DOCSLIB.ORG

This Land Is Mine!

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
This Land Is Mine! “THIS LAND IS MINE!”: AN ANALYSIS OF THE DECISION OF THE LAND CLAIMS COURT IN THE CASE OF THE SALEM COMMUNITY v THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA AND OTHERS (LCC27-09) [2014] ZALCC 11 ٭Khulekani Moyo Senior Lecturer, Nelson Mandela School of Law, University of Fort Hare, South Africa ٭٭Obeng Mireku Professor of Law and Dean, Nelson Mandela School of Law, University of Fort Hare, South Africa 1 INTRODUCTION Land restitution in South Africa is explicitly provided for under the South African Constitution (Constitution)1 and the Restitution of Land Rights Act (Restitution Act).2 The Restitution Act explicitly defines a set of criteria according to which claimants are entitled to restoration of land or equitable redress. The Restitution Act entitles a community dispossessed of a right in land after 19 June 1913 as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices to claim restitution or other equitable redress. In Devenish’s view, this remedial legislation was necessary in order to address the disempowerment of the indigenous people of South Africa as a result of the tragic history of land.3 Although there are land restitution programmes across the globe,4 the South African approach is unique in that restitution affects not only State land but also threatens private property rights acquired through the country’s long history of racialised dispossession. Essentially, restitution entails the redistribution of an asset with a view to making a .(LLB (UZ); LLM (Oslo); LLD (Stellenbosch); Dip Human Rights (Finland٭ .(LLB (Hons) (Ghana), LLM (Witwatersrand), Dr. Jur. (Germany٭٭ 1 See section 25(7) of the Constitution of South Africa,1996 (Constitution). 2 See Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 (Restitution Act). 3 G E Devenish “Department of Land Affairs v Goedgelegen Tropical Fruits —A Triumph for Teleological Interpretation, An Unqualified Contextual Methodology and the Jurisprudence of Ubuntu” 2008 South African Law Journal 231. 4 Langford and Moyo “Right, Remedy or Rhetoric? Land Restitution in International Law” 2010 Nordic Journal on Human Rights 143-176. 108 “THIS LAND IS MINE!” meaningful difference to the living standards of the beneficiaries of land restitution who might have been impoverished by land dispossession.5 This is in accordance with the constitutional vision which seeks to redress the injustices of the past, especially for the indigenous Black people who “suffered under the daily, soul-destroying indignities of apartheid”6 but also to create a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights.7 The post-apartheid government has engaged in an ambitious programme of land redistribution and restitution, constituting acknowledgement that the legacy of land dispossession continues to shape the life chances of those affected and their descendants.8 Apart from land dispossession, Black people in South Africa were subjected to systemic deprivation and discrimination in their access to socio-economic needs such as water, healthcare, food, housing, social security and education because of apartheid policies.9 The land restitution programme thus enables former landholders or their descendants to reclaim spaces and territories which formed the basis of earlier identities and livelihoods or equitable relief.10 For the dispossessed in South Africa and elsewhere across the world, land “is both material and symbolic, a factor of production and a site of belonging and identity.”11 As noted by Zirker: “In apartheid South Africa, land was the pillar of the apartheid structure. The apartheid government used land as a means of economically and socially suppressing the African majority. By depriving Africans of property rights the foundation was set for profound poverty and social instability. The deprivation of property rights set the stage for the profound adversity Africans endured under apartheid.”12 Not surprisingly, return of the land was a rallying cry of the anti-apartheid struggles, and in the 1990s, as the transition was made towards a democratic South Africa, hopes were high 5 Fay and James “Giving Land Back or Righting Wrongs? Comparative Issues in the Study of Land Restitution” in Walker et al (eds.) Land, Memory, Reconstruction, and Justice: Perspectives on Land Claims in South Africa (2010)1 9. 6 Liebenberg Socio-Economic Rights Jurisprudence xxi. 7 See preamble to the Constitution. 8 Hart Disabling Globalization: Places of Power in Post-Apartheid South Africa (2002) 39. 9 Liebenberg Socio-Economic Rights: Adjudication under a Transformative Constitution (2010) xxi. 10 Fay and James “Giving Land Back”1. 11 Shipton “Land and Culture in Tropical Africa: Soils, Symbols and the Metaphysics of the Mundane” 1994 Annual Review of Anthropology 347-77. 12 Zirker “This Land is my Land: The Evolution of Property Rights in South Africa” 2003 Connecticut Journal of International Law 621. 109 SPECULUM JURIS VOLUME 29 PART 1 2015 that stolen lands would be returned.13 Land restitution was so important as a high priority issue for the transition to democracy in South Africa that special authorisation for land restitution legislation was built into the interim Constitution,14 but also that the Restitution Act was one of the first statutes to be passed by the post-apartheid legislature. As noted by the Constitutional Court in the case of Department of Land Affairs v Goedgelegen Tropical Fruits (Popela), land, for the indigenous people of South Africa, “had a cultural and spiritual dimension that rendered the destruction of the rights more than economic loss.”15 It is within the above context that land restitution, and its twin cousin, land redistribution, are being carried out in South Africa. In the case of The Salem Community v The Government of the Republic of South Africa and Others (Salem case),16 the plaintiff community, the Salem Community, brought a restitution claim for a piece of land in terms of the of the Restitution Act before the Regional Land Claims Commission, Eastern Cape (Commission). The Commission subsequently referred the case to the Land Claims Court (LCC) and the decision was delivered by the LCC sitting at Grahamstown on 2nd May 2014 by Acting Judge, Cassim Sardiwalla. This is an important case which, on one hand touched a highly emotive issue in a post-apartheid South Africa, given the potential effects of land restitution on prevailing systems of property rights and the economy and on the other, a test of the constitutional commitment to redress systemic inequalities and social injustice arising from the past and to speedily eradicate economic and social inequalities produced by racial discrimination. As noted by the LCC, “[t]he claim goes to the very heart of early contact and subsequent conflicts recorded in history books between the early British settlers who came in the 1820s and the native occupants.”17 Section 1 the Restitution Act defines “restoration of a right in land” to mean “[t]he return of a right in land or a portion of land dispossessed after 19 June 1913 as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices.” As prescribed by section 2(1) of the Restitution Act, in 13 Barry “Now Another Thing Must Happen: Richtersveld and the Dilemmas of Land Reform in Post-Apartheid South Africa” 2004 South African Journal On Human Rights 355 356. 14 See sections 121-23 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 200 of 1993. 15 Department of Land Affairs v Goedgelegen Tropical Fruits 2007 (6) SA199 (CC) (Popela). 16 The Salem Community v The Government of the Republic of South Africa and Others [2014] ZALCC 11. 17 Salem Community para 1. 110 “THIS LAND IS MINE!” order to establish entitlement to restitution, members of the plaintiff community had to allege and prove that they were: (1) a community who themselves or their forebears; (2) had been dispossessed of their rights in the subject land; (3) after 19 June 1913; (4) as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices; and, (5) no just and equitable compensation was received for the dispossession. The following section deals with the facts of the case, highlighting the key issues on which the LCC had to make a determination. 2 FACTS OF THE CASE In the Salem case, the plaintiff submitted a restitution claim relating to the land which in the court judgment is described as “the Commonage in Salem that was subdivided and the Native location which was established and then disestablished.”18 For the sake of convenience, the land subject of this claim would be referred in this casenote as “Salem” or the “subject land.” Salem, which lies about 20km from Grahamstown, was founded in 1820 when British settlers arrived there and had subsequently become known as a settler village. From the 1940s, the area was sub-divided up between descendants of the 1820 settlers. The Salem Community alleges that it lost land rights enjoyed at the time. It was alleged that Salem Community members were forced to make a choice to remain as labourers on the farms of the settlers or move away.19 Some of the properties that were part of the plaintiff’s original claim were subsequently restored by the State defendants to the Salem Community and due compensation paid to the respective landowners. Consequently, the State decided to support the Salem Community’s land restitution claim. The LCC had to decide on the remainder of the Salem land that had not been restored which claim was opposed by the landowners. The defendants’ response to the Salem Community’s claim was that the plaintiff does not constitute a community as defined in section 1(iv) of the Restitution Act; in the alternative, even if such a community existed such community did not have any right in land as defined in section 1(xi) of the Restitution Act; the subdivision of the commonage was not as a result of the application of any racially discriminatory law or practice; the plaintiff never held rights 18 Salem Community para 1.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Re-Creating Home British Colonialism, Culture And
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) RE-CREATING HOME BRITISH COLONIALISM, CULTURE AND THE ZUURVELD ENVIRONMENT IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Jill Payne Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Paul Maylam Rhodes University Grahamstown May 1998 ############################################## CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ..................................... p. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................... p.iii PREFACE ................................................... p.iv ABSTRACT .................................................. p.v I: INTRODUCTION ........................................ p.1 II: ROMANCE, REALITY AND THE COLONIAL LANDSCAPE ...... p.15 III: LAND USE AND LANDSCAPE CHANGE .................... p.47 IV: ADVANCING SETTLEMENT, RETREATING WILDLIFE ........ p.95 V: CONSERVATION AND CONTROL ........................ p.129 VI: CONCLUSION ........................................ p.160 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................ p.165 i ############################################## LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure i. Map of the Zuurveld ............................... p.10 Figure ii. Representation of a Bushman elephant hunt ........... p.99 Figure iii: Representation of a colonial elephant hunt ........... p.100 ii ############################################## ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My grateful thanks must go firstly to Professor Paul Maylam. In overseeing
    [Show full text]
  • A Short Chronicle of Warfare in South Africa Compiled by the Military Information Bureau*
    Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 16, Nr 3, 1986. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za A short chronicle of warfare in South Africa Compiled by the Military Information Bureau* Khoisan Wars tween whites, Khoikhoi and slaves on the one side and the nomadic San hunters on the other Khoisan is the collective name for the South Afri- which was to last for almost 200 years. In gen- can people known as Hottentots and Bushmen. eral actions consisted of raids on cattle by the It is compounded from the first part of Khoi San and of punitive commandos which aimed at Khoin (men of men) as the Hottentots called nothing short of the extermination of the San themselves, and San, the names given by the themselves. On both sides the fighting was ruth- Hottentots to the Bushmen. The Hottentots and less and extremely destructive of both life and Bushmen were the first natives Dutch colonist property. encountered in South Africa. Both had a relative low cultural development and may therefore be During 18th century the threat increased to such grouped. The Colonists fought two wars against an extent that the Government had to reissue the the Hottentots while the struggle against the defence-system. Commandos were sent out and Bushmen was manned by casual ranks on the eventually the Bushmen threat was overcome. colonist farms. The Frontier War (1779-1878) The KhoiKhoi Wars This term is used to cover the nine so-called "Kaffir Wars" which took place on the eastern 1st Khoikhoi War (1659-1660) border of the Cape between the Cape govern- This was the first violent reaction of the Khoikhoi ment and the Xhosa.
    [Show full text]
  • Historyhistory 1 Pocket Guide to South Africa 2012/13 HISTORY
    HistoryHISTORY 1 Pocket Guide to South Africa 2012/13 HISTORY Modern humans have lived at the southern tip of Africa for more than 100 000 years, and their ancestors for some 3,3 million years. Some 2 000 years ago, the Khoekhoen (the Hottentots of early European terminology) were pastoralists who had settled mostly along the coast, while the San (the Bushmen) were hunter-gatherers spread across the region. At this time, Bantu-speaking agropastoralists began arriving in southern Africa, spreading from the eastern lowlands to the Highveld. At several archaeological sites there is evidence of sophis- ticated political and material cultures. European contact The first European settlement in southern Africa was established by the Dutch East India Company in Table Bay (Cape Town) in 1652. Created to supply passing ships with fresh produce, the colony grew rapidly as Dutch farmers settled to grow crops. Shortly after the establishment of the colony, slaves were imported from East Africa, Madagascar and the East Indies. The first British Settlers, known as the 1820 Settlers, arrived in Algoa Bay (now Nelson Mandela Bay) on board 21 ships, the first being the Chapman. They numbered about 4 500 and included artisans, tradesmen, religious leaders, merchants, teachers, bookbinders, blacksmiths, discharged sailors and soldiers, professional men and farmers. The Taung Heritage Site is of enormous scientific importance. It was at these limestone diggings at the old Buxton quarry in 1924 that the lime encrusted skull of a child was unearthed. Prof Raymond Dart, who discovered the skull belonging to an early hominid, named it Australopithecus africanus meaning the “southern ape of Africa”.
    [Show full text]
  • 2001 Lecture
    THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategic Military Colonisation: the Cape Eastern Frontier 1806 – 1872
    46 STRATEGIC MILITARY COLONISATION: THE CAPE EASTERN FRONTIER 1806–1872 Linda Robson* and Mark Oranje† Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of Pretoria Abstract The Cape Eastern Frontier of South Africa offers a fascinating insight into British military strategy as well as colonial development. The Eastern Frontier was for over 100 years a very turbulent frontier. It was the area where the four main population groups (the Dutch, the British, the Xhosa and the Khoikhoi) met, and in many respects, key decisions taken on this frontier were seminal in the shaping of South Africa. This article seeks to analyse this frontier in a spatial manner, to analyse how British settlement patterns on the ground were influenced by strategy and policy. The time frame of the study reflects the truly imperial colonial era, from the second British occupation of the Cape colony in 1806 until representative self- governance of the Cape colony in 1872. Introduction British colonial expansion into the Eastern Cape of Southern Africa offers a unique insight into the British method of colonisation, land acquisition and consolidation. This article seeks to analyse the British imperial approach to settlement on a turbulent frontier. The spatial development pattern is discussed in order to understand the defensive approach of the British during the period 1806 to 1872 better. Scientia Militaria, South African South Africa began as a refuelling Journal of Military Studies, station for the Dutch East India Company on Vol 40, Nr 2, 2012, pp. 46-71. the lucrative Indian trade route. However, doi: 10.5787/40-2-996 military campaigns in Europe played * Linda Robson is a PhD student in the Department of Town and Regional Planning at the University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
    Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • Master Servant Relationships in the Eastern Cape: the 1820 Settlement
    African Studies Quarterly | Volume 20, Issue 1|January 2021 Master Servant Relationships in the Eastern Cape: the 1820 Settlement AMINA MARZOUK CHOUCHENE Abstract: This article is about the rebellious behavior of the servant class and the consequent threat it posed to the established social order in the 1820 settlement. There were deep anxieties amongst the higher echelons of the settlement about maintaining class distinctions. Upper and middle class settlers relied on informal and formal strategies in order to keep social hierarchies intact. The concept of social control is applied in this respect to study the troubled master-servant relationship, emphasize an obsessive preoccupation with social order, and uncover the limits of upper and middle class settlers’ control. This focus on the troubled master servant relationship in the 1820 settlement and the failed attempts to control it is a helpful correction to the celebratory reverberations of early South African settler histories. Keywords: 1820 settlers, class, social control, hierarchies, precariousness, servant Introduction In an attempt to alleviate post-Napoleonic wars’ economic distress and relieve political tensions at home, the British government sponsored a settlement scheme to the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony.1 The idea of establishing a settlement there came from the colony’s governor Lord Charles Somerset, who wrote several letters to the colonial office lobbying for the settlement of more people in the eastern Cape. He described the Cape in glowing terms, emphasizing the fertility of the soil. He claimed that wool, corn, tobacco, and cotton could be produced there for export. Moreover, he insisted that it was a land where men from a humble social background could certainly succeed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pronunciation of English in South Africa by L.W
    The Pronunciation of English in South Africa by L.W. Lanham, Professor Emeritus, Rhodes University, 1996 Introduction There is no one, typical South African English accent as there is one overall Australian English accent. The variety of accents within the society is in part a consequence of the varied regional origins of groups of native English speakers who came to Africa at different times, and in part a consequence of the variety of mother tongues of the different ethnic groups who today use English so extensively that they must be included in the English-using community. The first truly African, native English accent in South Africa evolved in the speech of the children of the 1820 Settlers who came to the Eastern Cape with parents who spoke many English dialects. The pronunciation features which survive are mainly those from south-east England with distinct Cockney associations. The variables (distinctive features of pronunciation) listed under A below may be attributed to this origin. Under B are listed variables of probable Dutch origin reflecting close association and intermarriage with Dutch inhabitants of the Cape. There was much contact with Xhosa people in that area, but the effect of this was almost entirely confined to the vocabulary. (The English which evolved in the Eastern and Central Cape we refer to as Cape English.) The next large settlement from Britain took place in Natal between 1848 and 1862 giving rise to pronunciation variables pointing more to the Midlands and north of England (List C). The Natal settlers had a strong desire to remain English in every aspect of identity, social life, and behaviour.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 Presentation of the Bible to Jacobus Uys (April 1837) A2/A3
    2 Presentation of the Bible to Jacobus Uys (April 1837) A2/A3 B2 C2 D N 2 Presentation 26 27 1 25 2 East wall, north-east projection (panel 3/31) 24 3 h. 2.3 × w. 2.4 m 4 23 Sculptor of clay maquette: Hennie Potgieter 22 5 Stages of production A1 W.H. Coetzer, pencil drawing, retained only in A2 (April–June 1937) 21 A2 Reproduction of A1 (June 1937) 6 A3 W.H. Coetzer, revised pencil drawing A1, h. 13.3 × w. 15.3 cm 20 (after September 1937) 7 Annotation: ‘Oorhandiging van Bybel aan Uys’ 19 (Handing over of Bible to Uys) 8 18 B1 One-third-scale clay maquette, not extant but replicated in B2 (1942–43) 17 9 B2 One-third-scale plaster maquette, h. 79 × w. 76 × d. 10.4 cm (1942–43) 16 10 C1 Full-scale wooden armature, not extant (1943–46) 15 14 13 12 11 C2 Full-scale clay relief, not extant but recorded in photograph; replicated in C3 (1943–46) 0 5 10 m C3 Full-scale plaster relief (1943–46), not extant but copied in D (late 1947–49) D Marble as installed in the Monument (1949) Early records SVK minutes (4.9.1937) ― item 4b (see below, ‘Developing the design’) Wenke (c. 1934–36) ― item VI. SEN. F.S. MALAN, 3 ‘Tweede toneel: Aanbieding van Bybel te Grahamstad aan Voortrekker Uys’ (Second scene: Presentation of Bible at Grahamstown to Voortrekker Uys) Moerdyk Layout (5.10.1936–15.1.1937) ― scene 2 on panel 5/31 ‘Bybel en Uys’ (Bible and Uys) Jansen Memorandum (19.1.1937) ― item 7.2 ‘The English inhabitants presenting Uys with a Bible before his departure’ Open Access.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mfecane As Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo Julian
    The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo Julian Cobbing The Journal ofAfrican History, Volume 29, Issue 3 (1988),487-519. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8537281988%2929%3A3%3C487%3ATMAATO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-0 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The Journal of African History is published by Cambridge University Press. Please contact the publisher for further permissions regarding the use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.j stor.org/journals/cup.html. The Journal of African History 01988 Cambridge University Press JSTOR and the JSTOR logo are trademarks of JSTOR, and are Registered in the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. For more information on JSTOR contact [email protected]. 02003 JSTOR http://www.jstor.org/ Thu Jan 16 15:54:01 2003 Jo~trnalof African History, 29 (1988), pp. 487-jl9 Printed in Great Britain THE LIFECANE AS ALIBI: THOUGHTS ON DITHAKONG AND MBOLOMPO' BY JULI.AN COBBING THE3IFEC .A N E is a tenacious and still-evolving multiple theme in the historio- graphy of the apartheid state.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa
    Opting to Settle in a Small African Town A Case Study of Refugees in Towns Makhanda (formerly Grahamstown), South Africa Barnabas Ticha Muvhuti February, 2019 Contents Location ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction and Methods........................................................................................................................ 4 The Urban Impact...................................................................................................................................... 6 Mapping Makhanda’s Immigrant Population ......................................................................................... 8 Refugees’ Experiences ............................................................................................................................ 9 Conclusion............................................................................................................................................... 14 References ............................................................................................................................................... 15 Appendix A: Background on Refugees in South Africa .................................................................... 17 Appendix B: Background on Migration in Makhanda ........................................................................ 19 About the RIT Project ............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • English in South Africa
    English in South Africa Raymond Hickey, English Linguistics University of Duisburg and Essen email: [email protected] 1 Southern African countries 2 Location of the Republic of South Africa 3 Physical geography of South Africa 4 5 Climatic regions of South Africa 6 Early Cartography of Africa 7 Africa (1550) by Dutch cartographer Sebastian Münster 8 Africa (early 17c) by English cartographer John Speed 9 History of South Africa 10 History of South Africa 1)Indigenous peoples of southern Africa inhabit the region. Their descendents are to be found in the Kalahari Basin of Namibia, Botswana and parts of South Africa and speak a variety of languages, between which the genetic relationships are not always easy to determine. 2)In the early centuries CE Bantu peoples begin to move into the area of southern Africa. Their descendents constitute the black population of South Africa. 11 Bantu Migrations from Central to Southern Africa 12 History of South Africa 3)The first European to explore the coast of South Africa was Bartolomeu Dias in 1488. In 1497 the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope and opened the Indian Ocean for European colonial trade. 4)In 1654 the first Dutch settled in the Cape region, led by Jan van Riebeeck who established a colony there for the Dutch East Company interested in trading in spices. 13 Jan van Riebeeck(1619-1677) arrives in the Cape in 1652 to found a station for the Dutch East India Company between the Atlantic and Indian oceans. 14 The Dutch East Indies during the early colonial period 15 The southern Dutch dialects spoken by the first settlers developed over time into Cape Dutch Vernacular which was standadised in the early twentieth century and officially called Afrikaans.
    [Show full text]