Prison Privatisation in Au Stralia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Prison Privatisation in Au Stralia The University of Sydney sydney.edu.au Associate Professor Prison Privatisation Jane Andrew, Dr Max Baker and in Australia: Dr Philip Roberts The State of the Nation 2016 Prison Privatisation in Australia: The State of the Nation Accountability, Costs, Performance and Efficiency Associate Professor Jane Andrew, Dr Max Baker and Dr Philip Roberts Contents Background 1 Purpose 2 Part 1: Prison Privatisation: The State of the Nation Findings 4 Limitations 5 Challenges for the Future 5 Part 2: Prison Privatisation: State-by-State Private Prisons in Queensland 8 Private Prisons in New South Wales 20 Private Prisons in South Australia 31 Private Prisons in Victoria 38 Private Prisons in Western Australia 49 Bibliography 60 Biographies 69 The project was partly funded by an industry partnership grant between The University of Sydney Business School and the Western Australian Prison Officers Union (WAPOU). The researchers independently determined the research design and analysis associated with this project. Neither funding body has had any influence on the findings of this report. Contact Associate Professor Jane Andrew [email protected] +61 2 90366277 Dr Max Baker [email protected] +61 2 90367084 Background Australia now imprisons more people than at any point in its history. As of June 2015, 36,134 people were incarcerated across eight states, and the national imprisonment rate stood at 196 prisoners per 100,000 people (ABS, 2015: Table 2). The total annual net cost of Australia’s prison system stands at $3.4 billion (Productivity Commission, 2014: Table 8A.12). As a result of the growth in prisoner numbers and a variety of pressures on the sector, state governments continue to look for new ways to deliver prison services that are thought to be both socially and fiscally responsible, including various forms of privatisation. Prison privatisations have been justified on a number of grounds. The first examination of prison privatisation in Australia, made through the Kennedy report of 1988, asserted that ‘In some particular areas the private sector can do it cheaper and better’ (Kennedy, 1988: 88). Subsequently, in 2009 the New South Wales General Purpose Standing Committee ‘Inquiry into the Privatization of Prisons and Prison Related Services’ concluded that ‘… the private management of prisons will also likely produce greater cost savings and efficiencies than if they were to remain in the public system’ (GPSC-NSW, 2009: 51). Similarly, in 2013 the Queensland Commission of Audit (QCA) claimed that ‘… greater efficiencies can be achieved by private operation of correctional facilities’ (QCA, 2013: 3–250). Equally, the Economic Regulation Authority (ERA), in a 2015 report on Western Australian prisons, remarked that ‘… private prisons are held to higher standards of accountability and transparency than public prisons’ (ERA, 2015c: 92). Accordingly, privatisation has been mooted as a way of providing prison services with greater performance, lower cost, better efficiency and stronger accountability but in reality, little is known about the consequences of privatisation and whether or not they deliver these benefits to the community. Private prisons now incarcerate 18.5% of the prison population of Australia (Productivity Commission, 2014: Table 8A.1), and clearly play a large part in the functioning of the custodial system in Australia. In fact, Australia has the highest rate of private incarceration per capita of any country in the world (Mason, 2013: 2). Out of a total of 101 prisons in Australia, private contractors operate nine facilities in five different states: two prisons in Queensland, two in New South Wales, one in South Australia, two in Victoria and two in Western Australia. Tasmania, the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory do not have private prisons and are therefore outside the scope of this report. Parklea (NSW), Arthur Gorrie (QLD) and Mount Gambier (SA) prisons all deal with remand prisoners. Port Phillip (VIC) and Parklea (NSW) both take maximum security prisoners. The remaining facilities house medium- and low-security prisoners, and do not take part in remand activity. As of 2015, there are only three private contractors responsible for managing custodial services in Australia. These are GEO Group (GEO), G4S and Serco. Private prisons are now responsible for over 6,000 Australian prisoners (Productivity Commission, 2014: Table 8A.1), and absorb a considerable amount of taxpayer money nationally. Despite this, research into private prisons in Australia is extremely limited. Indeed, there has been no single publication or study in the last ten years that has covered all of Australia’s private prisons in detail. The present report aims to deliver such a review and in doing so demonstrates that not only do privately managed prisons across Australia vary greatly in terms of their accountability, costs, performance and efficiency, but also that it is very difficult to assess these criteria because of a general lack of transparency. This comprehensive report of the sector seeks to address this information gap and, as a result, intends to better inform future public debate on prison privatisation. 1 Purpose The purpose of this report is to provide a description of Australian private prisons as they have evolved across the country. Our overview of private prisons in Queensland, New South Wales, South Australia, Victoria and Western Australia will give an understanding of the ‘State of the Nation’ with regard to prison privatisation and its impact. As stated, our study considers private prisons in Australia against four key categories: accountability, costs, performance and efficiency. Accountability represents the avenues available for holding contractors responsible for their actions. Accountability comprises two dimensions. The first dimension of accountability consists of the mechanisms that the government can use to ensure that the services it purchases from private contractors are delivered to an agreed standard. This is what we refer to as ‘internal’ accountability, in that mechanisms make a contractor responsible to the government, but not necessarily to the broader public. The second dimension of accountability is ‘external’, and consists of mechanisms for making the public aware of the nature and performance of contracts between the government and private contractors. External accountability is therefore important, allowing the public to hold those responsible for the prisons’ operations to account. Accountability helps mediate assessments of cost, performance and efficiency. After all, a private prison can only be said to provide accountability if the performance, costs and efficiency of its services is clearly communicated to the public. Accordingly, the study that follows is as much concerned with identifying what kind of data must be made available to make private prisons accountable, as it is with establishing what information is available already. Costs reflects the expense to the state of having prisoners incarcerated in private facilities, including not only amounts paid to contractors, but also expenses involved in tendering contracts and monitoring performance, costs associated with contract failures, and the broader costs of the custodial system. Performance refers to the quality of services provided by a private prison operator. This definition is not limited to performance standards set by the state. Rather, it also includes a broader range of performance metrics not necessarily incorporated into private prison contracts. This aspect of the study will therefore indicate whether private prisons are meeting contractual standards, as well as provide an assessment of whether contractual standards themselves offer a robust measure of performance. Efficiency involves the relationship between the quality of services provided and their overall cost to the taxpayer. In practice, the meaning of efficiency can vary. Greater efficiency can entail an equal performance at a lower cost, a higher performance at the same cost, or even a lower performance at a radically reduced cost. This report consists of two parts. Part 1 provides an overview of our findings. Part 2 provides a detailed state-by-state analysis of the sector. 2 Part 1 Prison Privatisation: The State of the Nation 3 Findings This report explores the distinct nature of prison privatisation across states and the varied nature of their accountability, costs, efficiency and performance. While there is no uniform pattern that describes the experience of all states with regard to these categories, any evidence of performance improvements and efficiency gains remains patchy and opaque; systems of accountability vary significantly; public reporting remains poor; and the total cost of private prisons remains unknown. Overall, we find that there is not sufficient evidence to support claims in favour of prison privatisation in Australia. As a consequence, it is our view that no further privatisations should take place before an appropriate level of information is made available to policy makers and the public in order to properly assess the impact of privatisation on the sector. In addition, there is a need for more research that engages directly with those impacted by the sector: prison employees and prisoners. This lack of available publicly information makes it difficult to make any evidence-based claims about the consequences of prison privatisation in Australia. What we do know is that the way private prisons operate
Recommended publications
  • Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2015 Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1490 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2625217 62 UCLA L. Rev. 1156-1239 (2015) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod EVIEW R ABSTRACT This Article introduces to legal scholarship the first sustained discussion of prison LA LAW LA LAW C abolition and what I will call a “prison abolitionist ethic.” Prisons and punitive policing U produce tremendous brutality, violence, racial stratification, ideological rigidity, despair, and waste. Meanwhile, incarceration and prison-backed policing neither redress nor repair the very sorts of harms they are supposed to address—interpersonal violence, addiction, mental illness, and sexual abuse, among others. Yet despite persistent and increasing recognition of the deep problems that attend U.S. incarceration and prison- backed policing, criminal law scholarship has largely failed to consider how the goals of criminal law—principally deterrence, incapacitation, rehabilitation, and retributive justice—might be pursued by means entirely apart from criminal law enforcement. Abandoning prison-backed punishment and punitive policing remains generally unfathomable. This Article argues that the general reluctance to engage seriously an abolitionist framework represents a failure of moral, legal, and political imagination.
    [Show full text]
  • A Legacy of Supremacy: Prison, Power, and the Carceral Nation
    Western Washington University Western CEDAR WWU Graduate School Collection WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship Winter 2017 A Legacy of Supremacy: Prison, Power, and the Carceral Nation Luke J. Hickey Western Washington University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwuet Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Hickey, Luke J., "A Legacy of Supremacy: Prison, Power, and the Carceral Nation" (2017). WWU Graduate School Collection. 554. https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwuet/554 This Masters Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship at Western CEDAR. It has been accepted for inclusion in WWU Graduate School Collection by an authorized administrator of Western CEDAR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A LEGACY OF SUPREMACY: PRISON, POWER, AND THE CARCERAL NATION By Luke J. Hickey Accepted in Partial Completion of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Kathleen L. Kitto, Dean of the Graduate School ADVISORY COMMITTEE Chair, Dr. Kathleen Young Dr. Sean Bruna Dr. Shurla Thibou MASTER’S THESIS In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a master’s degree at Western Washington University, I grant to Western Washington University the non- exclusive royalty-free right to archive, reproduce, distribute, and display the thesis in any and all forms, including electronic format, via any digital library mechanisms maintained by WWU. I represent and warrant this is my original work, and does not infringe or violate any rights of others. I warrant that I have obtained written permissions from the owner of any third party copyrighted material included in these files.
    [Show full text]
  • The Privatization of Immigration Detention: Towards a Global View a Global Detention Project Working Paper
    The Privatization of Immigration Detention: Towards a Global View A Global Detention Project Working Paper By Michael Flynn and Cecilia Cannon September 2009 THE PRIVATIZATION OF IMMIGRATION DETENTION: TOWARDS A GLOBAL VIEW A Global Detention Project Working Paper By Michael Flynn and Cecilia Cannon∗ September 2009 Summary: The phrase “private prison” has become a term of opprobrium, and for good reason. There are numerous cases of mistreatment and mismanagement at such institutions. However, in the context of immigration detention, this caricature hides a complex phenomenon that is driven by a number of different factors and involves a diverse array of actors who provide a range of services. This working paper employs research undertaken by the Global Detention Project (GDP)—an inter-disciplinary research project based at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies—to help situate the phenomenon of the privatization of immigration detention within a global perspective. Part of the difficulty in assessing this phenomenon is that our understanding of it is based largely on experiences in English-speaking countries. This working paper endeavors to extend analysis of this phenomenon by demonstrating the broad geographical spread of privatized detention practices across the globe, assessing the differing considerations that arise when states decide to privatize, and comparing the experiences of a sample of lesser known cases. I. INTRODUCTION The phrase “private prison” often conjures images of rapacious corporations out to make a buck at the expense of prisoners. Abetted by neoliberal economic policies, private security companies are given a responsibility long considered a core function of the state—the appropriate treatment of people imprisoned because of their crimes.
    [Show full text]
  • Hustle and Flow: Prison Privatization Fueling the Prison Industrial Complex
    FULCHER FINAL (DO NOT DELETE) 6/10/2012 2:43 PM Hustle and Flow: Prison Privatization Fueling the Prison Industrial Complex Patrice A. Fulcher* ABSTRACT The Prison Industrial Complex (“PIC”) is a profiteering system fueled by the economic interests of private corporations, federal and state correctional institutions, and politicians. The PIC grew from ground fertilized by an increase in the U.S. prison population united with an economically depressed market, stretched budgets, and the ineffective allocation of government resources. The role of the federal, state, and local governments in the PIC has been to allocate resources. This is the first of a series of articles exploring issues surrounding the PIC, including (1) prison privatization, (2) outsourcing the labor of prisoners for profit, and (3) constitutional misinterpretations. The U.S. prison population increased in the 1980s, in part, because of harsh drug and sentencing laws and the racial profiling of Blacks. When faced with the problem of managing additional inmates, U.S. correctional institutions looked to the promise of private prison companies to house and control inmates at reduced costs. The result was the privatization of prisons, private companies handling the management of federal and state inmates. This Article addresses how the privatization of prisons helped to grow the PIC and the two ways in which governments’ expenditure of funds to private prison companies amount to an inefficient allocation of resources: (1) it creates an incentive to increase the prison population, which led to a monopoly and manipulation of the market by Correction Corporation of America (“CCA”) and The GEO Group, Inc.
    [Show full text]
  • Private Prison Fact Sheet
    Private Corrections Institute, Inc. QUICK FACTS ABOUT PRISON PRIVATIZATION The private prison industry has a sordid past, dating from the turn of the 20th century when inmates were handed over to private businesses under the “convict lease” system, primarily in the South. Abuses by private prison companies that used inmates for forced labor, including a high rate of prisoner deaths, led government agencies to abandon the concept of for-profit incarceration. The industry revived in the early 1980s due largely to tough-on-crime sentencing laws and the war on drugs, which resulted in an increase in the prison population. A number of companies were formed to capitalize on the developing market for housing inmates, including the industry leader, Corrections Corp. of America (CCA), the industry’s second-largest firm, GEO Group (previously known as Wackenhut Corrections), and Cornell Corrections, MTC, Civigenics and various other smaller companies. The industry expanded in the 1990s due to a crackdown on illegal immigration but has leveled off in more recent years. Today, approximately 8% of state and federal prisoners are held in privately-operated facilities, totaling over 126,000 inmates. Government agencies contract with private prison companies for several reasons, primarily anticipated cost savings and a need for additional bed space. However, there are a number of negative factors related to private prisons that should be considered, including the following: Staff Turnover Rate Staffing costs account for about 80% of operational expenses for prisons whether they are public or private. Thus, one of the main ways that private prison companies reduce costs to increase their profit margins is by cutting staffing expenses.
    [Show full text]
  • State Slavery Sanctioned by the 13Th Amendment
    State Slavery sanctioned by the 13th Amendment HISTORY OF PRISON LABOR IN THE UNITED STATES Prison labor has its roots in slavery. After the 1861-1865 Civil War, a system of “hiring out prisoners” was introduced in order to continue the slavery tradition. Freed slaves were charged with not carrying out their sharecropping commitments (cultivating someone else’s land in exchange for part of the harvest) or petty thievery – which were almost never proven –or vagrancy (leaving the plantation in search of better opportunities) and were then “hired out” for cotton picking, working in mines and building railroads. From 1870 until 1910 in the state of Georgia, 88% of hired-out convicts were Black. In Alabama, 93% of “hired-out” miners were Black. In Mississippi, a huge prison farm similar to the old slave plantations replaced the system of hiring out convicts. The notorious Parchman plantation existed until 1972. At least 37 states have legalized the contracting of prison labor by private corporations that mount their operations inside state prisons. The list of such companies contains the cream of U.S. corporate society: IBM, Boeing, Motorola, Microsoft, AT&T, Wireless, Texas Instrument, Dell, Compaq, Honeywell, Hewlett-Packard, Nortel, Lucent Technologies, 3Com, Intel, Northern Telecom, TWA, Nordstrom’s, Revlon, Macy’s, Pierre Cardin, Target Stores, and many more. All of these businesses are excited about the economic boom generation by prison labor. Just between 1980 and 1994, profits went up from $392 million to $1.31 billion. Inmates in state penitentiaries generally receive the minimum wage for their work, but not all; in Colorado, they get about $2 per hour, well under the minimum.
    [Show full text]
  • Overview of Prison Privatization in Arizona
    Prison Privatization in Arizona A briefing paper prepared by the American Friends Service Committee, Arizona Area Program American Friends Service Committee, Arizona Area 103 N. Park Ave., Ste. 111 Tucson, AZ 85719 (520)623-9141 (520)623-5901 fax [email protected] October 2010 Introduction The American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) is a Quaker organization that works for peace and justice worldwide. Our work is based on a commitment to nonviolence and the belief that all people have value and deserve to be treated with dignity and respect. The AFSC‟s programs promote social justice by focusing on a diverse set of social concerns. The organization‟s criminal justice work has always focused on the need for an effective and humane criminal justice system that emphasizes rehabilitation over punishment. Here in Arizona, our criminal justice program advocates for a reduction in the state‟s prison population through rational sentencing reform and a moratorium on new prison construction. A key focus of that effort is our work to educate the public on the risks inherent in prison privatization through for-profit prison corporations. This document is an attempt to paint a picture of the current efforts at privatization of prisons in the state of Arizona and raise questions about the potential pitfalls of this practice. Arizona Overview Arizona‟s experiment with for-profit incarceration began in the early 90‟s when the state faced the first of many prison overcrowding crises. Arizona‟s first privately operated prison was the Marana Community Correctional Treatment Facility, a minimum-security prison for people with substance abuse issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Private Prisons the Wrong Choice for Alabama
    POLICY BRIEF PRIVATE PRISONS THE WRONG CHOICE FOR ALABAMA OCTOBER 2017 Alabama is grappling with how to reform an overcrowded, understaffed prison system that perpetuates violence and fails to rehabilitate prisoners. It’s a problem that has confronted many other states as their prison populations mushroomed during the era of “tough-on- crime” policies that made America the incarceration capital of the world. Beginning in the late 1980s, some states turned to pri- quately trained corrections officers and remarkably vate, for-profit companies to operate their prisons in high staff turnover. hopes of controlling costs. As Alabama contemplates In recent years, many states have ended their con- prison expansion, state officials may be tempted to fol- tracts with such companies, realizing that the long- low suit in a misguided effort to cut costs. At least one term cost savings originally promised were largely major prison company – GEO Group – has already illusory. Between 1999 and 2010, nine states2 elim- established a foothold in Alabama by buying a inated their reliance on private prison com- re-entry facility in Columbiana and a vacant panies. In addition, Wisconsin has reduced building in Perry County.1 BETWEEN 1999 AND the number of prisoners in private facili- 2010, 9 STATES 3 Private prisons, however, are not the ELIMINATED THEIR ties from thousands to dozens. answer. Focused solely on their bottom RELIANCE ON The Federal Bureau of Prisons an- line, private prisons cut costs wherever PRIVATE PRISON nounced in late 2016 that it would
    [Show full text]
  • Notes from the Structural Trasnformation of the Public Sphere
    Communicating Courts: an Analysis of the Changing Interface Between the Courts and the Media Author Johnston, Jane Published 2005 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School School of Arts, Media and Culture DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/3332 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367566 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Communicating courts: an analysis of the changing interface between the courts and the media Submitted by Jane Louise Johnston B Bus (Comm) MA School of Arts, Media and Culture Faculty of Arts Griffith University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2004 Abstract This research investigates the changing relationship between the courts and the news media in Australia. While providing a broad historical context for this relationship, it focuses specifically on the past decade and the significant changes in communications practice within many Australian court jurisdictions. The study critically examines the role of public information officers (PIOs) in the Australian court system from 1993. It also investigates debates around experimentation with television cameras in Australian courts. It further critically examines other initiatives, undertaken by the courts through the PIO, including the development of court-media liaison committees, judgment summaries, websites and standardised request forms. This investigation brings together a range of perspectives about the court-media relationship. The findings are based on responses from 32 semi-structured interviews, conducted across seven jurisdictions in Australia over 28 months. Those interviewed include judges, PIOs, television reporters, news directors and newspaper reporters.
    [Show full text]
  • Prison Privatization in the United States: a New Strategy for Racial Control
    PRISON PRIVATIZATION IN THE UNITED STATES: A NEW STRATEGY FOR RACIAL CONTROL by Gertrudis Mercadal A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Florida Atlantic University Boca Raton, Florida August 2014 Copyright by Gertrudis Mercadal 2014 ii PRISON PRIVATIZATION IN THE UNITED STATES: A NEW STRATEGY FOR RACIAL CONTROL by Gertrudis Mercadal This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s dissertation advisor, Dr. Farshad Araghi, Department of Sociology, and has been approved by the members of her supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of the Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts & Letters and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: ______________________________ Farshad Araghi, Ph.D. Dissertation Advisor ______________________________ Susan Love Brown, Ph.D. _____________________________ Simon Glynn, Ph.D. ___________________________________ Michael J. Horswell, Ph.D. Director, Comparative Studies Program ___________________________________ Heather Coltman, DMA Dean, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts & Letters ___________________________________ __________________ Deborah L. Floyd, Ed.D. Date Interim Dean, Graduate College iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to express her sincere love and gratitude to her husband, André Sabbagh, and her mother, Lucy Cottone Palencia, for their encouragement and patience during the writing of this manuscript. The author also wishes to thank the members of her advisory committee for their valuable time and advice during the development of this work, most especially Dr. Farshad Araghi for his insightful guidance and thoughtful mentorship during the years of research and writing of this dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Gulag: the Correctional Industrial Complex in America
    , j The American Gulag: The Correctional Industrial Complex in America Randall G. Shelden Department of Criminal Justice University of Nevada-Las Vegas Introduction "More than 200,000 scientists and engineers have applied themselves to solving military problems and hundreds of thousands more to innovation in other areas of modern life, but only a handful are working to control the crimes that injure or frighten millions of Americans each year. Yet the two communities have much to offer each other: Science and technology is a valuable source of knowledge and techniques for combating crime; the criminal justice system represents a vast area of challenging problems. ,,1 President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, 1967. A specter is haunting America and it is not the specter of "communism" that Marx and Engels warned us about over 100 years ago. This is much more threatening. This is the specter of the "criminal justice industrial complex." It is an industry run amok. It is awash with cash and profits beyond anyone's imagination. It needs crime. It needs victims. It needs the blood of citizens, like a vampire does. As the news industry saying goes, "If it bleeds, it leads. " Crime today, as always, is often front page news. It dominates the local nightly newscasts, complete with film footage of the victims and the perpetrators. Prime time television is often similarly dominated by crime - from full-length movies to so-called "live" broadcasts of police in action catching criminals. Millions flock to the movie theaters every week to see the latest episodes of crime and violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Questions Without Notice Friday,2 November
    Questions without Notice 2 November 1984 ASSEMBLY 1781 Friday,2 November 1984 COSTIGAN ROYAL COMMISSION REPORT The SPEAKER (the Hon. C. T. Edmunds) Mr ROSS-EDWARDS (Leader of the took the chair at 10.35 a.m. and read the National Party)-I refer the Premier to the prayer. many recommendations made by Mr Cos­ tigan in his report regarding legislative changes, which are necessary and urgent, QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE and the fact that ready acceptance of those recommendations was reached in principle by the Premier. In the light of those recom­ FEDERAL GOVERNMENT mendations, will the Premier give further PAMPHLET ON SCHOOLS consideration to this Parliament meeting in Mr JONA (Hawthorn)-On my last day's the first fortnight of December to bring sitting in Parliament, I raise with the Min­ about these legislative changes. I refer him ister of Education the 2015th issue I have to four particular areas where the need is raised in this Parliament, over the past 21 obvious: The Lotteries Gaming and Betting years. I ask the Minister whether he is aware Act, the Crimes Act, the Building Societies that the Federal Government pamphlet Act and the Bail Act. entitled "Improving Australian Schools" has Mr CAIN (Premier)-The Government been banned by the Western Australian responded quickly to the recommendations Labor Government for distribution within that were made. As I recollect, some 24 of Government schools in that State on the those recommendations affected Victoria ground that it is mere Federal election solely or in part, and the Government made propaganda, and that there have been moves decisions in respect of some eighteen of to ban the distribution of that booklet in them.
    [Show full text]