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“It's Not Just a Diet, It's a Lifestyle”: an Exploratory Study Into Preferences of Vegan Definitions Madelon Northa

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“It's Not Just a Diet, It's a Lifestyle”: an Exploratory Study Into Preferences of Vegan Definitions Madelon Northa “It’s not just a diet, it’s a lifestyle”: An Exploratory Study into Preferences of Vegan Definitions Madelon Northa, Emily Kothea, Anna Klasa, Mathew Linga a Misinformation Lab, School of Psychology, Faculty of Health, Deakin University This paper is currently under review Corresponding Author: Madelon North Email: [email protected] Postal Address: School of Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood Highway, Victoria, 3125, Australia 1 Abstract Veganism is an increasingly popular lifestyle within Western societies, including Australia. However, there appears to be a positivist approach to defining veganism in the literature. This has implications for measurement and coherence of the research literature. This exploratory study assessed preference rankings for definitions of veganism used by vegan advocacy groups across an Australian convenience sample of three dietary groups (vegan = 230, omnivore = 117, vegetarian = 43). Participants were also asked to explain their ranking order in an open-ended question. Most vegans selected the UK definition as their first preference, omnivores underwent five rounds of preference reallocation before the Irish definition was selected, and vegetarians underwent four rounds before the UK definition was selected. A reflexive thematic analysis of participant explanations for their rankings identified four themes: (1) Diet vs. lifestyle, (2) Absolutism, (3) Social justice, and (4) Animal justice. These four themes represent how participants had differing perceptions of veganism according to their personal experience and understanding of the term. It appears participants took less of an absolutist approach to the definition and how individuals conceptualise veganism may be more dynamic than first expected. This will be important when researchers are considering how we are defining veganism in future studies to maintain consistency in the field. Keywords: vegan, veganism, ranking, qualitative, definition 2 “It’s not just a diet, it’s a lifestyle”: An Exploratory Study into Preferences of Vegan Definitions 1. Introduction The number of people attempting to follow a vegan lifestyle has risen substantially within Western cultures (e.g., US, UK, and Australia) over the past several years (Barford, 2018). Reasons for this rise include an increasing consideration of animal welfare, health, and the natural environment in determining diet and lifestyle choices (Hirschler, 2011; Jabs et al., 1998; Janssen et al., 2016). Unsurprisingly, there has also been a co-occurring increase in research investigating potential socio-psychological predictors of veganism (see; Cherry, 2006; Graça, Calheiros, & Oliveira, 2015; Rosenfeld & Burrow, 2017). Implicit to this research, there appears to be a prevailing naïve positivist approach to the definitions of veganism, with studies often leaving veganism undefined despite being a major construct under study. Taking this approach assumes that all individuals, whether they identify as vegan or not, conceptualise and define veganism in the same way. This is likely to have significant impacts on the validity of findings when accounting for the potential variability in how vegans and veganism are defined by themselves and those who are not part of this dietary group. In practice, there is no single definition of veganism with vegans adopting varied representations of their collective identity, as reflected in the definitions provided by vegan advocacy groups. The UK Vegan Society (2018), the first Western organisation to coin a definition for veganism, emphasises how veganism is a long-term lifestyle, defining it as “a way of living which seeks to exclude, as far as is possible and practicable, all forms of exploitation of, and cruelty to, animals for food, clothing or any other purpose”. In Australia, Vegan Australia (2018) leans on the UK definition but instead the focus is on social justice: “veganism is a social justice movement that is striving to bring about a world where animals 3 are not exploited for food, clothing, entertainment or any other purpose”. Further still, while some vegan advocacy groups define veganism in a way that emphasises diet (e.g. the American Vegan Society (2018)), other definitions emphasise lifestyle elements such as beauty products tested on animals (e.g. Vegan Ireland (2018)) (see Table 1 for a list of these definitions). Further still, while all these definitions emphasise that vegans do not consume meat products, a subset of self-identified vegetarians and vegans report consuming meat products (Pfeiler & Egloff, 2018; Rothgerber, 2015a, 2015b). This suggests that vegans may not always engage in the behaviours that are suggested by these definitions, and therefore individual conceptualisations of what it means to be vegan may be more nuanced still. To complicate matters further, it is possible that different dietary groups vary in their conceptualisation of veganism. Vegans, omnivores, and vegetarians may differ in their definitions and views of veganism due to varying personal experiences with veganism. These group differences in defining veganism could then influence the beliefs that these groups hold of either vegans as a social group or veganism as a diet or lifestyle choice. While this has not yet been demonstrated in veganism, it has been shown with other social groups such as queer, feminists, and environmentalists, with the beliefs that individuals hold about these social groups contributing to whether they engage in the group’s normative behaviours (Klas et al., 2018; Liss et al., 2004; Panfil, 2020). That is, how individuals define these groups impacts whether they take part in behaviours they view as representative of the social group in question. As such, understanding and being responsive to this variability in definitions is critical to research regarding the psychosocial predictors of veganism. As one example, the use of a consistent definition permits comparison of results across studies (Pfeiler & Egloff, 2018). Yet this is presently challenging within the literature on veganism. In the limited studies that do provide a definition of veganism, there is little agreement, with individual 4 studies in the area using a variety of definitions of veganism and vegans. Hirschler (2011) defines veganism as a “group of individuals who abstain from the dietary consumption or other use of any animal product” [emphasis added]. Another study by Dyett et al., (2013) defined vegans as “individuals who used no meat, fish, or poultry, and who used dairy- or egg-containing products less than once per month”. The study conducted by Dyett et al. (2013) allows for the use of egg and dairy, which may be better seen as an example of a vegetarian diet rather than a vegan one. Whilst these differences in definitions are subtle, they still reduce the ability of researchers to compare relevant studies and their findings. The use of self-identification without some reference definition may also compromise the validity of some studies. For example, research on the impacts of “vegan diets” on health outcomes may be compromised, insofar as self-identifying vegans may consume meat, and individuals who omit all meat from their diet may not identify as vegan because they feel they do not engage in all of the relevant behaviours (e.g. omission of practices that may contribute to animal harm). This phenomenon has been demonstrated to be the case in other relevant social groups, such as environmentalists (Klas et al., 2019). Understanding what people mean by veganism can help clarify this. 1.1 The Current Study There is substantive variability in the definition of veganism, and this has implications for the validity of research findings and that of their comparisons. Understanding this variability in terms of preferences for definitions and the underlying basis may inform approaches to future measurement and intervention. As such, the aims of this study were to investigate preferences for existing definitions of veganism, and to explore whether these preferences varied according to whether one followed a vegan, omnivore, or vegetarian diet. 5 2. Method To answer our research question, we adopted a mixed methods approach. We first asked participants who were vegans, omnivores, and vegetarians to rank common vegan definitions from Western vegan advocacy groups in order of preference. We then asked these participants to provide written explanations of their choice of ranking. This second step enabled us to explore the way in which participants understood and conceptualised what being a vegan entailed when compared to current definitions. 2.1 Procedure. All participants in this study were recruited via social media convenience sampling and were required to be over the age of 18. Recruitment notices were placed on the research teams’ personal social media accounts (i.e. Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram) between October and December 2018, and people were invited to participate in a study on “dietary opinions”, not veganism, to reduce the likelihood individuals would self-select themselves in or out of the study. Facebook groups related to the specific diet types (vegans, omnivores, vegetarians) were also targeted to ensure a breadth of diet types were recruited. The Facebook groups that were included in the recruitment were Vegans in Australia, Vegans of Australia, Keto for Beginners, Vegetarian Victoria, several sustainable living, hunting, and meat-eating pages. The nature of the recruitment method is such that the study may have been shared within
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