I CULTURAL REPRODUCTION, SEGMENTED ASSIMILATION and the RELIGIOUS SCHOOLING EXPERIENCES of IMMIGRANTS at an ISLAMIC ACADEMY
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CULTURAL REPRODUCTION, SEGMENTED ASSIMILATION AND THE RELIGIOUS SCHOOLING EXPERIENCES OF IMMIGRANTS AT AN ISLAMIC ACADEMY: LEARNING BY CHOICE A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Suad Lawrence Islam May, 2009 i © by Suad Lawrence Islam 2009 All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT Cultural Reproduction, Segmented Assimilation and the Religious Schooling Experiences of Immigrants at an Islamic Academy: Learning By Choice Suad Lawrence Islam Doctor of Philosophy Temple University 2009 Major Advisor: Dr. Will J. Jordan Introduction: A case study research design was employed to examine various dynamics of the cultural reproduction, segmented assimilation and religious schooling experiences of immigrant Muslim 1 parents and students at an Islamic day school. Three core research questions guided this examination. What is the functionality of Islamic schooling as a vehicle of cultural reproduction? How do religiosity and the presentation of Islamic rituals serve students and families as opportunities for affirmation? What experiences carry the immigrant’s identity? Site Description: The research site was the Nur Islamic Academy 2 a Pre-School-12 th grade licensed private Islamic day school located in a north-eastern city in the United States. The student body composition was 55% immigrant and 45% African-American Muslims. The school was located in an ethnic settlement encapsulated in a neighborhood that was experiencing the impacts of capital flight, uneven development and urban decay. Research Design: A Case Study research design was used. It included principal, staff and parent interviews, an 8 th grade immigrant student focus group, observations, archival investigations an a attitudinal parental survey on school choice. Data Analysis: The transcribed audio-taped interviews were analyzed using the direct responses to the guided interview questions. These statements were classified into themes by content. Observations, archival and organizational reviews served as triangulation tools. The population targeted in this study does not respond well to survey data collection. Therefore, the survey results were inconclusive. Outliers were identified and noted. The interpretation, conclusions and discussions were supported with a literature synthesis. All participants were anonymous. 1. Muslim: The name for members of the Islamic Faith, which means submission to God. 2. The Nur Islamic Academy and all other individual, organizational and institutional names are pseudonyms to maintain their anonymities. iii Findings: The findings of this study suggest that the Muslim expatriates in this urban immigrant settlement consciously used Islamic schooling as an institutional mode of intergenerational cultural preservation and reproduction. They elected to carry and hold their home cultures and Arabian heritage as they nestled into this urban landscape. Conclusions: Nur Islamic Academy created an ethos that affirmed the parents, students and community member’s Islamic belief system. Immigrant Muslim student participants related that Islamic schooling was a viable vehicle for their Islamic identity formation and retention, as well as the preservation of their respective home cultures. They also expressed that they choose Islamic schooling as a way to opt-out of the downward mobility that plagued their home neighborhood schools and lived communities. Students were discreetly exposed to selected mainstream cultural experiences. Opportunities for Interfaith exploration were an integral component of the instructional programming. Staff members and parents voiced that they have forgone full mainstream assimilation. Their preference was to actively participate in selective acculturation and incorporation processes as a segmented component of their day to day lives. This study attempts to expand the scope of literature in the areas of: cultural reproduction, cultural assimilation, segmented assimilation, Western Islamic schooling models, as well as, Muslim and ethnic identity formation and maintenance. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to acknowledge my sincere gratitude to Dr. Will J. Jordan for his relentless service as the Chair of my Dissertation Committee. Throughout my studies he respected and honored my intellectual capacity. His guidance always pushed me to the next level. He allowed my scholarship the room it needed to grow. From day one, Dr. James Earl Davis let me know that I could reach my goal. He always inspired me. He was consistently there to catch me when I fell. Words can not express the profound gratitude I have for his sincere guidance. His thoughtfulness is immeasurable. Dr. Kim Goyette scaffolded my Sociological growth. She always pushed my intellectual envelope. She helped me make meaning of my theoretical passions. I could not have done this without her humanistic instructional style. She is exceptional! This study was fueled by a series of questions that I had about how people use schools as vehicles of reproduction. These questions started years ago when my mother, a displaced Southerner told me that she observed the ways in which successful people used schools, institutions and their cultural practices to reproduce their successes with their children. She narrated how she used these processes as a framework, for what she deemed was a good parenting model for the academic, professional and cultural growth of her family. My mother mapped out a strategic reproduction plan and held to it at every turn. My mother related that rearing successful African-American children in the South was much different then in the North. She stated that in the South, Blacks had institutions, communities and cultural practices that supported individual and communal achievements. She believed that this was not the case for Blacks in the North. “When your Black living in the North you have to devise a clear plan for your children’s success”. These were the ideological underpinnings of my familial practices. My father and mother were involuntary first-generation immigrants. Both were displaced from their south-eastern United States homelands; my father as an adult, my mother as a teenager. They both elected to carry and hold their ancestral heritage. They actively participated in intergenerational cultural reproduction practices with their children. I was reared as a displaced immigrant. In my urban neighborhood (The Hood) we were the only children that went on vacations. We took regular trips to my paternal grandmother’s rural home and the bourgeois households of my mother’s clan. We were the only children in our neighborhood that dressed for dinner, on blistering hot summer evenings. We were the only children whose day to day discourse was riddled with Yes Mame and Thank you. We were taught to be grateful for everything. We were taught that the food that we ate, the sleep that we took, and the treats that we were given were all in preparation for tomorrow’s learning. We were consistently taught to love God, to cherish knowledge and to embrace the arts. My life’s work is a tribute to my beloved father and mother Lawrence and Evans; two displaced immigrants that found each other and commenced on a journey that was enveloped in Love. A special thank you to MBA, my family and all those that have nurtured me. Baraka Allahu Fikum, to my closet friends that held me through the storms. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................v LIST OF TABLES ..................................................................................................ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................1 Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................4 Theoretical Framework. ...........................................................................................5 Historical Roots of Religious Schooling in America ...............................................8 Statement of the Problem .......................................................................................11 The Urban Landscape ............................................................................................12 Pilot Studies ...........................................................................................................14 Research Questions ................................................................................................17 Site Description ......................................................................................................17 Islamic Schooling in America ................................................................................18 Cultural Reproduction ............................................................................................22 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ...................................................................................25 Introduction ...........................................................................................................25 Religion in Everyday Life ......................................................................................26 Religiosity and American Youth ...........................................................................29 Religious