Europäische Einflüsse Auf Die Seeräuberei in Der Karibik Der Frühen Neuzeit

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Europäische Einflüsse Auf Die Seeräuberei in Der Karibik Der Frühen Neuzeit Europäische Einflüsse auf die Seeräuberei in der Karibik der Frühen Neuzeit Diplomarbeit Zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades einer Magistra philosophiae an der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz vorgelegt von Jasmine RECHBERGER 01213923 am Institut für Geschichte Begutachterin: O. Univ-Prof. Dr. phil. Renate Pieper Graz, August 2021 INHALTSVERZEICHNIS 1 Einleitung ........................................................................................................................... 3 2 Zwischen Recht und Rhetorik: Manifestationen privater Seebeutenahme in der Karibik des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts ................................................................................ 13 2.1 No Peace beyond the Line – Das Meer als rechtsfreier Raum? ................................. 15 2.2 Hostis Humanis Generis – Die Funktionen privater Seebeutenahme ....................... 20 3 Freibeuter Im Dienst der Krone: Von Souveränen tolerierte und geförderte Private Seebeutenahme zwischen 1522 und 1604 ............................................................................. 25 3.1 Die corsarios franceses im atlantischen Raum ......................................................... 26 3.2 Elizabethan Sea Dogs zwischen Piraterie und Nationalheldentum ........................... 32 4 Das Goldene Zeitalter: Bukaniere und Flibustiers als private Seebeutenehmer in der Karibik nach 1604 .................................................................................................................. 58 4.1 Die Ansiedlung der Nord- und Westeuropäer auf den Westindischen Inseln ........... 60 4.2 Frères de la côte – Der Aufstieg der Bukaniere auf Tortuga .................................... 67 5 Fazit .................................................................................................................................. 77 6 Anhang ............................................................................................................................. 81 7 Literaturverzeichnis ....................................................................................................... 87 7.1 Monografien .............................................................................................................. 87 7.2 Zeitschriftenbeiträge und Lexikonartikel .................................................................. 90 8 Abbildungsverzeichnis .................................................................................................... 92 S e i t e | 2 1 EINLEITUNG 1527 wurde der Franzose Jean Fleury von den Spaniern in der Nähe von Sevilla – jenes in Andalusien liegenden Hafens, der seit 1503 als alleiniger Ausgangs- und Zielhafen des Han- delsverkehrs zwischen den kastilischen bzw. spanischen Herrschaftsgebieten in Europa1 und den neuen spanischen Kolonien diente – gefangen genommen, gefoltert und anschließend auf Anweisung Karls V. als Pirat gehängt. Der französische ‚Korsar‘2 hatte im Mai 1522 im Meer zwischen Madeira und Portugal drei spanische Karavellen gekapert. Unerwartet reich fiel die Beute dieses Seeraubes aus, handelte es sich bei der kleinen Flotte doch um die vom Konqu- istador Hernán Cortés vom mexikanischen Vera Cruz aus auf den Weg zum spanischen König entsandten Schiffe, deren Fracht aus dem aus Tenochtitlán geraubten Goldschatz des Azte- kenkönigs Moctezuma II. bestand.3 Fleury stand zu dieser Zeit im Dienst des französischen Kaufmanns Jean Ango, der seine See- fahrer mit einer Vollmacht des Grafen von Dieppe ausgerüstet hatte und diese während des Krieges zwischen dem spanischen König Karl V. und dem französischen König Franz I. von 1521 bis 1525/26 als Kaperfahrer einsetzte. Wenngleich Jean Fleury bei seinem überaus er- tragreichen Seeraub also noch nicht über einen Kaperbrief des französischen Herrschers Franz I. verfügte, zeigte sich der Monarch von den Geschehnissen dennoch nicht sonderlich aufgebracht. Zum einen befand sich Frankreich zu diesem Zeitpunkt offiziell im Krieg gegen den spanischen König Karl V., was auch eine Grundvoraussetzung für die Ausstellung der 1 Im Folgenden wird der Begriff ‚Spanien‘ – sofern nicht explizit auf bestimmte Teile davon verwiesen wird – als verkürzte und zusammenfassende Bezeichnung für die zur jeweiligen Zeit als spanische Herrschaftsgebiete zu behandelnden Besitzungen verwendet. Diese Simplifizierung ist zum einen den hohen Fluktuationen im geo- graphischen Umfang sowie in der politischen Organisation der sich seit der Entdeckung Amerikas zum Spani- schen Kolonialreich entwickelnden Königreiche und Herrschaftsgebiete während des in dieser Arbeit behandel- ten Zeitraumes geschuldet. Zum anderen sind bei der Untersuchung des europäischen Einflusses auf die Seeräu- berei in der Karibik der Frühen Neuzeit primär die spanischen Kolonien in der Neuen Welt sowie das spanische Mutterland im Gesamten von Bedeutung und stehen daher im Fokus dieser Arbeit. 2 In der Literatur findet sich am häufigsten die Bezeichnung ‚Korsaren‘ für die ersten, vorwiegend aus Frank- reich stammenden und im Mittelmeerraum tätigen Seebeutefahrer, welche die spanischen Flotten im Atlantik sowie die neuen spanischen Kolonien bedrohten. Auch hier wird diese Begriffsverwendung übernommen. Die Problematik der fließenden Übergänge zwischen den einzelnen Bezeichnungen für die im 16. und 17. Jahrhun- dert zwischen dem Westen Europas und den spanischen Kolonien in Amerika agierenden privaten Seebeuteneh- mer wird in Kap. 2.2 noch ausführlicher diskutiert. 3 Bohn, Robert (2020): Die Piraten. 4., überarb. Aufl. München: Beck (= Beck’sche Reihe 2327), S. 26f.; Kon- stam, Angus (2019): The Pirate World. A History of the Most Notorious Sea Robbers. Oxford/New York: Os- prey Publishing, S. 44f.; Edelmayer, Friedrich (2012): Freibeuter im Dienste ihrer Könige. Die Karibik im 16. Jahrhundert. In: Schrecken der Händler und Herrscher. Piratengemeinschaften in der Geschichte. Hrsg. von An- dreas Obenaus/Eugen Pfister/Birgit Tremml. Wien: Mandelbaum Verlag (= Expansion – Interaktion – Akkultur- ation. Globalhistorische Studien), S. 172; Kempe, Michael (2010a): Fluch der Weltmeere. Piraterie, Völkerrecht und internationale Beziehungen 1500-1900. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, S. 33. S e i t e | 3 sogenannten Kaperbriefe4 darstellte. Zum anderen fiel dem französischen König ein großer Teil des erbeuteten Schatzes aus aztekischem Goldschmuck, seltenen Edelsteinen, anderen Edelmetallwaren sowie höchst wertvollen nautischen Karten der Seerouten von Amerika nach Europa zu. Die ersten Nachrichten über die von spanischen Schiffen von Amerika nach Euro- pa transportierten Luxusgüter und Schätze – Gold, Zucker und Tabak von der Insel La Espa- ñola, Perlen aus Venezuela und andere Wertgegenstände, die seit der Eroberung Mexikos durch Hernán Cortés 1519-21 in größeren Mengen nach Spanien gelangten – verbreiteten sich nicht nur in Frankreich wie ein Lauffeuer und ermutigten – nun immer häufiger auch mit offi- ziellen Lizenzen ausgestattete – private Seebeutenehmer verschiedener Nationen dazu, sich bis zum Ende des Jahrhunderts immer weiter in Richtung der Westindischen Inseln vorzuwa- gen.5 Der Seeraub Jean Fleurys von 1522/23 stellt einen bedeutenden Moment in der Geschichte der Seeräuberei in der Karibik dar und wird in der Literatur häufig als Schlüsselereignis ge- nannt.6 Denn obwohl sich der Überfall auf die spanische Flotte nur unweit der europäischen Küste abspielte, lies die Beute im Wert von über 800.000 Dukaten7 nicht nur die Franzosen, sondern auch andere – primär (nord-)westeuropäische – Mächte8 erkennen, welche politischen und ökonomischen Möglichkeiten in den von den Spaniern und Portugiesen für sich bean- spruchten Gebieten der Neuen Welt lauerten. Im Laufe des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts drangen diese daher immer weiter über die von den Königreichen Kastilien und Portugal unter Aus- schluss sämtlicher anderer europäischer Mächte (einschließlich des Königreiches Aragóns) im Vertrag von Tordesillas im Jahr 1494 festgelegte Trennlinie vor, welche die jeweiligen Ein- flusszonen zwischen den beiden Seemächten abgrenzen sollte. Die Kastilier bzw. später Spa- nier betrachteten und behandelten daher noch bis ins 17. Jahrhundert hinein jeden Seefahrer, 4 Hier sei bereits darauf hingewiesen, dass der alleinige Blick auf juristische Aspekte zwar eine theoretische Abgrenzung der jeweiligen Legitimationsdokumente für die private Seebeutenahme ermöglicht, diese den tat- sächlichen Einsatz insbesondere während des im Fokus der Arbeit stehenden 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts aber nicht immer korrekt widerspiegelt. Diese allgemeine Problematik der Diskrepanzen zwischen Rhetorik und Praxis zentraler Begriffe der Seeräuberei in der Frühen Neuzeit wird in Kap. 2 ausführlicher behandelt. Auf bestimmte Nationen oder Zeiträume betreffende Besonderheiten wird an gegebener Stelle in den Beschreibungen der Pha- sen europäischer Einflussnahme auf die Seeräuberei in der Karibik verwiesen. 5 Bohn 2020, 26f.; Konstam 2019, 44f.; Edelmayer 2012, 172; Kempe 2010a, 33; Kempe, Michael (2010b): ‚Even in the remotest corners of the world’. Globalized piracy and international law, 1500-1900. In: Journal of Global History. Jg. 5, H 3, S. 357f. 6 Vgl. Ebda. 7 Konstam 2019, 45. 8 Da sich der Großteil der niederländischen Piraterie- und Freibeuteraktivitäten gegen die portugiesischen Nie- derlassungen im asiatischen Raum sowie am südamerikanischen Festland richteten und die Westindischen Inseln lediglich in kurzen Phasen zum Ziel durchaus lohnender Raubzüge wurden, wird in dieser Arbeit nicht gesondert auf diese eingegangen. Stattdessen wird die
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