The STANDING MAN EFFECT Pieter Verstraete “Those Who Take a Stand Are Never Alone.”1
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Istanbul's Taksim Square and Gezi Park: the Place of Protest and The
JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM ISSN 2029-7955 print / ISSN 2029-7947 online 2014 Volume 38(1): 63–72 doi:10.3846/20297955.2014.902185 Theme of the issue “City as political space” Žurnalo numerio tema „Miestas kaip politinė erdvė“ ISTANBUL’S TAKSIM SQUARE AND GEZI PARK: THE PLACE OF PROTEST AND THE IDEOLOGY OF PLACE Murat Güla, John Deeb, Cahide Nur Cünükc aDepartment of Architecture, TOBB University of Economics and Technology, Söğütözü Caddesi No. 43, Ankara, Turkey bArchitecture Program, International University of Sarajevo, Hrasnička cesta 15, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina cDepartment of Architecture, Fatih Sultan Mehmet Vakıf University, Merkez Efendi Mah. Mevlevihane Cad., Yenikapı Mevlevihanesi No: 25, Zeytinburnu, Istanbul, Turkey E-mails: [email protected] (corresponding author); [email protected]; [email protected] Received 17 December 2013; accepted 05 March 2014 Abstract. May 2013 saw Istanbul witness a massive public demonstration. The incident began on 28 May when a small group of environmental activists tried to save Gezi Park, one of the most iconic green spaces in the Taksim district of central Istanbul. The park dates back to the 1940s and is well-known as public promenade. The modest demonstration was triggered by a government decision to reconstruct a former Ottoman Artillery Barracks. Within a few days, it developed into a violent uprising on an unpre- cedented scale lasting almost an entire month. Crowds not only gathered in Istanbul but also in many other Turkish cities such as the capital, Ankara. International media broadcast the protests live from Taksim Square turning the Gezi Park protest into an international phenomenon. -
DK Eyewitness Travel Guide: Istanbul
174 ISTANBUL AREA BY AREA A 90-Minute Walk from Taksim Square to the Istanbul Modern Art Museum It was in the Pera district that Constantinople’s cosmopolitan population lived and worked in the 19th century, where the embassies and palatial residences mirrored the lifestyle of Topkapı Palace, on the opposite side of the Golden Horn. Once known as the “Paris of the East”, life centred on the main street of Pera, today’s İstiklâl Caddesi. Even today the Avrupa Pasajı and Balık Pazar markets seem wistfully unchanged, especially when contrasted with the remarkable Pera Museum A Çiçek Pasajı restaurant 4 and the sophisticated Istanbul Modern Art Museum. you reach the exquisite market, Çiçek Pasajı 4, built Pera Museum 8 (once the by Italian architect Michel Bristol Hotel), where the Capello in 1856, and now philanthropic Koç family filled with restaurants. At Stop exhibits their art collection Restaurant, veer left then right and Turkish tiles. ę on Şahne Sokak, which forms % %&4 $" the backbone of the Fish 4",*;"ć"$*$"% * Market, or Balık Pazar 5. 5"3-"#"ł 40, Return along Sahne #" #":3". )"."-#"ł*$"%-*,40 501±&,&/-&3 Sokak and stroll down #Ã:Ã, $ 40,"ć* " &łę- . , : 4 the arcaded Hall of 0, /&7ę;"%& , Mirrors, or Avrupa "34-"/40, 40 Pasajı 6 on the right. ę 4 The Neo-Renaissance & % ±&ł.&4ę40, interior, with marble % #"ł"ć" " ę floors and classical $ &4 % % " statues, was once lit $ :&/ę±"3ł*$" by gas lamps and . " 5 6 % Avrupa Pasajı bazaar mirrors amplified : ,"--"7ę E " 5ę:& the light. 4 40,"ć* * ć & " 4, , ę±ę Along İstiklâl Caddesi Turn right , ±& ę40, 4 0 ,± & .&ł36 ę : '¶ )":3 Begin the walk in Taksim and then left & ę45ę,-"-$"%%&4ę 3 /à 1 3ę ć* K Square at the Independence onto Meşrutiyet ;ę:"40," % Monument, completed by Caddesi and % &4ę $"% Pietro Canonica in 1928, follow the road #045"/#"ł* that depicts Atatürk with around to the left ."$"% his political contemporaries. -
Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 Turkey freedomhouse.org Turkey received a downward trend arrow due to more pronounced political interference in anticorruption mechanisms and judicial processes, and greater tensions between majority Sunni Muslims and minority Alevis. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) secured two electoral victories in 2014. In March, it prevailed in local elections with more than 40 percent of the vote, and in August the party’s leader, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was elected president in the first direct elections for that post in Turkey’s history. The AKP won despite a corruption scandal implicating government ministers as well as Erdoğan and his family, which emerged in December 2013 and cast a shadow over Turkish politics throughout 2014. Erdoğan dismissed the evidence of corruption, including audio recordings, as fabrications by elements of a “parallel state” composed of followers of Fethullah Gülen, an Islamic scholar who had backed the AKP but was now accused of plotting to bring down the government. More than 45,000 police officers and 2,500 judges and prosecutors were reassigned to new jobs, a move the government said was necessary to punish and weaken rogue officials; critics claimed it was designed to stop anticorruption investigations and undermine judicial independence. Erdoğan and AKP officials spoke out against other so-called traitors, including critical journalists and business leaders as well as members of the Alevi religious minority. Media outlets bearing unfavorable coverage of the government have been closed or placed under investigation. In December, more than 30 people linked to Gülen, including newspaper editors and television scriptwriters, were arrested on charges of establishing a terrorist group; this sparked widespread protests. -
Architectural and Historic Preservation of Old Houses Baltazzi's Old
ARCHITECTURAL AND HISTORIC PRESERVATION OF OLD HOUSES BALTAZZI’S OLD PROPERTIES IN ISTANBUL Houses- Appartments - Mansions-Yalis - Hans and Farms Introduction I am happy to have concluded this research which I had in mind for a long time. I was of course encouraged by the positive trend of continuing group research on the history of Levantines. This work is also aimed as a message to encourage the preservation of the architectural and historical heritage of the city of Istanbul and I am grateful for the help from friends and the efficient assistance of my offices in both cities. The Baltazzi famiy, although since the XVIIIth century were living in Izmir have also maintained close relations from that time with the capital Istanbul due to their business activites in finance and banking as well as due their close relations with the Ottoman Court. Some other Levantive and Greek families such as the Whittals, the La Fontaines, the Mavrogordato, the Sevastopoulos to cite a few also acquired a range of proprieties and hade members of these numerous families resident in both cities and various neighbourhoods. 1- HOUSES The emminent authority on Ottoman Banking History Pr. Haydar Kazgan and many other authors mention that the first permission to a foreigner to own a house was given in recognition of the services rendered to the Sultan to my great great grand father the Banker Emanuele Baltazzi around 1850 whereas the official permission for foreigners to own real-estate was granted only in 1867. Where was this house situated? Akylas Millas in his “Pera Crossroads of Constantinople” gives as location the Bonmarche at Istanbul Grand Rue de Pera (today Istiklal Caddesi of Beyoğlu) saying “The Bartoli brothers famous for Au Bon Marche department store occupied the ground floor of a neo-classical building erected in 1870 on the site of the residence of Manolaki Valtadji efendi which burnt in the frequent fires which occurred in Pera”. -
“Everywhere Is Taksim”: the Politics of Public Space from Nation-Building
JUHXXX10.1177/0096144214566966Journal of Urban HistoryBatuman 566966research-article2015 Original Research Article Journal of Urban History 1 –27 “Everywhere Is Taksim”: The © 2015 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: Politics of Public Space from sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0096144214566966 Nation-Building to Neoliberal juh.sagepub.com Islamism and Beyond Bülent Batuman1 Abstract This article discusses the politics of public space through the particular example of Taksim Square in Istanbul. Tracing Taksim’s history since the early twentieth century, the article analyzes the instrumentalization of public space in nation-building, the socialization of politics within the context of postwar rapid urbanization, and the (re)politicization of public space under neoliberal Islamism. Finally it arrives at an assessment of the nation-wide antigovernment protests that centered on Taksim Square in May–June 2013. Throughout this historical examination, the politics of public space is discussed with reference to the work of Henri Lefebvre, in order to scrutinize the spatial aspects of the relation between state and society. Accordingly, the rise of democratic public space is defined as a result of the mutual interaction between two bottom-up impetuses; the immanent politics of the social (the political character of everyday life) and the socialization of the political (civil political action). Keywords public space, right to the city, banal politicization, Taksim Sqaure, Gezi Park The last days of May 2013 witnessed an unprecedented event in Istanbul. What began as a simple environmentalist protest grew rapidly and spread across the country as a result of police brutality faced by the small group of activists. It all began with the appearance of dozers in Gezi Parkı (literally “esplanade”), the seventy-year-old park adjacent to Taksim Square, the major public space in Istanbul. -
Gezi Assemblages: Emergence As Embodiment in the Gezi Movement
Gezi Assemblages: Emergence as Embodiment in the Gezi Movement INFORMATION AND KNOWLEDGE SOCIETY DOCTORAL PROGRAM UNIVERSITAT OBERTA DE CATALUNYA (UOC) Autor: Öznur Karakaş Research Group: CareNET Supervisor: Israel Rodriguez-Giralt (Universitat Oberta de Catalunya) BARCELONA December 21, 2017 1 TABLE OF MATTERS ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ....................................................................................................... 5 ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................... 6 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 10 CHAPTER 1 ....................................................................................................................... 25 The Gezi Movement: Emerging contentious communities in-the-making ...................... 25 1.1. How were Gezi communities made? Accounting for embodied emergence of new dissident communities ............................................................................................................ 30 1.2. Some methodological concerns: how to dwell on community-making..................... 42 1.3. Conceptualizing the communities-in-the-making: From network to assemblage ... 56 CHAPTER 2 ....................................................................................................................... 70 Action in Translation: The Action Repertoire of the Gezi Movement .............................. 70 2.1. Occupation -
The Gezi Park– Taksim Demonstrations and Uses of Social Policy for Reimagining Turkey
Hakan Seckinelgin Social policy and conflict: the Gezi Park– Taksim demonstrations and uses of social policy for reimagining Turkey Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Seckinelgin, Hakan (2015) Social policy and conflict: the Gezi Park–Taksim demonstrations and uses of social policy for reimagining Turkey. Third World Quarterly . pp. 1-17. ISSN 0143-6597 DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1089164 © 2015 Southseries Inc This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/65063/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Social Policy and Conflict: Gezi Park-Taksim Demonstrations and Uses of Social Policy for Reimagining Turkey Hakan Seckinelgin, Department of Social Policy, LSE The article is interested in the ways in which social policy debates, both on particular policy ideas and on policy implementation, are instrumental in understanding socio-political conflicts. -
Motives Behind Erdoğan Strategy in 'Politicizing' the First Religious
Artical Name : Bottom-Up Change Artical Subject : 0RWLYHVEHKLQG(UGR÷DQVWUDWHJ\LQ µpoliticizing¶the first religious channel for children Publish Date: 12/07/2021 Auther Name: Abdel Latif Hegazy Subject : 10/2/2021 10:36:20 PM 1 / 2 2Q-XQH$OL(UEDú3UHVLGHQWRI'LUHFWRUDWHRI5HOLJLRXV$IIDLUVLQ7XUNH\DQGøEUDKLPbUlQ'LUHFWRURIWKH7XUNLVK5DGLR and Television Corporation (TRT), signed a cooperation protocol to establish a religious channel for children, which would be the ILUVWRILWVNLQGLQ7XUNH\:LWKLQWKLVFRQWH[W(UEDúVDLG:HKDYHQRWEHHQDEOHWRSUHVHQW,VODPLFYDOXHVWRFKLOGUHQRYHUWKHSDVW years, since we used to show them animated cartoons designed by foreign companies." [1]He emphasized the need to exert efforts to sustain children with correct religious knowledge.The government¶s establishment of a religious channel for children has raised questions regarding the dimensions and motives of this step currently, particularly since there is a Turkish tendency to politicize and XVHUHOLJLRQWRVHUYHWKHSROLWLFDODQGHOHFWRUDOPRWLYHVRI3UHVLGHQW5HFHS7D\\LS(UGR÷DQ)RVWHULQJDµreligious generation¶(VWDEOLVKLQJDUHOLJLRXVFKDQQHOIRUFKLOGUHQLQ7XUNH\IDOOVXQGHUWKHIUDPHZRUNRI(UGR÷DQ VSURMHFWZKLFKDLPVDW raising a committed, religious generation that believes in the Ottoman culture and is able to overcome Western secular concepts. In confronting the secular principles on which the modern Turkish Republic was founded by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1923 after DEROLVKLQJWKH2WWRPDQ&DOLSKDWH(UGR÷DQDQGKLVUXOLQJ-XVWLFHDQG'HYHORSPHQWSDUW\ $.3 VHHNWRHOLPLQDWH$WDWXUN¶s secular legacy, establish a new republic that is based on the principles of political Islam, and to restore what AKP supporters describe as the µglory of the Ottoman Caliphate¶Ataturk believed that Turkey is a secular state, which belongs to the Western world, and that its development and modernization require adopting of a Western secular model and setting religion aside from public life, as well as adding an article in the Turkish constitution confirming the secularism of the state. -
Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey
A Freedom House Special Report Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey Susan Corke Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan Executive Summary 1 Cover: Mustafa Ozer AFP / GettyImages Introduction 3 The Media Sector in Turkey 5 Historical Development 5 The Media in Crisis 8 How a History Magazine Fell Victim 10 to Self-Censorship Media Ownership and Dependency 12 Imprisonment and Detention 14 Prognosis 15 Recommendations 16 Turkey 16 European Union 17 United States 17 About the Authors Susan Corke is Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan director for Eurasia is a journalist based is president of Freedom is clinical professor is a program officer programs at Freedom in Turkey since 1989, House. Prior to joining of national security at Freedom House, House. Ms. Corke contributing regularly Freedom House in studies at Baruch covering Central spent seven years at to The Daily Telegraph, 2010, he was a Senior College/CUNY’s School Asia and Turkey. the State Department, The Times, The Transatlantic Fellow at of Public Affairs and He previously worked including as Deputy Economist, TIME, the German Marshall an adjunct senior as a journalist Director for European and CNN. He has also Fund of the United States. fellow at the Council in Kazakhstan and Affairs in the Bureau written for Sabah, Mr. Kramer served as on Foreign Relations. Kyrgyzstan and of Democracy, Human Milliyet, and Taraf and Assistant Secretary of She was deputy editorial studied at Ankara Rights, and Labor. appears frequently on State for Democracy, page editor at University as a Critical Turkish television. -
A Look at the Gezi Park Protests Through the Lens of Media Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz
World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Vol:9, No:8, 2015 A Look at the Gezi Park Protests through the Lens of Media Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz of Security’s data, there have been 4,900 protests relating to Abstract—The Gezi Park protests of 2013 have significantly Gezi Park in 80 provinces except in the provinces of Bayburt changed the Turkish agenda and its effects have been felt historically. and Bingöl, and during these protests 5.300 people were taken The protests, which rapidly spread throughout the country, were into custody, 160 of which were arrested [2]. triggered by the proposal to recreate the Ottoman Army Barracks to Participants come from a wide range of social backgrounds. function as a shopping mall on Gezi Park located in Istanbul’s Taksim neighbourhood despite the oppositions of several NGOs and They include, Alevis, anti-Capitalist Muslims, Revolutionist when trees were cut in the park for this purpose. Muslims, with the Beşiktaş fan-lub ÇARŞI in the lead, Once the news that the construction vehicles entered the park on supporters of Fenerbahçe and Galatasaray football teams, May 27 spread on social media, activists moved into the park to stop feminist organizations, Kemalist-Nationalist groups, Kurds, the demolition, against whom the police used disproportioned force. LGBT's, unions, socialist parties and idealist groups, besides With this police intervention and the then prime-minister Tayyip Taksim Dayanışma (Taksim support group) as an uniting Erdoğan's insistent statements about the construction plans, the protests turned into anti- government demonstrations, which then organization [3]. -
"The World Culture Entered Turkey" New Conflict Lines and the Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Turkey
PRIF Report No. 139 "The World Culture Entered Turkey" New Conflict Lines and the Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Turkey Idil Gögüs/Sabine Mannitz the © Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2016 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27–31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49 69 959104-0 Fax: +49 69 558481 E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-946459-05-7 Euro 10,00 € Summary Turkish society is politically divided to an extent that made even German Chancellor Angela Merkel mention the necessity of overcoming internal divisions when she congratulated Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu on winning the election on 2 November 2015. Divergences within Turkish society involving different views concerning the best path of development have a tradition that reaches back into Ottoman times. When the republic of Turkey was founded in 1923 the modernization project of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his followers set the goals for the country’s development in the decades to follow. The sweeping Kemalist reforms met with resistance from different sections of Turkish society from an early stage because they excluded the existing plurality conceptually, especially religion as a legitimate source for public moral order: Ethnic minorities such as the Kurds, whose striving for their own sovereign state had been ignored in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, were not willing to subscribe to the nationalist construction of the Turkish citizenry. The radical version of secularism that state founder Mustafa -
Humour As Resistance a Brief Analysis of the Gezi Park Protest
PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 2 PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS David and Toktamış (eds.) In May and June of 2013, an encampment protesting against the privatisation of an historic public space in a commercially vibrant square of Istanbul began as a typical urban social movement for individual rights and freedoms, with no particular political affiliation. Thanks to the brutality of the police and the Turkish Prime Minister’s reactions, the mobilisation soon snowballed into mass opposition to the regime. This volume puts together an excellent collection of field research, qualitative and quantitative data, theoretical approaches and international comparative contributions in order to reveal the significance of the Gezi Protests in Turkish society and contemporary history. It uses a broad spectrum of disciplines, including Political Science, Anthropology, Sociology, Social Psychology, International Relations, and Political Economy. Isabel David is Assistant Professor at the School of Social and Political Sciences, Universidade de Lisboa (University of Lisbon) , Portugal. Her research focuses on Turkish politics, Turkey-EU relations and collective ‘Everywhere Taksim’ action. She is currently working on an article on AKP rule for the Journal of Contemporary European Studies. Kumru F. Toktamış, PhD, is an Adjunct Associate Professor at the Depart- ment of Social Sciences and Cultural Studies of Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, NY. Her research focuses on State Formation, Nationalism, Ethnicity and Collective Action. In 2014, she published a book chapter on ‘Tribes and Democratization/De-Democratization in Libya’. Edited by Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış ‘Everywhere Taksim’ Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi ISBN: 978-90-8964-807-5 AUP.nl 9 7 8 9 0 8 9 6 4 8 0 7 5 ‘Everywhere Taksim’ Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them.