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The Electorate, 1990-1998 by Gergely Karácsony and Gábor Tóka
1 The Electorate, 1990-1998 by Gergely Karácsony and Gábor Tóka Published in Hungary: Government and Politics 1848-2000, ed. by Mária Ormos and Béla K. Király. Highland Lakes, NJ: Atlantic Research and Publications, Inc. and Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, pp. 495-518. In this chapter we review the voters' behavior in the parliamentary elections of 1990, 1994, and 1998.1 As the reader will recall, these were not the only competitive elections in Hungarian history in which a large majority of citizens could vote. However, unlike, for instance, the elections of 1920, 1938, 1945 or 1947, the electoral contests of the 1990's took place in a political context characterized by widespread consensus on fundamental democratic values among the relevant political parties. For the first time ever, no relevant political player was intimidated or barred from participating in the elections, and citizens could reasonably expect both that the votes were to be counted fairly and that the democratic game was to continue indefinitely after the election. The lawful revolution of 1988-1990 produced an unexpectedly stable institutional framework. The rules regarding executive-legislative relations, the checks and balances provided in the constitution, the electoral system, and the number and name of the major party alternatives remained largely unchanged throughout the 1990s. Despite disagreements about various details of the institutional framework, every relevant political camp retained a basic loyalty to the rules of the game as defined in the process of democratic transition. This comprehensive elite consensus was manufactured at a price, though, which introduced a large dose of unpredictability into the new political system. -
International Press Freedom Mission to Hungary
3 December 2019 CONCLUSIONS OF THE JOINT INTERNATIONAL PRESS FREEDOM MISSION TO HUNGARY These conclusions reflect the initial findings of the joint mission to Hungary carried out by the International Press Institute (IPI), Article 19, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPFM), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Free Press Unlimited (FPU) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF). These findings are additionally supported by the South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO). The mission took place from November 25 to 27, during which time the delegation met with a wide range of Hungarian journalists from Budapest and other cities as well as civil society organizations to gather current information about the situation of media freedom and media capture. The delegation also met with Zoltán Kovács, the international spokesman of the Hungarian government, and Budapest Mayor Gergely Karácsony. OVERALL PICTURE Since 2010, the Hungarian government has systematically dismantled media independence, freedom and pluralism, distorted the media market and divided the journalistic community in the country, achieving a degree of media control unprecedented in an EU member state. While avoiding the physical violence or the jailing of journalists common in autocratic regimes elsewhere, the Hungarian government has pursued a clear strategy to silence the critical press through deliberate manipulation of the media market – engineering the forcible closure or effective government takeover of once-independent media – and through the delegitimization of journalists. The construction of a pro-government media empire serves as a vast propaganda machine for the government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, insulating large parts of the public from access to critical news and information so as to maintain the Fidesz party’s hold on power. -
Green Chances in the New Hungarian Parliament by Róbert László The
Green Chances in the New Hungarian Parliament by Róbert László The next Hungarian parliament could include two green formations, one of which, Dialogue for Hungary (PM), will surely have some members in parliament, although very much open to question is whether it will have its own parliamentary group. At the moment, it is doubtful whether the other formation, Politics Can Be Different (LMP), will surpass the election threshold, but if it does an independent parliamentary group is guaranteed. The Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), Together 2014 (Együtt 2014), Dialogue for Hungary, the Democratic Coalition (DK) and the Hungarian Liberal Party (MLP) will contest the forthcoming parliamentary elections – scheduled for 6 April 2014 – with a joint list and common candidates. Apart from the far-right party Jobbik, only the green party Politics Can Be Different will contest the elections independently from the ruling parties and the left-of-centre Alliance. Many smaller formations running for election stand basically no chance of overcoming the 5% parliamentary threshold. The new electoral system benefits the relative winner even more than before, which is one of the key reasons why the divided left was forced to form an alliance. The other one is that support for Together 2014, the formation led by former Prime Minister Gordon Bajnai and reinforced by the representatives of PM who left LMP a year ago, was dangerously nearing the election threshold of 5%, while the formerly mere 1-2% support for DK rose to almost the same heights. This dynamic undermined the previous electoral agreement between the Socialists and Together 2014-PM, which envisaged the parties presenting their own candidate lists. -
Left-Wing Movements' Boom in Hungary
Left-wing movements’ boom in Hungary - Analysis of the situation of the Hungarian opposition - Tamás Boros – Arbeitspapier – Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Budapest Oktober 2012 Left-wing movements’ boom in Hungary - Analysis of the situation of the Hungarian opposition - Tamás Boros The Hungarian left-wing and liberal opposition faces an unprecedented situation: with the weakening of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) and the disappearance of its traditional coalition partner, the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ) in 2010, new parties and movements have started to rise in an effort to become inevitable politi- cal actors at the time of the next elections in 2014. The crucial question of the next two years is whether the Hungarian Socialist Party will be able to win the elections by itself, and, if not, whether an alliance of opposition movements can be created which will be able to defeat the current prime minister, Viktor Orbán. Between 1998 and 2010 a quasi two-party system characterised Hungary, where the Hungari- an Socialist Party and its liberal coalition partner faced off with the conservative Fidesz. The decision of the voters was as simple as choosing between the two sides – other parties, wheth- er brand new ones or ones with traditional ties, did not stand a reasonable chance of becoming a major political force in Hungary. By 2010, however, eight years spent in government had eroded the popularity of left-wing parties to such an extent that MSZP lost 60% of its former voters (1.4 million people) and SZDSZ all but disappeared from the political map of Hungary. -
Hungarian Politics in 2020
in 2020 3 in 2020 4 Economy and society Hungarian Politics in 2020 © 2021, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Budapest and Policy Solutions Publisher: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Budapest and Policy Solutions, Budapest Editor: András Bíró-Nagy I Director, Policy Solutions, Senior Research Fellow, Center for Social Sciences (TK PTI) Main author: Gábor Győri I Senior Analyst, Policy Solutions Contributing authors: András Bíró-Nagy I Gábor Scheiring I Marie Curie Fellow, Bocconi University Design: Ferling Photos: Page 4: The Hungarian Parliament – James Byard I 123RF, Page 11: PM Viktor Orbán receives ventilators from China – Tamás Kovács I MTI Fotó, Pages 16-17: Viktor Orbán’s „State of the country” speech - Zsolt Szigetváry I MTI Fotó, Page 21: Viktor Orbán in the Hungarian Parliament - Tamás Kovács I MTI Fotó, Page 30: Budapest Mayor Gergely Karácsony – Zoltán Máthé I MTI Fotó, Page 37: MEP Klára Dobrev and Gergely Karácsony - Zoltán Máthé I MTI Fotó, Pages 40-41: Viktor Orbán and Mateusz Morawiecki – Szilárd Koszticsák I MTI Fotó, Pages 46-47: Viktor Orbán and Donald Trump – Szilárd Koszticsák I MTI Fotó, Pages 50-51: Press conference of Viktor Orbán – Szilárd Koszticsák I MTI Fotó, Page 58: Hungary’s budget for 2021 - Szilárd Koszticsák I MTI Fotó, Pages 62-63: Food aid to the most deprived in Budapest – Zoltán Balogh I MTI Fotó, Pages 72-73: Index staff resigns – János Bődey, Page 77: Demonstration of the University of Theatre and Film Arts, SZFE – Márton Mónus I MTI Fotó Printing: Innovariant Printing Ltd. HU ISSN 2416-1985 5 Table of contents -
RSCAS 2017/37 Rebuilding the Hungarian Right Through Civil
RSCAS 2017/37 Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Rebuilding the Hungarian Right through Civil Organization and Contention: The Civic Circles Movement Béla Greskovits European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Rebuilding the Hungarian Right through Civil Organization and Contention: The Civic Circles Movement Béla Greskovits EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2017/37 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. ISSN 1028-3625 © Béla Greskovits, 2017 Printed in Italy, July 2017 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS), created in 1992 and directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research and to promote work on the major issues facing the process of integration and European society. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes and projects, and a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration and the expanding membership of the European Union. Details of the research of the Centre can be found on: http://www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Research/ Research publications take the form of Working Papers, Policy Papers, Policy Briefs, Distinguished Lectures, Research Project Reports and Books. -
With the Final Votes Counted, Fidesz Has Secured a ‘Super
With the final votes counted, Fidesz has secured a ‘super- provided by LSE Research Online View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk CORE majbrought to youo by rity’ in Hungary, but it is questionable how fair the election really was blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/04/16/with-the-final-votes-counted-fidesz-has-secured-a-super-majority-in- hungary-but-it-is-questionable-how-fair-the-election-really-was/ 16/04/2014 Hungary held elections on 6 April, with the ruling Fidesz party winning a clear majority of seats. While there was initially some doubt over whether Fidesz had secured the ‘super-majority’ in parliament needed to amend the country’s constitution, the final results announced on 12 April indicated that it had met this target. Agnes Batory writes that although the parliamentary opposition carries some of the blame for its defeat, the electoral reforms passed in the previous parliament by Fidesz also had an impact on the result, with some observers concluding that the elections were ultimately ‘free but not fair’. On 6 April Hungarians went to the polls for the sixth time since regime change in 1990. They returned to power PM Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz, an erstwhile liberal youth movement turned national-conservative or, as many say, populist. Since 2010, Orbán’s party has held a two-thirds majority in Parliament, allowing it to change laws of constitutional standing – a political tool used to its full potential against the Fidesz’s main opponents in the left-liberal camp. Of the 2.7 million voters supporting the party’s list four years ago, over 625,000, or about 23 per cent deserted the party. -
Budapest Is Using Diplomacy to Fight for Democracy
Budapest Is Using Diplomacy to Fight for Democracy Article by Benedek Jávor April 9, 2020 Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has lost control over his country’s capital. While there are signs that the illiberal leader will do all in his power to hurt the city, the opposition is using the potential of city diplomacy to highlight the other, more democratic side of Hungary. In January 2020, we spoke with former Green MEP Benedek Jávor, head of Budapest’s representation in Brussels, about the prospects and challenges for Budapest under green-left leadership. Green European Journal: Following the victory of Mayor of Budapest Gergely Karácsony – a member of the green-left Dialogue (Párbeszéd) party who ran in the October 2019 municipal elections as the joint candidate of the Hungarian democratic opposition – you were appointed head of Budapest’s representation in Brussels. Can you tell us about this position? Benedek Jávor: Budapest’s representative office in Brussels was established in 2003. Having such an institution in the EU capital is quite normal considering that most European capitals regularly raise issues at the European institutions. In many countries, even rural areas have representations in Brussels, as many EU regulations and decisions directly affect the life of municipalities. What’s more, the presence of Budapest in Brussels is now clearly justified by Hungary’s political situation: following the success of the opposition in Budapest the municipal elections, the national government and the leadership of the capital have a different political colour. Currently, the Hungarian government did not start to put pressure on the capital’s leadership immediately, but in the long run we expect the government to take steps that will complicate the work of Mayor Karácsony. -
The Hungarian National Assembly
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Hungarian National Assembly 1. At a glance Hungary is a republic and a parliamentary democracy. The Hungarian National Assembly (Magyar Országgyűlés) is a unicameral body. The 199 Members of the National Assembly are directly elected by the citizens. Elections to the National Assembly must take place every four years at the latest, and are based on the principles of proportional representation. In May 2014, in the last elections, 106 Members were elected in individual voting districts, 93 Members were elected from national-level lists, which could be put forward by a political party or a national minority. The voting age for national Parliamentary elections is 18 years. The Assembly includes 16 standing committees, which debate and report on bills and supervise the work of ministers. One committee is dedicated to the spokespersons of the 13 minorities (nationality advocates) present in Hungary. The current Hungarian government under Prime Minister Mr Viktor Orbán (FIDESZ/EPP) is composed of the FIDESZ/EPP - KDNP/EPP coalition. The current President of Hungary is Mr János Áder, a former MEP of FIDESZ/EPP. 2. Composition Results of the parliamentary elections on 6 April 2014 Party EP affiliation % Seats FIDESZ- Magyar Polgári Szövetség (FIDESZ) FIDESZ - Hungarian Civic Union 59,1% 117 Magyar Szocialista Párt (MSZP) - Hungarian Socialist Party - EGYÜTT - PM - Together - Dialogue for Hungary - 14,1% 28 Demokratikus Koalíció (DK) - Democratic Coalition - Magyar Liberális Párt (MLP) Hungarian Liberal Party Jobbik Magyarországért Mozgalom (JOBBIK) Non- Movement for a Better Hungary attached 11,6% 23 Kereszténydemokrata Néppárt (KDNP) Christian Democratic People's Party 8,1% 16 Lehet Más a Politika (LMP) Politics Can Be Different 2,5% 5 Others Non- 4,5% 9 attached 100% 199 Turnout: 61,2% The next National Assembly elections must take place in spring 2018 at the latest. -
Hungary: Democracy Under Threat
Hungary: Democracy under Threat Six Years of Attacks against the Rule of Law November 2016 / N° 684a November Cover photo: Thousands of people gathered outside parliament building in Kossuth Lajos Square call for Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s resignation with slogans of «for a European Hungary» in Budapest, Hungary on February 1, 2015. © Mehmet Yilmaz / ANADOLU AGENCY taBLE OF CONTENts 1. INTRODUCTION 4 1.1 METHODOLOGY 8 2. CHALLENGES TO THE RULE OF LAW : UNDERMINING DEMOCRATIC CHECKS AND BALANCES 10 2.1 ESTABLISHED POWERS 10 2.1.1 Constitutional matters: Reshaping the constitutional framework 10 2.1.2 Reforming the judiciary 15 2.1.3 Electoral laws and other restrictions to the legislative power 21 2.2 NON-ESTABLISHED POWERS 24 2.2.1 Taking control of the media 24 2.2.2 Restricting freedom of information 37 2.2.3 A shrinking space for civil society 44 2.2.4 Churches and religious groups 43 3. CHALLENGES TO THE RULE OF LAW: VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHTS OF MIGRANTS, ASYLUM SEEKERS AND REFUGEES 51 4.THE HUNGARIAN SITUATION IN THE LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ON THE RULE OF LAW 59 5. CONCLUSIONS 70 6. RECOMMENdatiONS 72 ANNEXES 79 ANNEX I. HISTORIC CHRONOLOGY 79 ANNEX II. CHRONOLOGY OF LAWS 80 ANNEX III. EUROPEAN UNION’S INSTITUTIONS’ MAIN REACTIONS TO DEVELOPMENTS IN HUNGARY SINCE 2010 81 1. Introduction Since Prime Minister Viktor Orban took power in 2010 following the country’s general elections that saw its party, conservative Fidesz (the Hungarian Civic Party) and their small coalition partner the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) win the two-thirds (67,88% or 262 seats) in Parliament, Hungary has undergone a progressive shift away from the principles on which a democratic state is built. -
The Analysis of the 2018 Hungarian Parliamentary Elections in the Aspect of the FIDESZ-KDNP
Ádám Bohár (International Business School Budapest-Vienna) tHe analysis of tHe 2018 Hungarian parliamentary electiOns in tHe aspect of tHe FIDESZ-KDNP Keywords: Fidesz, KDNP, Election, 2018, parliament, Hungary, 1990, Jobbik, LMP, DK, Viktor Orbán, Gábor Vona, Bernadett Szél, Ferenc Gyurcsány, polariza- tion, sub-polarization 1.—Introduction In 2018, the 8th parliamentary election will be held in Hungary since the fall of the communist regime in 1989 and the first election in 1990. The election will answer a question that has never been asked in the history of Hungarian politics: will the Fidesz-KDNP coalition win the elections and gain the majority of the votes, and by that, the governing right for the third time in a row. This would be the first occasion that political parties elected and govern the country for such a long period of time in Hunga- ry. Both Fidesz (Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance), and KDNP (Chris- tian Democratic People’s Party) part of the Hungarian political scene since 1990. With the help of articles and books written in the subject, this paper overviews both parties. In order to understand the current scene, I will re- visit the political scene in Hungary from 1990 until 2018, in the aspect of the number of parties whom qualified their selves to the Parliament. With each election, new challenges, and sometimes, new parties arise to compete. I will overview the 2010 election as a milestone in the change of the politi- cal scene, what led to the change, and how the changes affected it. As for the 2018 election, I will cover the main ideas and mottos of the party and 236—Á��������������������������������� — ádám bOHár its campaign and how the party reacted to the opposition and other events throughout the 2017–2018 period. -
Hungary: an Election in Question
To: Schmoozers From: Kim Lane Scheppele Re: Elections and Regrets 16 February 2014 I had hoped to join you all in beautiful downtown Baltimore, but I can’t come next weekend. The reason why I can’t is connected to the ticket I’m submitting anyhow. The Hungarian election is 6 April and I’m working flat out on things connected to that election. My ticket explains the new Hungarian election system, which I argue is rigged to favor the governing party. Hence the length: you can’t make an accusation like that without giving evidence. So, in a series of five blog posts that will (I hope) appear on the Krugman blog, I have laid out why I think that the opposition can’t win unless it gets far more than a majority of the votes. For those of you who haven’t been following Hungary, this new election system is par for the course. The government elected in 2010 has been on a legal rampage, remaking the whole legal order with one key purpose in mind: to keep itself in power for the foreseeable future. Toward that end, the government pushed through a new constitution plus five constitutional amendments and 834 other laws (including a new civil code, criminal code and more). As I have been documenting for the last several years, the governing party is expert at designing complex legal orders to achieve very particular results. For my writings on this, see http://lapa.princeton.edu/newsdetail.php?ID=63 . So my dissection of the new Hungarian electoral framework is what I’m submitting as my ticket for the Schmooze.