Global Currency Outlook Fall 2019

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Global Currency Outlook Fall 2019 HNW_NRG_B_Inset_Mask Global Currency Outlook Trade tensions extend topping process for U.S. dollar FALL 2019 Dagmara Fijalkowski, MBA, CFA Head, Global Fixed Income & Currencies RBC Global Asset Management Daniel Mitchell, CFA Portfolio manager, Global Fixed Income & Currencies RBC Global Asset Management These days, it seems, everyone wants a weaker currency. That includes President Trump, who has been calling for a weaker greenback since taking office in 2017. Yet the U.S. dollar’s resilience continues, largely because the U.S.-China trade war has been pushing down most currencies against the greenback. The U.S. dollar has, in fact, been the best-performing currency for much of the past 12 months (Exhibit 1) as the trade conflict and relatively strong U.S. economic growth have overshadowed the plunge in U.S. bond yields. Global trade tensions are hardly new, but foreign-exchange helps equilibrate global imbalances. It is more politically markets have paid more heed because trade-related and economically palatable for countries to compete on uncertainty tends to dent other currencies more than it trade by letting their currencies fall than taking steps to does the U.S. dollar. Examples of this phenomenon include lower wages or increase fiscal spending. In a world where the Canadian dollar and Mexican peso weakening during economic growth is harder to come by and the fruits of trade North American trade negotiations, the euro softening at are diminishing, few national leaders are willing to venture the prospect of U.S.-imposed auto tariffs and the Chinese along the tougher road of structural reform. yuan falling after each escalation in tariffs. The U.S. dollar’s strength for now seriously complicates President Trump’s With currency markets fighting Trump, an oft-asked question goal of making the U.S. more competitive because the is: when does a trade war morph into a currency war? Our advantage gained from imposing tariffs is quickly lost to view is that currency wars and trade wars are nearly always trade partners’ currency weakness. one and the same. So the next question becomes: what steps can the U.S. take to ensure that a stronger U.S. dollar This is more than just an annoyance for the White House – doesn’t undo all of the perceived benefits of pursuing a that much is clear from recent Trump tweets. But the market trade war? President Trump does have a few tools at his fluctuations are perfectly logical to foreign-exchange disposal: traders. We often refer to currencies as the relief valve that 1 1. The currency manipulator label U.S. Treasury Secretary Mnuchin in early August formally Exhibit 1: Major developed-market currencies over the past year labeled China a “currency manipulator” after Chinese policymakers allowed the renminbi to decline by 2% in a 108 single day, a large move for a relatively stable currency. 106 104 China’s move came in response to the U.S. imposition of 102 a 10% tariff on US$290 billion of imports. Mnuchin was 100 quick to claim that China had been meddling in currency 98 96 markets, even though China meets just one of the Treasury 94 department’s three criteria required to be considered a 92 90 currency manipulator (Exhibit 2). It’s not clear whether any Index level (July 30, 2018 = 100) 88 punishments doled out for currency manipulation would Jul-18 Sep-18 Nov-18 Jan-19 Mar-19 May-19 Jul-19 have a detrimental impact on China at this point because DXY EUR AUD GBP JPY CAD the country is already facing tariffs on the trade front. Note: As at Sep. 3, 2019. Source: Bloomberg, RBC GAM Moreover, the IMF recently reported that the renminbi is fairly valued, undermining the U.S. claim. Exhibit 2 : Criteria to be labeled a currency 2. A weak-dollar policy manipulator Another tool that U.S. policymakers have utilized is verbal intervention, with recent comments aimed at putting downward pressure on the greenback. This is a marked Significant bilateral >20bln departure from the “Strong Dollar Policy” installed in the trade surplus with U.S. mid-1990s by then-Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin and Material current the hands-off approach of benign neglect adopted in later >2% of GDP account surplus years. Given that the U.S. dollar remains the primary means of exchange for goods, services and financial instruments, Persistent 1 sided FX 2% of GDP in these policies form a critical pillar in the foundation of intervention 12 months global commerce. Mnuchin’s comments in January 2018 were the first in several decades to communicate an explicit preference for a weaker currency, so we should not be Note: As at Aug. 12, 2019. Source: RBC GAM surprised to see that markets reacted at the time (Exhibit 3). Interestingly, though, subsequent efforts to jawbone Exhibit 3: Impact of verbal intervention on the the currency lower had an incrementally smaller marginal U.S. dollar impact on markets. 1.0% 3. Foreign-exchange intervention Trump tweets Trump 'EUR Unsuccessful in its attempts to influence the dollar with 0.5% Mnuchin at Trump 'The Fed doesn't devalued Davos 'a comments understand the against the weaker dollar on USD necessary Trade 0.16% dollar putting is good for strength on Wars or Strong the US at a 0.04% words and tweets, the Trump administration is now faced trade' Twitter Dollars... disadvantage' 0.0% Trump Trump 'China & with taking more concrete steps to reverse the greenback’s states that -0.08% Europe playing big USD is too currency strong manipulation game ascent. Direct intervention in foreign-exchange markets is -0.5% -0.42% and pumping money USD change USD into their system in order to compete seen as a last-ditch effort to combat the dollar’s stubborn -0.72% with USA...we should -1.0% match' strength. The debate is whether such a step would achieve -1.02% the goal of pushing down the greenback. We side with -1.5% skeptics who think the impact will be fleeting since history Jan-18 Jul-18 Dec-18 Mar-19 Jun-19 Jul-19 shows that intervention is rarely successful unless it Note: As at Aug. 12, 2019. Source: BofA Merrill Lynch, State Street Global is coordinated globally, and this sort of cooperation is Markets, Bloomberg, RBC GAM unlikely to materialize without a more significant U.S.-dollar appreciation that creates economic distress around the globe. 2 Global Currency Outlook Through the Exchange Stabilization Fund, the Treasury has choppiness in the greenback rather than a sudden reversal some US$68 billion available for intervention purposes, lower. We still expect the choppiness to continue in the short an amount that could be used immediately without term. However, growing fiscal and current-account deficits Congressional approval. That amount could double if the and a narrowing bond-yield advantage will likely lead to U.S.- Fed upholds historical precedent by matching the Treasury’s dollar weakness over the next few years. foreign-exchange purchases, but even that additional firepower would be small compared to the massive size of Chinese renminbi global currency markets, which churn US$5 trillion every All eyes are on the Chinese renminbi after the latest round single day. of tariff increases in August. The currency weakened to almost 7.20 renminbi per U.S. dollar, the weakest since 2008 Furthermore, it would be easy for policymakers in other and a level that was unthinkable as recently as July, when countries to intervene themselves should they wish to the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) was seen to be defending counter the Treasury’s efforts. With foreign-exchange the key level of 7.00. The fact that the Chinese yuan has reserves exceeding US$3 trillion, China has shown its broken through this level is an acknowledgement that the capacity to outgun the Treasury. It is also not clear that currency needs to weaken in response to market forces the U.S. is set up to hold renminbi-denominated assets, so and to escalating trade threats. While the PBOC is active in U.S. intervention would likely focus on strengthening the currency markets, the central bank’s recent intervention has currencies of developed-market rivals instead, namely the been aimed at supporting the currency, not weakening it as euro and yen. is claimed by the White House. This summer’s fluctuations suggest that policymakers in China are not defending any Weighing the outlook particular level, but are instead slowing depreciation in The likelihood that the U.S. engages in foreign-exchange order to avoid disorderly volatility. intervention is low, even as the administration runs out of tools and as it watches smaller countries such Investment banks are predicting that the renminbi will as Switzerland and Thailand weaken their currencies. continue to weaken slowly over the next year, but we Historically, though, intervention has played an important believe the depreciation may be more significant than role in past turning points of long-term U.S. dollar cycles the consensus. According to Bloomberg, only one in 10 so long as other countries are on board with the greenback forecasters expects the renminbi to weaken by more than weakening (Exhibit 4). Another factor that is historically 2% in the coming year. But Citibank’s model, based on the important for concerted efforts to weaken the greenback average level of tariffs applied to China’s US$540 billion in is extreme U.S.-dollar overvaluation. The absence of both U.S. exports, suggests that the renminbi could weaken much conditions is the reason that our currency outlook over the more if announced tariffs are implemented (Exhibit 5).
Recommended publications
  • Weak Dollar Policy by Jan Dehn
    THE EMERGING VIEW February 2017 Weak Dollar policy By Jan Dehn The US economy is becoming seriously unproductive and the Trump Administration faces an important choice: support American business with heterodox policies such as import tariffs or abandon the strong Dollar policy? We think the strong Dollar policy has outlived its purpose. A lower Dollar could provide the same support for US business at a much lower cost than border adjustment. We think border adjustment is a trap set by Congress Republicans to finance a large corporate tax cut, but Trump would be left holding the macroeconomic baby. Is the new US president smart enough to see that he is being played? Introduction The strong Dollar was useful in the Don’t say that you were not warned. In the past few weeks and aftermath of the Subprime Crisis, months, influential US policy makers and institutions have increasingly been complaining about the strength of the Dollar, but is now crippling the including Donald Trump, US Treasury Secretary designate US economy Steven Mnuchin, US trade advisor Peter Navarro, the US Fed and the IMF. Their statements are sometimes dressed up as attacks on other countries for weakening their currencies versus Since then the US economy has recovered and stock markets in the Dollar, but this is ultimately the same thing as saying that particular have staged a strong rally. Each Dollar that went into the Dollar is too strong. the US economy initially had hugely positive effects by providing It is quite possible that a weak Dollar policy is now in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • The Federal Reserve Engages the World (1970–2000): an Insider’S Narrative of the Transition to Managed Floating and Financial Turbulence
    Working Paper Series WP 14-5 AUGUST 2014 The Federal Reserve Engages the World (1970–2000): An Insider’s Narrative of the Transition to Managed Floating and Financial Turbulence Edwin M. Truman Abstract This paper traces the evolution of the Federal Reserve and its engagement with the global economy over the last three decades of the 20th century: 1970 to 2000. The paper examines the Federal Reserve’s role in international economic and financial policy and analysis covering four areas: the emergence and taming of the great inflation, developments in US external accounts, foreign exchange analysis and activities, and external financial crises. It concludes that during this period the US central bank emerged to become the closest the world has to a global central bank. JEL Codes: F3, F31, F32, F33, F34, E4, E42, F5, F52, F53 Keywords: Federal Reserve, Federal Open Market Committee, inflation, macroeconomic policies, monetary policy, external balance, exchange rates, exchange market intervention, financial crises, third world debt crises, Mexican crisis, Asian financial crises Edwin M. Truman, senior fellow since 2001, served as assistant secretary of the US Treasury for International Affairs from December 1998 to January 2001, and returned as counselor to the secretary from March–May 2009. He directed the Division of International Finance of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System from 1977 to 1998. He is the author, coauthor, or editor of Sovereign Wealth Funds: Threat or Salvation? (2010), Reforming the IMF for the 21st Century (2006), A Strategy for IMF Reform (2006), Chasing Dirty Money: The Fight Against Money Laundering (2004), and Inflation Targeting in the World Economy (2003).
    [Show full text]
  • The Syndrome of the Ever-Higher Yen, 1971-1995: American Mercantile Pressure on Japanese Monetary Policy
    This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Changes in Exchange Rates in Rapidly Development Countries: Theory, Practice, and Policy Issues (NBER-EASE volume 7) Volume Author/Editor: Takatoshi Ito and Anne O. Krueger, editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-38673-2 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/ito_99-1 Publication Date: January 1999 Chapter Title: The Syndrome of the Ever-Higher Yen, 1971-1995: American Mercantile Pressure on Japanese Monetary Policy Chapter Author: Ronald McKinnon, Kenichi Ohno, Kazuko Shirono Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8625 Chapter pages in book: (p. 341 - 376) 13 The Syndrome of the Ever- Higher Yen, 1971-1995: American Mercantile Pressure on Japanese Monetary Policy Ronald I. McKinnon, Kenichi Ohno, and Kazuko Shirono As defined by WebsterS Tenth New Collegiate Dictionary, a syndrome is 1: a group of signs and symptoms that occur together and characterize a particular abnormality; and, 2: a set of concurrent things (as emotions or actions) that usually form an identifiable pattern. From 1971, when the yen-dollar rate was 360, through Apiill995, when the rate briefly touched 80 (fig. 13.1), the interactions of the American and Japa- nese governments in their conduct of commercial, exchange rate, and monetary policies resulted in what we call “the syndrome of the ever-higher yen.” Our model of this syndrome is unusual because it links “real” considerations-that is, commercial policies, including threats of a trade war-with the monetary determination of the yen-dollar exchange rate and price levels in the two coun- tries.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdfthe U. S. Payments Deficit and the Strong Dollar
    6 The U.S. Payments Deficit and the Strong Dollar: Policy Options Richard N. Cooper In 1984 the uilited States ran a current account deficit of $102 billion, seven times larger than the "alarming" deficit of 1978. The United States had to borrow from foreigners an equivalent amount, net of any American investment abroad. This large deficit can be attributed in part to the fact that the U.S. econ- omy was recovering eMer and more vigorously from the 1982 recession than were other countries, especially those in Europe, and in part to the fact that one of its most important regional markets, Latin America, was still in a period of slump and retrenchment from the debt crisis that started in 1982 and continues. But there is fairly general agreement with Federal Reserve Governor Henry Wallich's recent statement that these and other miscellane- ous factors can only account for about one-third of the deficit, and that the exceptionally strong dollar is responsible for about two-thirds. The U. S. dollar, on a U.S. -trade weighted basis and after correcting for inflation differentials, has appreciated about 40 percent since 1980, a year which already saw substantial appreciation from the low year of 1978. The dollar in mid-1985-is considerably stronger (on a trade-weighted basis) than it was in 1970, before the Smithsonian agreement that devalued the dollar in December 1971. Is this a problem? U.S. employment has risen, U.S. inflation rates have dropped, and economic recovery continues, albeit at a moderate pace. If the course of economic events is going well, why should the government alter the course of economic policy? If there are no problems, there is no need for solutions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Group of Seven
    The Group of Seven We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for finance ministers and central bank governors. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this for the power of the United States and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What influence do the G7 have on global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised? This is the first major work to address these fundamental questions. It argues that to understand the G7’s contribution to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the group’s activities in a context of ‘decentralized globalization’. It also provides original case study material on the G7’s contribution to macro- economic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. The book assesses the G7’s role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic trans-governmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7’s exclusivity. For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy-makers and financial journalists, this is the most comprehensive analysis of the G7 and financial governance to date. Andrew Baker is Lecturer at the School of Politics and International Studies at the Queen’s University of Belfast. He is the co-editor of Governing Financial Globalisation (Routledge, 2005) and has published in journals such as Review of International Political Economy and Global Governance.
    [Show full text]
  • The Renminbi Exchange Rate Revaluation: Theory, Practice and Lessons from Japan
    The Renminbi Exchange Rate Revaluation: Theory, Practice and Lessons from Japan Toshiki Kanamori (金森俊树) Zhijun Zhao (赵志君) March, 2006 Asian Development Bank Institute Kasumigaseki Building, 8th Floor 3-2-5 Kasumigaseki Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100-6008 Japan www.adbi.org ADBI Policy Paper No. 9 [email protected] © 2006 Asian Development Bank Institute. Knowledge Management Unit 3/06 ISBN: 4-89974-010-7 The views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views or position of the ADB Institute, its Advisory Council, Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. The ADB Institute does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included and accepts no responsibility for any consequences arising from its use. The word “country” or other geographical names do not imply any judgment by the ADB Institute as to the legal or other status of any entity, including its borders. About the authors Toshiki Kanamori is Director, Administration, Management and Coordination of the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI). He graduated from Hitotsubashi University as well as from New Asia and Yale Center of Chinese University of Hong Kong. During his government career he served with Japan’s Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ministry of International Trade and Industry. He was an Alternate Director at ADB HQ from 1990 to 1993. Before joining the ADBI, he was a Visiting Fellow at the China Business Centre (CBC), Hong Kong Polytechnic University. He has published many articles on the PRC economy as well as on global socio-economic issues. Zhijun Zhao is professor and senior researcher of the Institute of Economics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS).
    [Show full text]
  • The Strong Dollar - the Washington Post 1/25/21, 5:33 PM
    The Strong Dollar - The Washington Post 1/25/21, 5:33 PM Democracy Dies in Darkness The Strong Dollar By Saleha Mohsin | Bloomberg Jan. 21, 2021 at 12:36 p.m. EST For decades, the U.S. stood out as the one nation that traditionally preferred its money superpower-strong. Investors flocked to it, enabling the U.S. to borrow lots of money at low interest rates. American consumers feasted on it, buying imported goodies for less. U.S. politicians touted it as evidence of the economy’s eternal dynamism. Then under former President Donald Trump’s “America First” manifesto, the so-called strong-dollar policy was shoved aside, as gains in the currency crimped U.S. exports and hurt the earnings of America’s multinational companies. Janet Yellen, President Joe Biden’s pick for Treasury secretary, signaled that she’d return stability and predictability to the $6.6 trillion-a-day currency market. The Situation At a Jan. 19 confirmation hearing, Yellen didn’t cite the benefits of a weaker dollar, as she did when she was chair of the Federal Reserve. Rather she said that the market should set exchange rates, though she didn’t explicitly refer to the strong-dollar policy. She did assure markets that she would not seek a weaker dollar. Trump and Steven Mnuchin, his Treasury chief, broke with decades of tradition by repeatedly and openly acknowledging that a weaker greenback was good for U.S. trade, though their statements were sometimes conflicting and confusing. A less muscular greenback aligned with Trump’s protectionist trade policies, including a desire for lower trade deficits and increased exports of American goods.
    [Show full text]
  • Communication and Exchange Rate Policy
    WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 363 / MAY 2004 COMMUNICATION AND EXCHANGE RATE POLICY by Marcel Fratzscher WORKING PAPER SERIES NO. 363 / MAY 2004 COMMUNICATION AND EXCHANGE RATE POLICY by Marcel Fratzscher 1 In 2004 all publications will carry This paper can be downloaded without charge from a motif taken http://www.ecb.int or from the Social Science Research Network from the €100 banknote. electronic library at http://ssrn.com/abstract_id=533108. 1 I would like to thank Terhi Jokipii for excellent research assistance. Comments and suggestions from Gonzalo Camba-Mendez, Ettore Dorrucci, Michael Ehrmann, Philipp Hartmann, Peter Hördahl, Bernd Schnatz, Bernhard Winkler, the Editorial Board and seminar participants at the European Central Bank are gratefully acknowledged.The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Central Bank. E-mail: [email protected]; European Central Bank, Kaiserstrasse 29, D - 60311 Frankfurt/Main. Germany. Tel.: +49 69 13 44-68 71. Fax.: +49 69 13 44-63 53. © European Central Bank, 2004 Address Kaiserstrasse 29 60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Postal address Postfach 16 03 19 60066 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Telephone +49 69 1344 0 Internet http://www.ecb.int Fax +49 69 1344 6000 Telex 411 144 ecb d All rights reserved. Reproduction for educational and non- commercial purposes is permitted provided that the source is acknowledged. The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect those of the European Central Bank. The statement of purpose for the ECB Working Paper Series is available from the ECB website, http://www.ecb.int.
    [Show full text]
  • The Big Reset
    REVISED s EDITION Willem s Middelkoop s TWarh on Golde and the Financial Endgame BIGs s RsE$EAUPTs The Big Reset The Big Reset War on Gold and the Financial Endgame ‘Revised and substantially enlarged edition’ Willem Middelkoop AUP Cover design: Studio Ron van Roon, Amsterdam Photo author: Corbino Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. isbn 978 94 6298 027 3 e-isbn 978 90 4852 950 6 (pdf) e-isbn 978 90 4852 951 3 (ePub) nur 781 © Willem Middelkoop / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2016 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. To Moos and Misha In the absence of the gold standard, there is no way to protect savings from confiscation through inflation. There is no safe store of value. If there were, the government would have to make its holding illegal, as was done in the case of gold. If everyone decided, for example, to convert all his bank deposits to silver or copper or any other good, and thereafter declined to accept checks as payment for goods, bank deposits would lose their purchasing power and government-created bank credit would be worthless as a claim on goods.
    [Show full text]
  • The Depreciating Dollar: Economic Effects and Policy Response
    The Depreciating Dollar: Economic Effects and Policy Response Craig K. Elwell Specialist in Macroeconomic Policy February 23, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34582 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Depreciating Dollar: Economic Effects and Policy Response Summary A trend depreciation of the dollar since 2002 raises concern among some in Congress and the public that the dollar’s decline is a symptom of broader economic problems, such as a weak economic recovery, rising public debt, and a diminished standing in the global economy. However, a falling currency is not always a problem, but possibly an element of economic adjustments that are, on balance, beneficial to the economy. A depreciating currency could affect several aspects of U.S. economic performance. Possible effects include increased net exports, decreased international purchasing power, rising commodity prices, and upward pressure on interest rates; if the trend is sustained, the United states may also experience a reduction of external debt, possible undermining of the dollar’s reserve currency status, and an elevated risk of a dollar crisis. The exchange rate is not a variable that is easily addressed by changes in legislative policy. Nevertheless, although usually not the primary target, the dollar’s international value can be affected by decisions made on policy issues facing the 112th Congress, including decisions related to generating jobs, raising the debt limit, reducing the budget deficit, and stabilizing the growth of the federal government’s long-term debt. Also monetary policy actions by the Federal Reserve, over which Congress has oversight responsibilities, can affect the dollar.
    [Show full text]
  • Will the Fallen U.S. Dollar Set the Stage
    A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY 888 16th Street, N.W. Suite 740 Washington, D.C. 20006 Phone: 202-861-0791 Fax: 202-861-0790 www.international-economy.com Will the fallen [email protected] U.S. dollar set the stage for a global economic Background: The conventional view is that the boom weakening of the U.S. dollar is the result in large part of global market concern with the negative effects from growing twin U.S. deficits. a year Yet could the fallen dollar, particularly if it continues a weakening pattern, set the conditions that force the world’s other central or two banks to cut short-term interest rates further? Could such a development set the stage for a competitive monetary reflation and expansion? from In other words, could a weaker dollar represent a “way out” for a global system plagued by disinflationary pressures? now? 30 THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY SUMMER 2003 The problem is Dollar devaluation is the funda mental unavoidable, but it symmetry in the world’s brings a mixed blessing. money machine. KARL OTTO PÖHL RONALD MCKINNON Chairman and Managing Partner, William D. Eberley Professor of International Economics, Sal. Oppenheim jr. & Cie.; and Stanford University former President, Deutsche Bundesbank he emerging macroeconomic threat to the world he depreciation of the dollar against a number of cur- economy is generalized deflation. The fall of the dol- rencies is useful and unavoidable in light of the huge Tlar (mainly against the euro) will, as everybody Tcurrent account deficit of the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Exchange Rate Policy
    This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: American Economic Policy in the 1980s Volume Author/Editor: Martin Feldstein, ed. Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-24093-2 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/feld94-1 Conference Date: October 17-20, 1990 Publication Date: January 1994 Chapter Title: Exchange Rate Policy Chapter Author: Jeffrey A. Frankel, C. Fred Bergsten, Michael L. Mussa Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c7756 Chapter pages in book: (p. 293 - 366) 5 Exchange Rate Policy 1. Jefiey A. Frankel 2. C. Fred Bergsten 3. Michael Mussa 1. Je~eyA. Frankel The Making of Exchange Rate Policy in the 1980s Although the 1970s were the decade when foreign exchange rates broke free of the confines of the Bretton Woods system, under which governments since 1944 had been committed to keeping them fixed, the 1980s were the decade when large movements in exchange rates first became a serious issue in the political arena. For the first time, currencies claimed their share of space on the editorial and front pages of American newspapers. For the first time, con- gressmen expostulated on such arcane issues as the difference between steri- lized and unsterilized intervention in the foreign exchange market and pro- posed bills to take some of the responsibility for exchange rate policy away from the historical Treasury-Fed duopoly. The history of the dollar during the decade breaks up fairly neatly into three phases: 1981-84, when the currency appreciated sharply against trading part- ners’ currencies; 1985-86, when the dollar peaked and reversed the entire dis- tance of its ascent; and 1987-90, when the exchange rate fluctuated within a range that-compared to the preceding roller coaster-seemed relatively stable (see fig.
    [Show full text]