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Piero Gobetti Un Liberale Rivoluzionario

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Piero Gobetti Un Liberale Rivoluzionario Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Scienze Filosofiche Tesi di Laurea in Filosofia Politica Piero Gobetti Un liberale rivoluzionario Relatore Ch. Prof. Giorgio Cesarale Laureando Valeria Roma Matricola 840823 Anno Accademico 2016 / 2017 Felice Casorati (1886-1963). Paese. Olio su cartone (1922) (Torino, Collezione privata). «la conquista di una luce nuova, originalissima, che limita gli oggetti, non li sfuma, ma, insieme con le tinte cupe, tende a dare la solidità». Piero Gobetti. Un liberale rivoluzionario Introduzione……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. p. 4 I. DAL RISORGIMENTO AL FASCISMO: STORIA DELL’ITALIA (IL)LIBERALE…………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p. 6 1. Il Risorgimento………………………………………………………………………………………………. p. 6 Introduzione 1.1 Il principio della cooperazione in Mazzini 1.2 Mazzini democratico conservatore 1.3 I rapporti fra Stato e Chiesa: un problema politico 2. L’età giolittiana…………………………………………………………………………………………… p. 19 Introduzione 2.1 «Né rivoluzione né reazione»: una cattiva interpretazione del liberalismo 2.2 La guerra di Libia 2.3 Giolitti dalla democrazia all’oligarchia 3. Il ‘biennio rosso’…………………………………………………………………………………………... p. 30 Introduzione 3.1 Le elezioni del 1919 e la vittoria (apparente) dei socialisti 3.2 «E noi faremo come la Russia»: le premesse rivoluzionarie del dopoguerra 3.3 Il ‘biennio rosso’ dei lavoratori 3.4 … e quello del partito 3.5 Lo ‘sciopero legalitario’: la prima «vittoria» fascista 4. Mussolini e il fascismo……………………………………………………………………………….. p. 43 Introduzione 4.1 Il «messianismo socialista» 4.2 L’«apocalissi antitedesca» 4.3 La «palingenesi fascista» II. LIBERTÀ E UGUAGLIANZA: GOBETTI E GLI AUTORI DEL LIBERALISMO CLASSICO……………………………………………………………………………... p. 57 Introduzione 1. Locke: uno Stato per i proprietari 2. Mill: Sulla libertà individuale 3. Tocqueville: è possibile la libertà nell’uguaglianza? 2 III. GOBETTI E GRAMSCI: DUE INTELLETTUALI ‘ORGANICI’ A CONFRONTO…………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p. 81 1. Due liberali ‘sui generis’……………………………………………………………………………. p. 82 Introduzione 1.1 Il valore nazionale del movimento operaio 1.2 Oltre il sindacato e il partito: la riconfigurazione politica del lavoro 1.3 Il liberalismo e la «bellezza della lotta»: Gobetti e Gramsci attraverso Einaudi 2. La rivoluzione meridionale………………………………………………………………………. p. 96 Introduzione 2.1 La questione meridionale secondo i socialisti 2.2 … e secondo i popolari 2.3 Salvemini e la libertà politica del Sud 2.4 Questione italiana e questione meridionale 3. La questione degli intellettuali……………………………………………………………… p. 108 Introduzione 3.1 L’armatura del blocco agrario 3.2 Il problema della scuola 3.3 Croce: un intellettuale tradizionale IV. GOBETTI E ROSSELLI: UN NUOVO LIBERALISMO…………………………… p. 125 Introduzione 1. Libertà e lotta di classe 2. La libertà fra socialismo e liberalismo 3. Il fascismo come «autobiografia della nazione» Bibliografia………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p. 146 3 Introduzione Quella elaborata da Gobetti fu una concezione originale di rivoluzione, che aveva nella libertà il proprio ingrediente essenziale. Non perché Gobetti fosse un sovvertitore di dimensioni modeste, dunque, si è scelto per il termine rivoluzione il ruolo di attributo al sostantivo liberale, bensì per il fatto che alla rivoluzione da lui teorizzata risultava imprescindibile il riferimento al «problema della libertà». Come a dire che una vera rivoluzione, in Italia, non possa darsi qualora essa non ponga la libertà quale sua principale posta in gioco. Gobetti riconosceva alla libertà un duplice carattere. Egli, indirettamente, si interrogò sulle modalità di convivenza, entro quell’unico concetto, delle due opposte esigenze della rottura e della costruzione. Il merito che gli va riconosciuto è soprattutto quello di aver testimoniato la realtà del primo di questi due aspetti, l’esistenza del quale era stata, invece, dissimulata dal liberalismo tradizionale: il fatto che libertà significasse anzitutto infrazione del senso comune, scioglimento dai vincoli dell’ideologia dominante e della schiavitù politica ed economica. Fu precisamente da questa prospettiva che Gobetti descrisse dapprima la Rivoluzione d’Ottobre come un grandioso «fatto liberante»1. Ciò che Gobetti avversava del liberalismo italiano era il suo essere diventato una «dottrina di indifferenza politica»: quanto più avevano propagandato l’universalizzazione dei loro obiettivi («pacificazione sociale», «fine della lotta di classe», etc.), i liberali avevano reso la libertà un loro privato dominio, dal godimento del quale erano state sistematicamente escluse le classi lavoratrici più povere. Lo stesso regime fascista, nonostante i proclami iniziali, aveva, di fatto, agito in linea con questa tendenza. Dal punto di vista politico, la libertà era rappresentata dalla classe lavoratrice combattiva del ‘biennio rosso’, agli occhi di Gobetti il solo vero movimento liberale possibile in quanto, nel settembre del 1920, essa si batté per il mantenimento della propria autonomia nei Consigli di fabbrica. Dal punto di vista culturale, l’auspicio di Gobetti (con Gramsci) era di realizzare una nuova forma di educazione che distruggesse il cosiddetto ‘blocco intellettuale’ formato da quei filosofi come Croce che, indirettamente, avevano servito la causa dei ceti privilegiati. In questo senso, quello di suscitare il libero pensiero critico fu il principale obiettivo gobettiano. Giustizia e Libertà prima, il Partito d’Azione poi furono i due movimenti politici che più concretamente rivendicarono la lezione del liberalismo gobettiano. Ma, come nel caso delle «rivoluzioni mancate» del Risorgimento e del ‘biennio rosso’, i frutti della Resistenza partigiana si esaurirono in breve tempo. Se infatti è vero quello che sostiene Bagnoli, che cioè dopo la caduta del governo Parri, nel dicembre del ’45, i difetti del vecchio Stato liberale tornarono a galla e la «nuova democrazia» continuò a funzionare con i vecchi «meccanismi 1 In questi termini vi si riferiva Paolo Spriano (Id., Gramsci e Gobetti. Introduzione alla vita e alle opere, Einaudi, Torino 1977, p. 13). 4 fascisti»2, anche il tentativo azionista di far coincidere la liberazione dal dominio straniero con il rinnovamento delle istituzioni si risolse in una sconfitta; il rivoluzionarismo liberale vedeva decretato, così, per la terza volta il proprio fallimento. Il fatto che, ancora nel 1995, Flores d’Arcais parlasse di Gobetti come di un «liberale del futuro»3 mostra come il suo messaggio risulti nonostante tutto difficilmente inquadrabile in una iniziativa politica determinata. Il carattere che le si attribuisce di ‘senza tempo’ è croce e delizia dell’idea politica gobettiana: quella che Antonicelli definì «una politica […] di straordinaria inattualità»4, tanto più profonda (di natura «rabdomantica»5, scrisse Spadolini) quanto non dispiegabile se non sul lungo periodo. Ancora non siamo stati in grado, come Gobetti avrebbe voluto, di delineare una politica che faccia della libertà delle «individualità collettive» (i gruppi sociali) la propria principale preoccupazione. Anziché venire posta in continuità con il «problema dell’unità»6, la libertà continua oggi ad esser pensata in termini di privilegio e interesse del «falso individuo»7. Sempre Flores d’Arcais sottolineava come il senso dell’individualismo gobettiano consistesse nell’opera di erezione di una barriera contro il pericolo del fascismo, interpretato «non […] in senso tecnico», ma come «negazione di libertà»8. La sua teorizzazione del liberalismo come antitesi al fascismo, si identificava, dunque, con uno sforzo di «rivendicazione dell’individuo»9, da intendersi come centro cosciente di una acquisita – e sempre daccapo conquistabile – autonomia. Fra i concetti verso i quali Gobetti nutriva, al contrario, la più spiccata diffidenza vi erano la immediatezza e la facilità: l’instaurarsi del regime mussoliniano rappresentò, da questo punto di vista, l’avverarsi del suo incubo più grande. L’aver posto l’accento sulla «responsabilità militante»10 della cultura è probabilmente il contenuto più importante e attualizzabile dell’opera di Gobetti. Il tentativo di far compenetrare, fino a renderle un’unica realtà, la cultura con la politica, la filosofia con l’attività sociale, restituisce all’«impeto gobettiano»11 tutta la sua forza d’urto. 2 Paolo Bagnoli, Piero Gobetti. Cultura e politica in un liberale del Novecento, Passigli, Firenze 1984, p. 196. 3 È l’espressione adoperata da Paolo Flores d’Arcais nel titolo al suo saggio pubblicato ad introduzione dell’edizione del 1995 de La Rivoluzione Liberale (Id., Gobetti, liberale del futuro, in Piero Gobetti, La Rivoluzione Liberale. Saggio sulla lotta politica in Italia, a cura di E. A. Perona, Einaudi, Torino 1995, pp. VII-XXXII) (da ora in poi RL). 4 Cit. in Bagnoli, op. cit., p. 211. 5 Giovanni Spadolini, Gobetti. Un’idea dell’Italia, Longanesi & C., Milano 1993, p. 39. 6 RL, p. 31. 7 Flores d’Arcais, in ivi, p. XV. 8 Ivi, p. X. 9 Ivi, p. VII. 10 L’espressione è di Bagnoli (op. cit., pp. 191-192). 11 Questa espressione è usata da Pier Paolo Pasolini nella poesia “Il pianto della scavatrice” (1956) contenuta nella raccolta Le ceneri di Gramsci (ed. Garzanti, Milano 2012, p. 90). Il significato del trasporto ‘impetuoso’ sentito dal poeta nei confronti degli operai al lavoro sotto il sole accecante della periferia romana è ancora tutto da approfondire. Che cosa lo fece pensare a Gobetti? 5 I. DAL RISORGIMENTO AL FASCISMO: STORIA DELL’ITALIA (IL)LIBERALE 1. Il Risorgimento Introduzione La figura di
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