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The Girinya Dance Theatre of the Tiv People of Nigeria: an Aesthetic Evaluation

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The Girinya Dance Theatre of the Tiv People of Nigeria: an Aesthetic Evaluation The Girinya Dance Theatre of the Tiv People of Nigeria: an Aesthetic Evaluation Jacob Manase Agaku Girinya Dance Theatre of the Tiv People The Girinya Dance Theatre of the Tiv People of Nigeria: an Aesthetic Evaluation Jacob Manase Agaku Lecturer, University of Jos, Nigeria ABSTRACT ‘Residual theatre’ is used to refer to mean ritual performances that are still enacted but which have lost their original purpose. Such performances can still be enjoyed and can still play a role in promoting social cohesion and a sense of identity, so long as the performers, and the audience, recognise and accept the way they have changed. The Girinya dance of the Tiv people of Nigeria, which was originally a war dance, is a case in point. In the Tiv dance aesthetic, men’s dances should be vigorous and energetic, as the Girinya dance is, but whereas in the past the dance was about the way warriors should behave in battle, it is now about continuity and renewal. I have tried to describe and evaluate this aesthetic and the way it has been adapted to have a new meaning within the changing culture of the Tiv people. Introduction touch-button’ system in which people prefer to stay at home Recently, issues about the continued relevance of and watch television or movies than go out to a theatre to traditional theatre in the 21st century have dominated watch a live performance. This is adversely affecting the discourse within academia1. The rationale behind this theatre performance as an immediate, dialogic process. discourse might be inferred from the imbalance, which Against this background, how can the Tiv theatre, as a exists between the west and the developing world. This residual event, remain relevant and compete with the imbalance can be seen in the highly technological ever-changing society of computers, Internet, website hegemony of the west and the fledgling under-development and democratic governance? A residual theatre is not a of the developing countries. The technological revolution in ‘dead’ theatre but a theatre that has lost its original the west has gradually reduced communication to a ‘one- values and is adopting new ones as the social 30 environment undergoes change. The residual theatre perception of success (now material and monetary might not be able to compete favourably in the western recognition rather than strength and prowess). This has scientific sense, but will still have relevance and can affected the use of emblems such as imborivungu, human continue to contribute to social harmony. This social head and other paraphernalia associated with warrior- harmony can be achieved on the level of the aesthetic. hood and the social construct of success. This has greatly Aesthetics does not simply imply beauty or ugliness. reduced the use of Girinya for the sharpening of skills and It captures the totality of a people’s world-view; religious, religious renewal and fortification for war. Today it is little social and even political relationships. These develop the more than a dance. Thus, it has acquired a new dance aesthetic temperament. This temperament in turn aesthetic that stresses strength, vitality, style and order. develops the perception and receptivity to change; Hagher submits that: In Tiv dance aesthetic, men’s including technological change. How change is perceived dance should be full of energy Nimbleness of feet, and received will affect and determine the uses to which endurance and speed.2 that change is put. The Girinya performance, as it is practiced today, has The aesthetic idiom of the Girinya dance is expressed undergone a great deal of change. The change has been in the above. In addition, the dance is seen to be on the level of religion (the advent of colonialism and enhanced and made meaningful to the Tse-mker-Tiv Christianity), representative governance and social people and is appreciated: OSUN Figure 1 Figure 2 Map of Benue State showing the areas studied Niger-Congo language speaking areas Vol.03 2008 International Journal of Intangible Heritage 31 Girinya Dance Theatre of the Tiv People If he dances Sha Agee with a lot of force, and with people. Observing this union of man and nature, Eugene harmony, vough vough. The man should hold up Rubingh writes that, in Tiv society, his head tall and proudly, sha iceen failure to Genealogy was definitive for man’s location in the observe these consideration results in bad tar, for his understanding of authority, for dancing, without harmony, speed or pride, marriage and family. It located him in the group described by Tiv as dang dang3. where he could find security as he became part of This forms the philosophical assumption underlying the whole and submerged himself within it.7 the aesthetic evaluation of the Girinya performance, as This relationship between man and nature (tar) is so residual theatre and will form the basis of the evaluation strong that it is commonplace to hear a person being later in the work. For now, who are the Tiv people? asked his nongo (group or lineage). Vambe Agaku8 insists that, it is necessary to know your kpen tar (part of land) and your nongo within the tar. According to him, this The Tiv People serves for identification anywhere. He maintained that, The Tiv social system did not rely on a centralised for proper placement within the nongo, an individual has system of authority. That is, unlike the Hausa or the to know the names of his ancestors (grand and great- Yoruba who had Emirs and Obas, lording it over them, the grand parents). And being a patrilineal society, the Tiv never had a king over all Tivland. Rather, leadership individual, asked about his nongo or tar, answers in starts from the family unit through the Or ya (head of the terms of ancestral cleavages; his ityo. The ityo designates family) and his kinsmen and relates mostly on this level. the father’s ‘home’ and the smaller segments that make The Tiv understanding of authority and power arises from up the ityo. The Tiv regard the ityo as a powerful entity, a view of leadership that is amenable to the imposition of capable of protecting its sons and daughters. But it is either elected or appointed chiefs. This explains why the also said that, when one is not at peace with his ityo, he Tiv had no chiefs who ruled over the whole land. It is the could run to his igba (his mother’s people) for protection.9 coming of the colonialists that brought with it the Thus, the ityo and igba are embodiments of much more chieftaincy institution in Tivland. than just lineage groupings, but carry with them spiritual In the Tiv notion of leadership therefore, authority significance and power. This relationship forms the thesis resides only in the personality of the leader (family head). of this dissertation. The family head gets his authority, not by appointment, One other important aspect of the Tiv social system is but by his understanding, usage of tsav (witchcraft the marriage by barter or exchange marriage, known as potential)4 and how much Akombo (medicine or charms) yamshe. The yamshe is a system of marriage in which the he possessed. This authority however, is valid only for male of a family would give his sister to the brother of his those who are organically bound through their kinship to intended wife and receive his desired wife in return. This the possessor of the authority. Thus, a man could be a exchange made it possible for the giving family and the chief only over an area or a people he belongs to.5 receiving family not to feel the ‘loss’ of a daughter In the Tiv social system also, kinship is designated in because it was as if faces merely changed.10 terms of Tar (land or world). The tar could also be Again, Vambe Agaku observes that, the yamshe was patrilineal segments of origin known as ipaven (division or very good and important to the Tiv people because family segment), made-up of compound units headed by the Or relationships were strengthened and it made the society ya. The tar therefore is a place, but essentially a ‘peopled’ closer to itself.11 This system of marriage was also seen place6. This is why when a Tiv man is asked where his tar to discourage divorce and ensured that no married is, he replies in terms of the lineage segment occupying daughter was maltreated; because the other family might the area. From the perspective of kinship, tar Tiv would do the same to one’s sister or daughter. then connote the believed common lineage of all Tiv Within the Tiv social system also, it was permissible for people as coming from one father, called Tiv. a brother to take over his brother’s wife in the event of The tar therefore is a place, but essentially it carries death. According to Apine Agaku, this takeover was meant with it the designation of lineage. The designations and to ensure a family’s continuity; that is, men to carry the the importance attached to tar in the Tiv world-view family’s name. Another reason was to avoid leaving a shows the intimacy of the union of the earth and the young woman to suffer a husband’s death. In other words, 32 this served to give her a place and a sense of responsibility. However, behind this seeming ‘backwardness’ lies a With the coming of the missionaries and colonial profound theory about the structure of the universe; a administrators to Tivland, the people were made to deep loyalty to, and respect for, the ancestral heritage, abandon the yamshe marriage system in favour of the and a reverence for forces that guide the movement of Kem marriage system.
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