Caste and the Kerala Elections Robert L Hardgrave Jr The mid-term election in Kerala was fought by the Congress and the Communists to secure the support of the Ezhava community. The fail toe of any party to secure a majority, however, only emphasises the fact that while the politics of Kerala may be caste-bound, no party can rule with the support of one community alone. The crosion of the political solidarity of the Ezhava community by the Congress may reflect the initial stages of differentiation within that community. Under the impact of economic, change, as each community becomes increasingly heterogeneous, political interests within it will Ret differentiated and as this happens the polarity between the communities in terms of party support may be expected to decline.

PERPETUATING the political the prerequisites of political moderni­ servient to the Nairs are the Ezhava, which zation, Kerala is confronted with the or Tiyyar as they are called in Mala­ tated the state since its creation the omnipresent reality of caste in politics, bar. Traditional toddy-tappers, the people of Kerala went again to the a spectre of tradition decried by community is considered the highest polls on March 4, to scatter their votes Nehru as a reversion to "tribalism".' of the polluting castes, With nearly among fifteen parties and more than 15 per cent of the Hindu population, five hundred candidates. The cam­ however, the economically depressed paign for the fifth major election Caste Ranking Ezhavas are perhaps the single most since independence was lackluster, Traditionally the elaboration of the powerful community in Kerala. and the people responded with a ritual hierarchy reflected the economic In addition to the mutually antago­ bored indifference, but on election day. position of the constituent castes, with nistic Nairs and Ezhavas, the Chris­ more than 60 per cent turned out to each caste associated with a particul­ tian community ranks as a major po­ register their political literacy by dis­ ar occupation and sharing a common litical power in Kerala. Although the tinguishing between the Congress and economic status. The caste system Christians, 24 per cent of the popu­ the dissident Kerala Congress and historically, however, was not rigid, lation, are divided among the Syrians between the Left and the Right Com­ for as a caste gained economic pow­ (of whom there are two sects), the munist parties. While no party se­ er, a commensurate ritual rank usual­ Protestants, and the Roman Catho­ cured a majority, the largest slice of ly followed. Caste ranking in Kerala lic;;, it is the Catholic community the votes was taken by the Left Com­ reflects such a process, but in the deve­ which numerically dominates and munists, With 29 of their winning lopment of its linear elaboration, a which holds the locus of political candidates imprisoned under the De- digidity stifled the movement of castes power through the organization of fence of India Act, the Left CPI won in the hierarchy, freezing the lower the Church, Through the Muslim 40 of the Assembly's 133 sears. 19 cities in their positions of subservi­ League, the Muslims, 16 per cent of Moscow-backed Communist Party of ence. Only the Muslims and Christians, the population, are a major factor po­ India, ideological opponent of the both being outside the hierarchy, were litically, particularly in the Malabar allegedly pro-China Leftists, secured the to exploit new economic oppor­ region of northern Kerala where they only 3 seats. The Congress Party won tunities and in so doing to raise them- are the dominant community. 36 seats, and the rebels, who has - elves in social status. The process of As the Muslims are concentrated toppled the Congress Ministry only pauperization initiated by population in certain areas of Malabar, so each six months before, took 23. The elec­ growth and the divisions of lands ac­ of the other communities dominates tions, however, reflect not so much centuated the economic disparity bet- in particular regions of Kerala. The the strength of communism in India, ween castes. Thus, in the high correla- Christians are concentrated primarily much less support for China, as the tion between caste ranking and econo­ in Ernakulam and Kottayam districts. peculiar pattern of communal rivalries mic position, the socio-economic struc­ The Nairs form the dominant com­ which cut to the quick of Kerala ture of Kerala came to reflect the high­ munity in the areas of Trivandrum society, ly elaborate hierarchy of ritual purity. District, and the Ezhavas are particu­ Kerala is a land of contradictions in Coste ranking places the Namboodi- larly strong in Palghat Each political a nation of contrasts'. As India's ri Brahmins at the peak of the hierar­ party must thus seriously consider smallest state, Keala has the highest chy. Numbering only 8 per cent of the the dominant community, or as the birthrate and the greatest pressure on Hindu population, it remains primari­ Communists prefer, "the social base", the land, it abounds in agricultural ly a landowning community. Despite in the selection of its candidate. That wealth, yet imports half its food the number of political leaders from each party tends to choose its candi­ supply. Its international exports bring the caste, such as the Left Com­ dates from the dominant community, 25 per cent of India's dollar earnings, munists' EMS Namboodiripad. the however, does not cancel out com­ yet Kerala's per capita income is the community has little political power. munity as a factor. Although there lowest in India. It has the highest A far more potent political force is are elements of each community in literacy rate and the highest rate of the Nair community, the traditional all parties (except for the Muslim unemployment. "With the largest co­ warriors of Kerala. As a landowning Leagued the parties in Kerala have mmunity of Christians, it has the high­ and mercantile community today, the come to be associated with particu­ est Communist vote too. It is at once Nairs, numbering 25 per cent of the lar communities, and within each a bastion of orthodox Hinduism with Hindu population, are the pivotal party, factionalism expresses the divi­ the most elaborate system of caste force of Kerala politics. They have sions of religion and caste. indeed, ranking in India and a region deeply traditionally held the balance, making it is the politics of caste which forms affected by the process of social mobi­ or breaking a Government with the the fundamental reality of political lisation and change, With many of shifts of its power. Economically sub­ life in Kerala. 669 April 17, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

Kerala, as a linguistic state, was vancore-Cochin. Narayana Pillai re­ Congress won 45 of the Assembly's formed in 1956, combining the former tained control of the new Assembly, 118 seats, returning victorious candi­ princely states of Travancore and but Cogress strength was reduced to dates from the Christian constituen­ Cochin with the Malabar portion of 44 of 108 seats. With charges of cor­ cies of Kottayam, Ernakulam, and Madras. Following independence, Tra­ ruption and pressure from the Hindu Trichur districts. The PSP secured 19 vancore and Cochin, then separate, and Muslim factions within the Con­ seats, mainly in the Nair-dominant held their first elections in 1948. The gress, Narayana Pillai was forced to constituencies of Trivandrum and Congress, at the height of its pres­ step down in 1950. A new "care­ southern Quilon. The United Front of tige, captured all the seats of the taker" Government was formed by Leftists won a total of 40 seats, 23 Travancore Assembly, save one Inde­ C Kesavan, continuing in office until of which went to the communists. pendent who later joined the Congress, the 1951-52 General Elections. If the The greatest concentration of their Congress President Pattom Thanu elections gave the Congress a weak support rested in the heavily Ezhava Pillai, a leader of the Nair community, victory, securing again only 44 seats, regions of Quilon and central Tra- became the Chief Minister and was they strengthened the position of the vancore-Cochin. Joined by two Congress leaders of the Christian community within the party. Without the support of the Tamils, Christian and Ezhava communities With the support of the dissident the Congress was unable to form a T M Verghese and C Kesavan, in the Travancore Tamil Nad Congress Government, and the PSP, emphasiz­ formation of the first Travancore (which in 1956 won its demand for ing that the electoral arrangement ministry. The Muslims, however, were the inclusion of the southern district with the UFL in no way bound them, dissatisfied by what they saw as their of Travancore in Tamil-speaking Mad­ began to put out feelers for a possible exclusion from the cabinet, and Pil­ ras State), the Congress secured the coalition Ministry with either the lai attempted to expand the Ministry necessary majority to form a Govern­ Congress or the UFL. P T Pillai ex­ to include a more communal repre­ ment, and in March 1952, A I John pressed support for a Leftist coalition, sentative body. In so doing, he only became Chief Minister. The Ministry, but the National Executive of the PSP fortified Nair strength within the while now commanding a narrow was wholely opposed to cooperation Government, and both Verghese and majority, lived by the grace of the with the Communists. Further, the Kesavan threatened to resign if a new Tamil community; and in September Nairs themselves were fearful of poli­ Nair minister was not dropped im­ 1953, the TTNC withdrew its sup­ tical dependence upon the Ezhava. mediately from the cabinet. Pillai port from the John Ministry, and a When the UFL offered to form a Gov­ acceded to their demands only to be vote of no-confidence brought the ernment, the Congress immediately challenged again by the Christians, Government down, The Assembly was dissolved, and the Ministry continued responded with support from the out­ backing another Nair, T K Narayana as "caretaker" until new elections side for a PSP Ministry. Pillai agreed Pillai, in opposition to the Chief Mini­ could be held in February 1954. to form a Government, and in March ster. 1954, the PSP with only 19 mem­ In October 1948, only a few months bers in the Assembly, took control of after the formation of the Govern­ Bole of Tamil Nadars Travancore-Cochin. ment, P T Pillai resigned as Chief' Minister and crossed the Assembly to The 1954 elections in Travancore- The PSP Government, however, join the ranks of the Socialist Par­ Cochin brought a political polariza­ was to last only nine months, defeat­ ty (later the Praja Socialist and now tion which was to severely test the ed in a vote of no-confidence moved split into the Praja Socialist and the prestige of the ruling Congress Party. by the TTNC The Tamil's antagonism Samyuktha Socialist Parties), T K The Praja Socialist Party, supported toward the Government reflected more Narayana Pillai was elected party almost entirely by the Nair communi­ the traditional enmity between the leader and became the Chief Minister ty and led by P T Pillai, allied itself economically depressed Tamil Nadars of the new Government, but the with the Communist-backed United and the landowning Nairs than it did greater portion of the Nair commu­ Front of Leftists, predominantly Ezha­ the Tamil's aspiration for union with nity followed P T Pillai into the op­ va. The electoral arrangement con­ Madras State, Indeed, it was the sup­ position Socialists. With the new sisted of an agreement among the port of the TTNC which enabled Chief Minister, the weight shifted in parties not to contest against each the creation of another short-lived favour of the Christians, and al­ other, thus allowing for Straight con­ Congress Ministry. Charges of corrup­ though Kesavan remained within the tests between the Congress on one tion and nepotism were soon levelled Congress, the Ezhavas — threatened hand and the UFL or PSP on the at the new Ministry, however, and, by Christian dominance — increas­ other. With the Nairs and Ezhavas with the defection of a "rebel1' con­ ingly shifted their support from the joining together in opposition to the tingent from the Congress, the Gov­ Congress to the Communist Party. Christians, the campaign centred pri­ ernment fell after one year. Last The Muslims, totally alienated from marily on the communal relationship minute efforts were made by Pillai to the Congress, rallied around a reacti­ between the Catholic Church and the form another PSP Ministry with Con­ vated Muslim League. Thus, in the Congress Party. A K Gopalan Nair, gress support but political instability first year of independence the pattern leader of the CPI in Parliament, to­ had reached such a crisis that the of political instability in Kerala was gether with a colleague, wrote an Governor was forced to advise the set, Shifting coalitions of caste and open letter to Nehru complaining President of the conditions in Kerala. community, both within and among about the role of the Church in the In March 1956, the President, under the various parties, have defeated elections. "Almost all churches in Article 256 of the Constitution, as­ each successive Government. Travancore-Cochin", they wrote, "have sumed the powers and functions of been turned into election offices for the Government of Travuncore-Co- In 1949, Cochin was merged with 3 Travancore to form the State of Tra- the Congress Party." chin, abolishing the Assembly until 670 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY April 17, 1965 the General Elections of 1957 would tate the content of the teaching pro­ in Kerala and imposed President's give it a new lease on life. gramme. Particularly at issue was Rule after twenty-eight months of Clause 11, which stipulated that Communist control. teachers be appointed from approved The united front which had ousted States Reorganisation Helped lists and that in the appointment of the CPI from power now provided Communists teachers, communal representation the base for an electoral alliance and would be observed. The provision the establishment of a coalition Mini­ Before the elections, however, in would reserve 50 per cent of teaching stry of the Congress, the PSP, and the 1956, the States of India were reorga­ positions to "backward" classes, that Muslim League. In the elections of nized on a linguistic basis. The Ma- is, the Ezhavas — the Communists' I960, following five months of Presi­ layalam district of Malabar in Madras major supporters. dent's Rule, the Alliance secured 94 was added to the State of Travancore- The Communists appealed to the of the 125 seats. The Communists Cochin to form the new State of poverty-striken Muslims of Kozhikode won 26. With victory, however, the Kerala, and the Tamil-speaking re­ District, the Muslim League Strong­ Congress would have nothing to do gions of southern Travancore were hold, emphasizing that the Muslim with the "communal" Muslim League, merged with Madras. With the heavy community would benefit through the and the PSP, which had been in alli­ concentrations of Muslims in northern reserved seats. The League, however, ance with the League since 1954, re­ Malabar and the Ezhava strength in feared Communist encroachments fused to be party to a coalition which the southern portions of the district, among its community members and excluded the Muslims. The impasse particularly in Palghat, the acquisition joined hands with the Christians was resolved through the interven­ of Malabar deeply affected the com­ against the Government. The Nairs tion of the General Secretary of the munal balance in Kerala, with grave resentful of the Christians' virtual mo­ League, who urged the PSP to form a consequences for the emerging pattern nopoly of education and fearful of coalition with the Congress, assuring of political power. their ascendency in the Congress Party, "the fullest co-operation and support In the campaign for the 1957 elec­ realized nevertheless that the Chris­ of the Muslim League to a cabinet that tions, the All-Kerala Catholic Chris­ tians' loss at the hands of the Educa­ might thus be formed". So it was tian Convention called on all Catho­ tion Bill would be of no gain to the that another Government in Kerala lics to oppose Communist candidates Nairs, for their community association, was formed, with P T Pillai as Chief and to support the Congress. Kot- the Nair Service Society, too main­ Minister for the third time. The tayam District went heavily for the tained private schools. Speakership went to the League. Congress, as did the predominantly Within the Congress Party itself Christian constituencies of Ernakulam, communal dissension was crystalizing but the force of the Church brought "Liberation" Struggle around the Christian Home Minister, victory to only 43 candidates for the Many members of the so-called P T Chacko, and the Ezhava Deputy Assembly's 125 seats. The position of "backward" communities, having had Chief Minister, R Sankar. Sankar the Christian community within the the benefits of special reservation in aimed the guns of the Congress orga­ party, however, was seen in that of government for more than 60 years, nization at the open communalism of the 43 Congress victors, 23 were Chri­ were often far more prosperous than the PSP and the Muslim League. stian. The Nair-supported PSP vared some of their "advanced" neighbours. Chacko, as the leader of the Legisla­ even worse, securing only 9 seats. The To remedy this anomaly and placate tive party, stood by the Alliance. strength of the Communist Party rested the growing opposition to the Educa­ Under pressures from the All-India with the Ezhavas and the Scheduled tion Bill, the Administrative Reforms Congress Committee in New Delhi, Castes, and to a lesser extent, with Committee of the Communist Mini­ Chacko gave away, and the Muslim the Muslim labourers of Kozhikode stry suggested that a new definition of League was pushed out of the Alliance. and Palghat. The addition of the "backwardness'' be determined on an New Delhi then reached down to Malabar constituencies tipped the economic rather than a caste basis. "promote" P T Pillai out of Kerala scales toward the CPI. Securing 60 Under pressure from the Ezhavas, politics and into the Governorship of seats, the Communist Party, together however, the recommendation was Punjab. Sankar stepped in as the with 5 Communist-supported indepen­ withdrawn. This action so antagonized Chief Minister of an all Congress dents, held a clear majority and was the Christians, Nairs, and Muslims Ministry. called upon to form a Government that they announced "direct action" Party chief EMS Namboodiripad be­ against the Government. Mannath Pad- came the Chief Minister. manabhan, leader of the Nair Service The Split in Congress legislation under the new Govern­ Society, and leaders of the Catholic With the departure of Pillai from the ment soon heightened old communal clergy, together with the Muslims, arena of politics in Kerala, the Nair rivalries. The agrarian reform bills joined in the formation of the Vimo- community felt its interests threatened were attacked bitterly by the land­ chana Samara Samiti for the "Libera­ by the ascendency of the Ezhavas in owning elements of the Christian and tion Struggle" to free Kerala from the Cogress. Chacko himself was none Nair communities, but mass agitation Communist rule. too happy about the prospects of the against the Government was aroused In the six-week agitation by the Ezhavas supplanting Christian influ­ by the Education Bill. The Act sought Samiti and the allied Anti-Communist ence in the Congress and became in­ to attain greater Government control Front of Father Vadakkan, more creasingly antagonistic toward , the over the 7,000 private schools receiv­ than 80,000 arrests were made, some Chief Minister. With the Govern­ ing State assistance. Most of the 10,000 were jailed, and 15 people were ment's attempt to evict Catholic schools lay in the hands of the Chris­ shot dead in police firings. On July peasants from certain temple lands, tians who saw the bill as an attempt 31, 1959, the President of India, on Chacko threw his support to the pea­ to take over their schools and to dic­ the advice of the Cabinet, intervened sants in opposition to the Govem- 671 April 17, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

ment of which he was Home Minister. community. Kamaraj was in an awk­ leader was defeated by his Left Com­ With the backing of the AICC in ward position, for if he compromised munist opponent. Although impri­ New Delhi, Sankar forced Chacko's with the rebels, he would immediately soned throughout the campaign, resignation. loose the Ezhava support to the Co­ Sankar's opponent, an Ezhava himself, From within the Congress, Chacko mmunists. His refusal to compromise, commanded the support of the domi­ attacked the privileged position of the however, would inevitably mean the nant Ezhava community. Ezhavas as a "backward'' class and loss of support from sections of the Thus, in the elections as the com- accused Sankar of persecuting, the Christians and Nair communities which munities polarized, Congress was Church. Chacko found a ready ally had traditionally supported the Con­ squeezed out. It was not so much a in the leader of the Nair Service So­ gress. Kamaraj, in a major political debacle as a gross miscalculation. ciety, Mannath Padmanabhan. The defeat was caught on both horns of Had the two parties, the Congress and Muslim League, long on the firing the dilemma, for he underestimated the Kerala Congress, been able to line of Sankar, could hardly be con­ the strength of the rebels and over- unite, it would have received approxi­ sidered unsympathetic. Thus, in oppo­ calculated the power of Sankar in mately 45% of the vote — more than sition to the Sankar Ministry, there the Ezhava community. in any previous election since 1954. again emerged the same communal Further, the combined vote of the contingent which had brought the Left and Right CPI was less than 28 collapse of the Communist Ministry Congress Defeat per cent — a decline of nearly 10 per four years before. It represented an The stronghold of the rebel Kerala cent since 1960. Per centages must be alignment of the Nairs, Christians, Congress was in the districts of Kot- taken cautiously as they must be and Muslims, against the Ezhavas. tayam, Ernakulam, and Alleppey — matched with the number of seats This time, however, the Ezhavas were the areas which had formerly been the contested. In any case, however, an in the Congress. bastion of Congress strength. Kama­ actual decline in support for the Co- With the death of Chacko, Sankar raj's attempt to salvage support of the mmunists was recorded — a decline purged the Kerala Congress Committee Christian community by setting up represented perhaps in the Congress' of the Chacko supporters, for the Chacko's brother as a Congress can­ partial success in weaning away sec­ most part Christians. The issue was didate ended in defeat at the hands of tions of the Ezhava community from forced, and under the leadership of the rebels. The Church, while remain­ the Communists K M George, 16 Congress Assembly ing officially neutral and only calling The campaign was in large part members withdrew their support from upon its members to support demo­ fought by the Congress and the Com­ the Government. Under charges of cratic forces, had given informal sanc­ munists to secure the affections of the corruption, totally discredited in the tion to the Kerala Congress dissidents. low caste Ezhavas. The failure of eyes of the people, in September 1964, The Christian constituencies which had any party to secure a majority, how­ the Sankar Government fell. Gover­ before always gone Congress now ever, only emphasizes the fact that nor's Rule was for the third time im­ voted solidly for the rebels. In Kot- while the politics of Kerala may be posed, perhaps this time to the relief tayam District itself, of 14 seats the caste-bound, no party can rule with of a politically weary population. Congress secured only 1. The defeat the support of one community alone. of the Congress came at the hand of That the Congress' has eroded the two inter-locking, but mutually anta­ political solidarity of the Ezhavas may Kamaraj's Miscalculation gonistic, alliances. Mannath Padmana- reflect the initial stages of differentia­ tion within the community. Under the On the defeat of the Ministry, the bhan solidly supported the Kerala Con­ impact of economic change, as each Congress rebels formed the Kerala gress, drawing a large portion of the community becomes increasingly hete­ Congress as an opposition party. The Nair community into the rebel fold. Church, however, was reluctant to The Kerala Congress had also entered rogeneous, so their political interests oppose the Congress. Many Christians into an electoral understanding with will begin to differentiate, and as they continued to support the Congress, the Nair-backed SSP and the Muslim do so, the polarity between communi­ and the dissidents informally put out League, both of which had separately ties in terms of party support may be feelers for negotiations. The price for made arragements with the Left Co­ expected to decline. Until then, per­ their support to Congress would be mmunists. haps the only alternative to prolonged chaos was expressed on the anonymous the ouster of Sankar from party leader­ While the ideological and personality posters seen near Trivandrum's secre­ ship. Although the people had lost dispute within the Communist Party of tariat buildings: "We want President's confidence in the Sankar Government, India had ended in a formal split into Rule". the President of the All-India Con­ the right and left factions, the Mos­ gress Committee, K Kamaraj, backed cow-recognized CPT or Right Commu­ Notes the former Chief Minister and said nists in Kerala remained but a hand- 1 See Robert L Hardgrave, Jr. "Caste that no "dear would be made with full of leaders without followers. E M in Kerla: a Preface to the Elec­ the Nair and Christian communalists S Namboodiripad, the former Chief who had brought the Congress Govern­ Minister of Kerala, was the leader of tions'. The Economic Weekly, ment down. the Left faction and commanded the November 23, 1964, 2 Margaret Fisher and Joan Bondu- Kamaraj's unwillingness to compro­ support of the people. Despite the rant, "Indian Experience with De­ mise with the rebels only strengthened rise of Sankar in the Congress, the mocratic Elect ions", Berkeley : In­ the fears that the Congress President greater portion of the Ezhava commu­ was 'attempting to engineer a shift in nity, as before, remained solidly united dian Press Digests, No 3, Univer­ the social base of the Congress Party behind Communist Party. Indeed, in sity of California, 1956; p 65. in Kerala from the Christians to the the very constituency Sankar had 3 The Hindustan Times, February 22, numerically more powerful Ezhava cultivated, Attingal, the Congress I960.

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