Counted the colonial economy-at the bottom be suffered by tribal people as a result In addition to those who are formally rung (Bodley 1990,7-15). of Sardar Sarovar "was part of the acknowledged as project "oustees," changes that other peoples have wel- there are many others who are being Modernization as a Continuation comed 'in the name of progress, devel- displaced as a result of both the dam of "Civilization" opment or modernization'" (Morse project and the project of resettlement With regards to the Sardar Sarovar and Berger 1992,65). Vidyut Joshi fur- and rehabilitati~n.~Arguably, the rea- project, these environmentally dis- ther stated that: sons why these people are not ac- placed people are amongst India's This being so, why should any one knowledged as being displaced result most disadvantaged social groups. oppose when tribal culture changes? from the same processes which de-le- Most belong to social groups officially A culture based on [a] lower level of gitimize both the cultural and eco- classified as either Scheduled Castes technology and quality of life is logical use patterns of the official or Scheduled Tribes, meaning that bound to give way to a culture with "oustees." The main reasons for the these social groups are officially superior technology and higher difference between "official" and "un- recognized as being socially disad- quality of life. This is what we call official" oustees are the legal rights and vantaged as a result of discrimination "development." What happened to political visibility of the former and the and thus in need of government as- us is bound to happen to them be- cause we both are part of the same latters' lack of these. sistance for development (Hardgrave society. I have extensively travelled Patterns of Environmental and Kochanek 1993, 188-89). While in tribal areas for the last twenty these Scheduled Castes and Tribes are Displacement years and I have observed their be- given special government assistance, haviour. I have formed the opinion There are many aspects of this process it is not to allow them a greater degree that tribals want to change (ibid.,65). of environmental displacement which of autonomy and self-determination. are similar to that of other incidences Rather, it is meant to provide a tempo- The Sardar Sarovar Dam as of environmental displacement rary "shelter," so as to allow them Unethical Development throughout the world as well as some time to adjust to the modern throughout history. Exploring these world. This practice is a carry-over Development is supposed tobe benefi- "patterns" helps to shed light on why from Imperial British protection poli- cial. It is supposed to be the creation of development, which is supposed to be cies. a better life. Within the context of a a beneficial process for all, often in ac- The Scheduled Tribes, for the most nation, the state is supposed to be com- tual fact causes both environmental part, prefer to call themselves adivasi, mitted to the development of the peo- victimization and displacement. which is for "original dwellers." ple as a whole. It has a responsibility to While there is some controversy over ensure an equitable distribution of the Legacy of Colonialism how "tribal" these people are as a re- costs and benefits of development The displacement of tribal people by sult of their coexistence with "non- projects, especially when they are state the Sardar Sarovar Dam has been justi- tribal" people for centuries, for the projects. Yet the potential benefits of fied on the grounds that it provides most part, those living in the hills have the creation of the Sardar Sarovar Dam tribal people with an opportunity for maintained a distinct identity as a re- are to accrue to a better-off segment of development (ibid., 5-6). The reason- sult of their relative isolation (Baviskar Indian society-those who can afford ing behind this justification parallels 1995, 86-88; Morse and Berger 1992, electricity7and those who hold land in that of late-colonial "civilization" mis- 68). Gujarat or Rajasthan which would be- sions, which justified cultural and Others within India tend to view come properly irrigated as a result of environmental displacement of indig- these Scheduled Tribes as being the development project. In turn, the enous peoples on the grounds that it merely "backward Hindus" who are costs are largely being born by an al- brought the benefits of modem civili- "backward" as a result of being poorly ready disadvantaged segment of soci- zation to "backward" cultures.At fiFst, integrated into mainstream Indian so- ety-Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

I 16 Refwge, Vol. 16, No. 3 (August 1997) I Tribes. Many members of these groups taged social groups. For these reasons, 7/ This is somewhat modified by the exten- do not have formal title to their lands the Sardar SarovarDam project cannot I sive amount of illegal tapping of electric- and therefore little recourse to main- be considered to be ethical develop- ity in India. However, these illegal sources of electricity are by no means se- stream legal channels when it comes to ment. cure. compensation. This leaves the vast Notes majority of displaced people with References practically no bargaining power over 1. This argument ignores the state's role in their fate. contributingto the environmental degra- Baviskar, Amita. 1995. In the Belly of the River: Although there are provisions to dation and deforestation of India's forest Tribal Conflicts over Development in the lands. (See Amita Baviskar, In the Belly of resettle and rehabilitate at least some Nannada Valley.Delhi: Oxford University the River, 1995,137-49, for a detailed ex- Press. of the people who will be displaced as planation of the state's role). This blame- Bodley, John H. 1990. Victims of Progress. a result of the Sardar Sarovar Dam, the-victim approach to the existing Mountainview:Mayfield PublishingCo. resettlement still generally means a environmental degradation allows the Cernea, M. 1993. "Disaster-related Refugee drop in the quality of living. (An ex- state's role in reforestation as a necessary part of the medium- to long-term success Flows and Development-caused Popula- ception are those resettled in the of the Narmada Valley Project to remain tion Displacement." In Anthropological "model" sites which proponents of the plausible. Approaches to Resettlement: Policy, Practice, and Theory, edited by M. Cernea and S. E. dam project have topping the tour list.) 2. Amita Baviskar (1995,219-22) points out The resettlement and rehabilitation Guggenheim, 376-97. San Francisco: that there is another social group, the Westview Press. project, which is supposed to be a "de- Patidars in Nimar, which is being dis- velopment opportunity," is, in actual placed. While this somewhat complicates Doria, Radheshyam. 1990. Environmental the issue of social justice, I do not think Impact of the Narmada Sugar Project. New fact, undermining the economic liveli- Delhi: Ashish Publishing House. hoods and quality of life of these peo- that this completely undermines the thrust of the vulnerability argument. The El-Hinnawi, E. 1985. Environmental Refuges. ple. Over the long term, this might Patidars are landowners who will receive Nairobi: United Nations Environment even mean further displacement as a much fairer amount of compensation Programme. essential needs are not met. As such, than either the adivasi (i.e., tribal) hill Hardgrave, Robert L., and Stanley A. resettlement is not improving the dwellers or the adivasi and other wage Kochanek. 1993. India: Government and standard of living as defined by the labourers. In addition, there is a case to be Politics in a Developing Nation. Toronto: displaced people themselves. In addi- made that both groups are being victim- Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Pub- ized by city electricity-users and wealthy lishers. tion, there are all those who, though Gujarati farmers. harmed in various ways by the dam Independent Commission on International In addition, it is questionable that the ir- Humanitarian Issues. 1987. Indigenous project, are not receiving even the in- rigation component will be entirely Peoples: A Global Ques tfor Justice. London: adequate compensation of rehabilita- successful. Venkata Reddy (1990) has Zed Books. tion, because they hold no formal title extensively documented the myriad of . 1986. Refugees: The Dynamics of Dis- practical problems which inhibit the suc- - to the land or waters that they use for placement. London: Zed Books. economic livelihood purposes. cess rate of large-scale dams. For suggestions of alternative energy Morse, Bradford, and Thomas Berger. 1992. Sardar Sarovar: Report of the Independent Conclusion sources, see Manorama Savur (1995). Review. Ottawa: Resource Futures Inter- The Sardar Sarovar Dam is a case of a Encroachment is a product of colonial national Inc. state forestry practices, which redefined development project which is both di- property rights. The practice of shifting Penz, Peter. 1993. "Colonization of Tribal rectly and indirectly causing a massive cultivation, which allowed land to be re- Lands in Bangladesh and Indonesia: State amount of environmental displace- plenished, was frozen in time to the par- Rationales, Rights to Land, and Environ- ticular plot that was in use when "legal mental Justice." In Asia's Environmental ment. This displacement is not limited Crisis, edited by Michael C. Howard. to the present. Rather, the effects of holdings" were measured. As well, these holdings were smaller than that neces- Colorado: Westview Press. both the dam project and its accompa- sary for ensuring total food require- Reddy, Venkata. 1990. The Dynamics of Irriga- nying resettlement and rehabilitation ments, since shifting cultivation was tion Water Management. New Delhi: project are setting the stage for further supplemented with secondary forest Ashish Publishing House. displacement by increasing people's products (whose use is also now illegal). Savur, Manorama. 1995. "Let us Not Dam economic vulnerability. Those who The soil, which is not suited for sustained Development." In Contradictions in Indian must bear the majority of the develop- use, plus the small total amount of legal Society, edited by Manorama Savur and ment costs in this project were neither holdings, requires that these people make Indira Munshi, 153-74. Jaipur: Rawat use of supplementary, "illegal" plots Publications. properly consulted, nor compensated (Baviskar 1995,15&51). Wood, John R. 1993. "India's Narmada River in ways acceptable to them. Moreover, Morse and Berger (1992, 117, 164-66) Dams: Sardar Sarovar Under Siege."Asinn the Sardar Sarovar Dam is develop- report instances wherein people are re- Suruey 33, no. 10 (October): 968-84. a ment on the backs of the poor, as the settled on land which had been "en- people being displaced are amongst croached" upon by others. India's most vulnerable and disadvan-

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