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Delinquent Subcultures: Sociological Interpretations of Gang Delinquency

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Delinquent Subcultures: Sociological Interpretations of Gang Delinquency Delinquent Subcultures: Sociological Interpretations of Gang Delinquency By DAVID J. BORDUA ABSTRACT: Group delinquency has been of theoretical in- terest to American sociology for more than half a century. During that time, four major interpretations of the origins of gang delinquency and delinquent subcultures have emerged. The classical view developed by Thrasher focuses on the de- velopment of spontaneous groups under conditions of weak social control and social disorganization. Two other views, somewhat akin, emphasize the adjustment problems of lower class boys and stress respectively the status deprivation of such boys when they fail to place well according to the middle class measuring rod and the alienation produced when opportunities to achieve universally demanded success goals are denied lower class boys. Another view is that of the lower class street gang and its way of life as the adolescent version of a more general adult life style, namely, lower class culture. There is a no- ticeable tendency in the recent theories to emphasize irrational explanations of gang delinquency, to view the boys who par- ticipate as driven rather than attracted, and polemical pres- sures have tended to produce extreme theoretical interpreta- tions. David J. Bordua, Ph.D., Ann Arbor, Michigan, is Assistant Professor in the Depart- ment of Sociology at the University of Michigan. He received his doctorate from Har- vard in 1957 and has published on theories ofdelinquency, authoritarianism, college aspirations of high school youth, and the use of formal selection instruments to detect delinquents at an early age. 119 120 problem of group delinquency The theoretical interpretations I will TL HEhas been a subject of theoretical discuss all confine themselves to gang interest for American sociologists and delinquency of this sort. other social observers for well over a THE CLASSICAL VIEW half century. In the course of that pe- riod, the group nature of delinquency Still the best book on gangs, gang de- has come to be a central starting point linquency, and-though he did not use for many theories of delinquency, and the term-delinquent subcultures is The delinquency causation has been seen by Gang by Frederick M. Thrasher, and some sociologists as pre-eminently a his formulations are the ones that I process whereby the individual becomes have labeled &dquo;the classical view.&dquo; Not associated with a group which devotes that he originated the basic interpreta- some or all of its time to planning, com- tive framework, far from it, but his mitting, or celebrating delinquencies and application of the theoretical materials which has elaborated a set of lifeways available at the time plus his sensitivity -a subculture-which encourages and to the effects of social environment and justifies behavior defined as delinquent his willingness to consider processes at by the larger society. all behavioral levels from the basic In addition to the processes whereby needs of the child to the significance of an individual takes on the beliefs and the saloon, from the nature of city gov- norms of a pre-existing group and ernment to the crucial importance of thereby becomes delinquent-a process the junk dealer, from the consequences mysterious enough in itself in many of poverty to the nature of leadership cases-there is the more basic, and in in the gang ~till distinguish his book.’ many respects more complex, problem Briefly, Thrasher’s analysis may be of how such groups begin in the first characterized as operating on the fol- place. What are the social conditions lowing levels. The ecological processes that facilitate or cause the rise of de- which determine the structure of the linquency-carrying groups? What are city create the interstitial area charac- the varying ne’eds and motives satisfied terized by a variety of indices of con- in individuals by such groups? What flict, disorganization, weak family and processes of planned social control might neighborhood controls, and so on. In be useable in preventing the rise of such these interstitial areas, in response to groups or in redirecting the behavior universal childhood needs, spontaneous and moral systems of groups already in play groups develop. Because of the existence? All these questions and many relatively uncontrolled nature of these others have been asked for at least two groups-or of many of them at least- generations. Within the limits of this and because of the presence of many at- brief paper, it is impossible to present tractive and exciting opportunities for and analyze in detail the many an- fun and adventure, these groups engage swers to these questions which have in a variety of activities, legal and been put forward by social scientists. illegal, which are determined, defined, What I can do is single out a few of and directed by the play group itself the major viewpoints and concentrate rather than by conventional adult su- on them. pervision. In its more well-developed and ex- The crowded, exciting slum streets treme forms, gang or subcultural delin- teem with such groups. Inevitably, in quency has been heavily concentrated in 1 Frederick M. Thrasher, The Gang (Chi- the low status areas of our large cities. cago: University of Chicago Press, 1927). 121 a situation of high population density, importance here. The junk dealer, espe- limited resources, and weak social con- cially the junk wagon peddler, the con- trol, they come into conflict with each venient no-questions-asked attitudes of other for space, playground facilities, large numbers of local adults who buy reputation. Since many of their activi- &dquo;hot&dquo; merchandise, and the early knowl- ties, even at an early age, are illegal, edge that customers are available all although often not feloniously so- help to make theft easy and profitable they swipe fruit from peddlers, turn as well as morally acceptable.22 over garbage cans, stay away from home all night and steal milk and cakes for Nonutilitayidn? breakfast, play truant from school- It is appropriate at this point to deal they also come into conflict with adult with a matter that has become impor- authority. Parents, teachers, merchants, tant in the discussion of more recent police, and others become the natural theories of group delinquency. This is enemies of this kind of group and at- Albert K. Cohen’s famous characteriza- tempt to control it or to convert it to tion of the delinquent subculture as more conventional activities. With some nonutilitarian, by which he seems to groups they succeed, with some they mean that activities, especially theft, do not. are not oriented to calculated economic If the group continues, it becomes ends part of a network of similar groups, in- Thrasher makes a great point of the creasingly freed from adult restraint, in- play and adventure quality of many creasingly involved in intergroup con- illegal acts, especially in the pregang flict and fighting, increasingly engaged stages of a group’s development, but he in illegal activities to support itself and also describes many cases where theft to continue to receive the satisfactions has a quite rational and instrumental of the &dquo;free&dquo; life of the streets. Con- nature, even at a fairly early age. flict, especially with other groups, trans- The theft activities and the disposi- forms the play group into the gang. Its tion of the loot make instrumental sense illegal activities become more serious, its in the context of Thrasher’s description values hardened, its structure more de- of the nature of the group or gang. termined by the necessity to maintain Much theft is essentially for the pur- eternal vigilance in a hostile environ- pose of maintaining the group in a state ment. of freedom from adult authority. If a By middle adolescence, the group is group of boys lives days or even weeks a gang, often with a name, usually away from home, then the theft of food identified with a particular ethnic or 2 One of the charms of Thrasher’s old-time racial and with an elabo- group, usually sociology is the fashion in which fact intrudes rate technology of theft and other means itself upon the theorizing. For example, he of self-support. Gradually, the gang may tells us that there were an estimated 1,700 to move in the direction of adult crime, 1,800 junk wagon men in Chicago, most of whom were suspected of being less than rigid armed robbery, perhaps, or other seri- in inquiring about the source of "junk." Ibid., ous crimes. p. 148. He also does some other things that Prior to that time, however, it is likely seem to have gone out of style, such as pre- to have engaged in much stealing from senting information on the age and ethnic stores, railroad cars, empty houses, par- composition of as many of the 1,313 gangs as possible. Ibid., pp. 73, 74, 191-193. ents, almost or drunks, anywhere money 3 Albert K. Cohen, Delinquent Boys: The goods are available. The ready access Culture of the Gang (Glencoe: The Free Press, to outlets for stolen goods is of major 1955), pp. 25, 26. 122 or of things which are sold to buy food Let us look a little more systemati- is hardly nonutilitarian. If such a group cally at the Thrasher formulations, how- steals from freight cars, peddles the ever, since such an examination can be merchandise to the neighbors for movie instructive in dealing with the more re- money, and so on, this can hardly be cent theories. The analysis proceeds at considered nonutilitarian. The behavior several levels, as I have mentioned. makes sense as instrumental behavior, of analysis however, only after one has a picture of Levels the general life led by the group.
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