Caste and the Kerala Elections Robert L Hardgrave Jr The mid-term election in Kerala was fought by the Congress and the Communists to secure the support of the Ezhava community. The fail toe of any party to secure a majority, however, only emphasises the fact that while the politics of Kerala may be caste-bound, no party can rule with the support of one community alone. The crosion of the political solidarity of the Ezhava community by the Congress may reflect the initial stages of differentiation within that community. Under the impact of economic, change, as each community becomes increasingly heterogeneous, political interests within it will Ret differentiated and as this happens the polarity between the communities in terms of party support may be expected to decline. PERPETUATING the political the prerequisites of political moderni­ servient to the Nairs are the Ezhava, which zation, Kerala is confronted with the or Tiyyar as they are called in Mala­ tated the state since its creation the omnipresent reality of caste in politics, bar. Traditional toddy-tappers, the people of Kerala went again to the a spectre of tradition decried by community is considered the highest polls on March 4, to scatter their votes Nehru as a reversion to "tribalism".' of the polluting castes, With nearly among fifteen parties and more than 15 per cent of the Hindu population, five hundred candidates. The cam­ however, the economically depressed paign for the fifth major election Caste Ranking Ezhavas are perhaps the single most since independence was lackluster, Traditionally the elaboration of the powerful community in Kerala. and the people responded with a ritual hierarchy reflected the economic In addition to the mutually antago­ bored indifference, but on election day. position of the constituent castes, with nistic Nairs and Ezhavas, the Chris­ more than 60 per cent turned out to each caste associated with a particul­ tian community ranks as a major po­ register their political literacy by dis­ ar occupation and sharing a common litical power in Kerala. Although the tinguishing between the Congress and economic status. The caste system Christians, 24 per cent of the popu­ the dissident Kerala Congress and historically, however, was not rigid, lation, are divided among the Syrians between the Left and the Right Com­ for as a caste gained economic pow­ (of whom there are two sects), the munist parties. While no party se­ er, a commensurate ritual rank usual­ Protestants, and the Roman Catho­ cured a majority, the largest slice of ly followed. Caste ranking in Kerala lic;;, it is the Catholic community the votes was taken by the Left Com­ reflects such a process, but in the deve­ which numerically dominates and munists, With 29 of their winning lopment of its linear elaboration, a which holds the locus of political candidates imprisoned under the De- digidity stifled the movement of castes power through the organization of fence of India Act, the Left CPI won in the hierarchy, freezing the lower the Church, Through the Muslim 40 of the Assembly's 133 sears. 19 cities in their positions of subservi­ League, the Muslims, 16 per cent of Moscow-backed Communist Party of ence. Only the Muslims and Christians, the population, are a major factor po­ India, ideological opponent of the both being outside the hierarchy, were litically, particularly in the Malabar allegedly pro-China Leftists, secured the to exploit new economic oppor­ region of northern Kerala where they only 3 seats. The Congress Party won tunities and in so doing to raise them- are the dominant community. 36 seats, and the rebels, who has - elves in social status. The process of As the Muslims are concentrated toppled the Congress Ministry only pauperization initiated by population in certain areas of Malabar, so each six months before, took 23. The elec­ growth and the divisions of lands ac­ of the other communities dominates tions, however, reflect not so much centuated the economic disparity bet- in particular regions of Kerala. The the strength of communism in India, ween castes. Thus, in the high correla- Christians are concentrated primarily much less support for China, as the tion between caste ranking and econo­ in Ernakulam and Kottayam districts. peculiar pattern of communal rivalries mic position, the socio-economic struc­ The Nairs form the dominant com­ which cut to the quick of Kerala ture of Kerala came to reflect the high­ munity in the areas of Trivandrum society, ly elaborate hierarchy of ritual purity. District, and the Ezhavas are particu­ Kerala is a land of contradictions in Coste ranking places the Namboodi- larly strong in Palghat Each political a nation of contrasts'. As India's ri Brahmins at the peak of the hierar­ party must thus seriously consider smallest state, Keala has the highest chy. Numbering only 8 per cent of the the dominant community, or as the birthrate and the greatest pressure on Hindu population, it remains primari­ Communists prefer, "the social base", the land, it abounds in agricultural ly a landowning community. Despite in the selection of its candidate. That wealth, yet imports half its food the number of political leaders from each party tends to choose its candi­ supply. Its international exports bring the caste, such as the Left Com­ dates from the dominant community, 25 per cent of India's dollar earnings, munists' EMS Namboodiripad. the however, does not cancel out com­ yet Kerala's per capita income is the community has little political power. munity as a factor. Although there lowest in India. It has the highest A far more potent political force is are elements of each community in literacy rate and the highest rate of the Nair community, the traditional all parties (except for the Muslim unemployment. "With the largest co­ warriors of Kerala. As a landowning Leagued the parties in Kerala have mmunity of Christians, it has the high­ and mercantile community today, the come to be associated with particu­ est Communist vote too. It is at once Nairs, numbering 25 per cent of the lar communities, and within each a bastion of orthodox Hinduism with Hindu population, are the pivotal party, factionalism expresses the divi­ the most elaborate system of caste force of Kerala politics. They have sions of religion and caste. indeed, ranking in India and a region deeply traditionally held the balance, making it is the politics of caste which forms affected by the process of social mobi­ or breaking a Government with the the fundamental reality of political lisation and change, With many of shifts of its power. Economically sub­ life in Kerala. 669 April 17, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY Kerala, as a linguistic state, was vancore-Cochin. Narayana Pillai re­ Congress won 45 of the Assembly's formed in 1956, combining the former tained control of the new Assembly, 118 seats, returning victorious candi­ princely states of Travancore and but Cogress strength was reduced to dates from the Christian constituen­ Cochin with the Malabar portion of 44 of 108 seats. With charges of cor­ cies of Kottayam, Ernakulam, and Madras. Following independence, Tra­ ruption and pressure from the Hindu Trichur districts. The PSP secured 19 vancore and Cochin, then separate, and Muslim factions within the Con­ seats, mainly in the Nair-dominant held their first elections in 1948. The gress, Narayana Pillai was forced to constituencies of Trivandrum and Congress, at the height of its pres­ step down in 1950. A new "care­ southern Quilon. The United Front of tige, captured all the seats of the taker" Government was formed by Leftists won a total of 40 seats, 23 Travancore Assembly, save one Inde­ C Kesavan, continuing in office until of which went to the communists. pendent who later joined the Congress, the 1951-52 General Elections. If the The greatest concentration of their Congress President Pattom Thanu elections gave the Congress a weak support rested in the heavily Ezhava Pillai, a leader of the Nair community, victory, securing again only 44 seats, regions of Quilon and central Tra- became the Chief Minister and was they strengthened the position of the vancore-Cochin. Joined by two Congress leaders of the Christian community within the party. Without the support of the Tamils, Christian and Ezhava communities With the support of the dissident the Congress was unable to form a T M Verghese and C Kesavan, in the Travancore Tamil Nad Congress Government, and the PSP, emphasiz­ formation of the first Travancore (which in 1956 won its demand for ing that the electoral arrangement ministry. The Muslims, however, were the inclusion of the southern district with the UFL in no way bound them, dissatisfied by what they saw as their of Travancore in Tamil-speaking Mad­ began to put out feelers for a possible exclusion from the cabinet, and Pil­ ras State), the Congress secured the coalition Ministry with either the lai attempted to expand the Ministry necessary majority to form a Govern­ Congress or the UFL. P T Pillai ex­ to include a more communal repre­ ment, and in March 1952, A I John pressed support for a Leftist coalition, sentative body. In so doing, he only became Chief Minister. The Ministry, but the National Executive of the PSP fortified Nair strength within the while now commanding a narrow was wholely opposed to cooperation Government, and both Verghese and majority, lived by the grace of the with the Communists. Further, the Kesavan threatened to resign if a new Tamil community; and in September Nairs themselves were fearful of poli­ Nair minister was not dropped im­ 1953, the TTNC withdrew its sup­ tical dependence upon the Ezhava. mediately from the cabinet.