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GUIDE to CIVIL SOCIETY in NAMIBIA 3Rd Edition
GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA GUIDE TO 3Rd Edition 3Rd Compiled by Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono and Naita Marowa PJ Rejoice Compiled by GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA 3rd Edition AN OVERVIEW OF THE MANDATE AND ACTIVITIES OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS IN NAMIBIA Compiled by Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono GUIDE TO CIVIL SOCIETY IN NAMIBIA COMPILED BY: Rejoice PJ Marowa and Naita Hishoono PUBLISHED BY: Namibia Institute for Democracy FUNDED BY: Hanns Seidel Foundation Namibia COPYRIGHT: 2018 Namibia Institute for Democracy. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means electronical or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the permission of the publisher. DESIGN AND LAYOUT: K22 Communications/Afterschool PRINTED BY : John Meinert Printing ISBN: 978-99916-865-5-4 PHYSICAL ADDRESS House of Democracy 70-72 Dr. Frans Indongo Street Windhoek West P.O. Box 11956, Klein Windhoek Windhoek, Namibia EMAIL: [email protected] WEBSITE: www.nid.org.na You may forward the completed questionnaire at the end of this guide to NID or contact NID for inclusion in possible future editions of this guide Foreword A vibrant civil society is the cornerstone of educated, safe, clean, involved and spiritually each community and of our Democracy. uplifted. Namibia’s constitution gives us, the citizens and inhabitants, the freedom and mandate CSOs spearheaded Namibia’s Independence to get involved in our governing process. process. As watchdogs we hold our elected The 3rd Edition of the Guide to Civil Society representatives accountable. -
Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
United States of America–Namibia Relations William a Lindeke*
From confrontation to pragmatic cooperation: United States of America–Namibia relations William A Lindeke* Introduction The United States of America (USA) and the territory and people of present-day Namibia have been in contact for centuries, but not always in a balanced or cooperative fashion. Early contact involved American1 businesses exploiting the natural resources off the Namibian coast, while the 20th Century was dominated by the global interplay of colonial and mandatory business activities and Cold War politics on the one hand, and resistance diplomacy on the other. America was seen by Namibian leaders as the reviled imperialist superpower somehow pulling strings from behind the scenes. Only after Namibia’s independence from South Africa in 1990 did the relationship change to a more balanced one emphasising development, democracy, and sovereign equality. This chapter focuses primarily on the US’s contributions to the relationship. Early history of relations The US has interacted with the territory and population of Namibia for centuries – indeed, since the time of the American Revolution.2 Even before the beginning of the German colonial occupation of German South West Africa, American whaling ships were sailing the waters off Walvis Bay and trading with people at the coast. Later, major US companies were active investors in the fishing (Del Monte and Starkist in pilchards at Walvis Bay) and mining industries (e.g. AMAX and Newmont Mining at Tsumeb Copper, the largest copper mine in Africa at the time). The US was a minor trading and investment partner during German colonial times,3 accounting for perhaps 7% of exports. -
4 October 1985
other prices on page 2 MPC plans UK foreign office BY GWEN LISTER PLANS HAVE REACHED an advanced stage to open an office with an undisclosed status in London to promote the interim government abroad. The Head of the Department of Interstate Relations, Mr Carl von Bach, and the new co· ordinator of the London venture, Mr Sean Cleary, have ar· rived in london to prepare for the new operation. The interim government's Minister of Justice and Information, Mr Fanuel Kozonguizi, has confirmed that the London office will be elevat ed to a new status, but the interim Cabinet must still take a final de cision on the modalities of the new campaign. It was not yet cl ear whether Mr Cleary will be permanently stationed in London. 'It is up to him' Mr Kozo nguizi said. He added that the 'extern~ l poli cy' o f the interim admini stration till had to be established. At this stage they would no~be.~eeking 'inter.na tional recognition', Mr Kozonguizi said. A fo rmer So uth African diplo mat, Mr Sean Cleary took over from Mr Billy Marais as Public Relations Consultant fo r the interim govern POLICE WATCH burning barricades in Athlone, Cape Town, the scene of continuing vio ment on October 1. In that position this week. he will be controlling public relations See inside today for the story of dramatic protests at the University of the Western Cape. MR SEAN CLEA RY - interim (Photograph by Dave Hartman of Afrapix). government's 'rovi ng ambassador'. Continued on page 3 Ministers may boycott Council BIG SPRING BY GWEN LISTER net, the participation of two vote in a Cabinet meeting ofSep COMPETITION groups in the Constitutional tember 11. -
Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest of Recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A
Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A. Citation Gewald, J. B. (2004). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense. In Genocide, war crimes and the West: history and complicity (pp. 59-77). London: Zed Books. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest for Recompense Jan-Bart Gewald On 9 September 2001, the Herero People's Reparations Corporation lodged a claim in a civil court in the US District of Columbia. The claim was directed against the Federal Republic of Germany, in the person of the German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, for crimes against humanity, slavery, forced labor, violations of international law, and genocide. Ninety-seven years earlier, on n January 1904, in a small and dusty town in central Namibia, the first genocide of the twentieth Century began with the eruption of the Herero—German war.' By the time hostilities ended, the majority of the Herero had been killed, driven off their land, robbed of their cattle, and banished to near-certain death in the sandy wastes of the Omaheke desert. The survivors, mostly women and children, were incarcerated in concentration camps and put to work as forced laborers (Gewald, 1995; 1999: 141—91). Throughout the twenti- eth Century, Herero survivors and their descendants have struggled to gain recognition and compensation for the crime committed against them. -
Revisiting the Windhoek Old Location
Revisiting the Windhoek Old Location Henning Melber1 Abstract The Windhoek Old Location refers to what had been the South West African capital’s Main Lo- cation for the majority of black and so-called Colored people from the early 20th century until 1960. Their forced removal to the newly established township Katutura, initiated during the late 1950s, provoked resistance, popular demonstrations and escalated into violent clashes between the residents and the police. These resulted in the killing and wounding of many people on 10 December 1959. The Old Location since became a synonym for African unity in the face of the divisions imposed by apartheid. Based on hitherto unpublished archival documents, this article contributes to a not yet exist- ing social history of the Old Location during the 1950s. It reconstructs aspects of the daily life among the residents in at that time the biggest urban settlement among the colonized majority in South West Africa. It revisits and portraits a community, which among former residents evokes positive memories compared with the imposed new life in Katutura and thereby also contributed to a post-colonial heroic narrative, which integrates the resistance in the Old Location into the patriotic history of the anti-colonial liberation movement in government since Independence. O Lord, help us who roam about. Help us who have been placed in Africa and have no dwelling place of our own. Give us back a dwelling place.2 The Old Location was the Main Location for most of the so-called non-white residents of Wind- hoek from the early 20th century until 1960, while a much smaller location also existed until 1961 in Klein Windhoek. -
ANGOLA ZAMBIA Ovausciland RHODESIA BOTSWANA SOUTH
4 • • ANGOLA ZAMBIA OvAUSCILAND : AV ANOO RHODESIA BOTSWANA SWAKOPMUND, • WINDHOEK WALVIS BAY LUDERITZ SOUTH AFRICA NAMIBIA IN OUTLINE Formerly known as South West Africa, Namibia was officially renamed in June 1968 by resolution of the United Nations General Assembly. On 27 October 1966, the UN formally assumed direct responsibility amibia for Namibia after unilaterally revoking the Mandate over the territory granted to South Africa by the League of Nations in 1920. However, the UN has so far been unable to translate this formal responsibility into effective control. South Africa refuses to recognize UN authority 1. Introduction in Namibia and continues to administer the country. Amnesty International is particularly concerned about the following issues in A relatively large but sparsely populated country, Namibia has a Namibia: total land area of some 825,000 square kilometers. It is strategically located in the south-western corner of Africa and is bordered on the the widespread use of detention without trial to suppress political west by the Atlantic Ocean. Neighbours to the north are Angola and opposition and intimidate opponents of continued South African rule Zambia, to the east Botswana, and to the south and east South Africa. in Namibia; Walvis Bay, the main port, is a South African enclave. the torture of political detainees; In 1974, Namibia's population was estimated at 852,000. Africans the application to Namibia of various South African security laws such comprised 88%, the whites constituted the remaining 12%. as the Terrorism Act, the Internal Security Act and the "Sabotage Act"; Despite this extreme racial imbalance, 43% of Namibia's land area the imprisonment in South African—rather than in Namibian—prisons is reserved for occupation by the white settler minority under South of Namibians convicted of political offences, and the South African Africa's 1964 Odendaal Commission proposals. -
African Union (AU) Commission Campaign Against Trafficking in Persons
MEDIA ADVISORY Consultative Workshop on Operationalizing the Ouagadougou Action Plan to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings & Launching of the African Union (AU) Commission Campaign against trafficking in persons INVITATION TO REPRESENTATIVES OF THE MEDIA TO COVER THE WORKSHOP AND TO ATTEND THE OPENING CEREMONY AND PRESS BRIEFING WHAT: Two-day consultative workshop on operationalising the Ouagadougou Action Plan to Combat Trafficking In Human Beings Especially Women and Children & Launching of The AU Commission Initiative Against Trafficking In Persons (AU.COMMIT) Campaign With The Regional Economic Communities. WHO: Advocate Bience Gawanas, Commissioner for Social Affairs of the AU Mr Mandiaye Niang, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Regional Representative for Southern Africa Mr. Bernardo Mariano-Joaquim, International Organization for Migration (IOM) Regional Director for East and Southern Africa WHEN: Opening Ceremony starts on 29 November 2011, 09:00-10:00 am followed by a press briefing at 10:00 WHERE: Johannesburg, Republic of South Africa, Kopanong Hotel, Tel: +27 (11) 749-0000, Fax: +27 (11) 967-1389, 243 Glen Gory Road, Norton Estate, Benoni, South Africa, http://www.kopanong.co.za. OBJECTIVES: The consultative workshop will foster effective ways of networking, coordination and cooperation among Member States and partners to address trafficking in persons in Southern Africa in a more strategic and programmatic manner. The objective will also be to sensitise SADC member states on the operationalisation of the Ouagadougou Action Plan to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings, Especially Women and Children, and on the regional launching of the AU. COMMIT campaign. The AU.COMMIT Campaign endeavours to raise awareness of the AU’s continued commitment towards addressing the problem of trafficking in human beings throughout the continent. -
Namibia After 26 Years
On the other side of the picture are elements in the police and to devote their energies instead to making the force who are not neutral, or are trigger-happy, or are country ungovernable. Such lessons are more easily both. They may well be covert rightwingers trying to learnt than forgotten. Ungovernability down there, where sabotage reform. Other rightwingers seem set on making the necklace lies in wait for non-conformists, and the the mining town of Welkom a no-go area for Blacks. They incentive to learn has been largely lost, presents the ANC may not stop there. with a major problem. For Mr De Klerk it certainly makes his task of persuading Whites to accept a future in a non- More disturbing than any of this has been the resurrection racial democracy a thousand times more difficult. of the dreaded "necklace", surely one of the most despicable and dehumanising methods over conceived So what has to be done if what is threatening to become a for dealing with people you think might not be on your lost generation is to be saved, and if something like the side. The leaders of the liberation movement who failed, Namibian miracle is to be made to happen here? for whatever reason, to put a stop to this ghastly practice when it first reared its head amongst their supporters all People need to be given something they feel is important those years ago, may well live to rue that day. Only and constructive to do. What better than building a new Desmond Tutu and a few other brave individuals ever society? risked their own lives to stop it. -
Inter-State and Intra-Regional Cooperation on Migration Management in the IGAD Region
Inter-State and Intra-Regional Cooperation on Migration Management in the IGAD Region A Workshop Report 12th - 14th May 2008, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Migration Management in the IGAD Region 1 Acknowledgement his report of the workshop on Inter-State and Intra-Regional Cooperation on Migration Management in the IGAD Region forms part of the East Africa Migration Route Programme: T“building co-operation, information sharing and developing joint practical initiatives amongst countries of origin, transit and destination” within the framework of the EU-Africa Strategic Partnerships on Migration and Development. We wish to acknowledge the excellent coordination and hard work of the IGAD, AUC and IOM teams in the publication of this report. We wish to acknowledge in particular: Ms. Fathia Alwan – Programme Manager of the IGAD Health and Social Affairs Desk, Mr. Mehari Taddele Maru – Programme Coordinator of the AU Social Affairs Commission, Ms. Sara Mohammed - IOM National Programme and Liaison Officer and Ms. Lily Sanya – IOM Migration Technical Advisor to IGAD for their dedication and untiring efforts in the organization of the workshop. We also wish to express our special gratitude to the EC and the co-sponsors: the Governments of the United Kingdom, Italy, The Netherlands and Malta for the financial support under the AENEAS Financial and Technical Assistance Programme to Third Countries in the field of migration and asylum. We also wish to express our appreciation to the Programme Technical Advisory Group comprising of representatives of IGAD, AUC, IOM, the Embassies of UK, Italy, Netherlands, EC Delegation in Ethiopia and the IGAD Liaison Officer to the AU for their cooperation and invaluable technical advice and support towards the programme implementation. -
Human Rights in Africa, See Also Zeleza (2006:42–43)
The African Union: Concepts and implementation mechanisms relating to human rights The African Union: Concepts and implementation mechanisms relating to human rights Bience Gawanas Introduction This paper focuses on the evolution of human rights within the African Union (AU), starting from the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. The paper therefore takes as its basic premise the following: • Since its establishment, the OAU has been preoccupied with human rights, as evidenced by the struggle for the decolonisation of Africa and the right to self-determination and independence. Embodied within this, no doubt, is the fact that those agitating and fighting for independence used human rights standards to justify their struggle, as colonialism had no regard for the human rights of colonised people. • The AU, in contrast to the OAU, made human rights an explicit part of its mandate, as embodied in its Constitutive Act, and mainstreamed human rights in all its activities and programmes. However, it is clear that the current methodologies require strengthening with a view to developing a holistic, comprehensive and integrated approach to ensure that all human rights are respected. • Because it is linked to the above points, the human rights discourse cannot be divorced from its historical context or the prevailing political, social, economic and cultural conditions on the continent – particularly when it is understood that the struggle for human rights and the establishment of a human rights system are products of a concrete social struggle.1 In this regard, human rights are also as much about civil and political rights as they are about economic, social and cultural rights. -
S/87%' 6 August 1968 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH
UNITED NATIO Distr . GENERA1 S/87%' 6 August 1968 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH LETTER DATED 5 AUGTJST 1968 FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED NATIONS COUNCIL FOR NAMIBIA ADDRESSED TO 'THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL I have the honour to bring to your attention a message received by the Secretary-General from Mr, Clemens Kapuuo of Windhoek, Namibia, on 24 July lsi'48, stating that non-white Namibians were being forcibly removed from their homes in Windhoek to the new segregated area of Katutura, and requesting the Secretary- General to convene a meeting of the Security Council to consider the matter. According to the message, the deadline for their removal is 31 August 1968, after which date they would not be allowed to continue to live in their present areas of residence. On the same date the Secretary-General transmitted the message in a letter to the United Nations Council for Namibia as he felt that the Council might wish to give the matter urgent attention. A copy of the letter is attached herewith (annex I). The Council considered the matter at its 34th and 35th meetings, held on 25 July 1968 and 5 August 1968 respectively. According to information available to the Council (annex II), the question of the removal of non-whites from their homes in Windhoek to the segregated area 0-P IChtutura first arose in 1959 and was the subject of General Assembly resolution 1567 (XV) of 18 December 1960. At the aforementioned meetings, the Council concluded that the recent actions of the South African Government constitute further evidence of South Africa's continuing defiance of the authority of the United Nations and a further violation of General Assembly resolutions 2145 (XXI), 2248 (S-V), 2325 (XXII) and 2372 (XXII).