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Realities and Ideals; Social, Political, Literary and Artistic ij!Pl!!!''li:^!i|ii'|!i;!i% ! Iliiifili: viil>!i>iillihiiii'< 'I BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM' THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF ..3L<^7.s./.A A^.Z/jJaJ... 9963 The date sho-ws when this valume was taken. T6 renaw this book copy the call No. and give to the Uorarian. **-«<iSl:«Si; Cornell University Library PR4759.H38R41908 Realities and ideals; social, political. ^ 1924 013 480 086 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013480086 REALITIES AND IDEALS -y^y^ THE MACMILLAN COMPANY KEW YORK • BOSTON - CHICAGO ATLANTA ' SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., Limited LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd, TORONTO REALITIES AND IDEALS SOCIAL, POLITICAL, LITERARY AND ARTISTIC BY FREDERIC HARRISON Weto got* THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1908 All rights reurved \ 1 Yi,i,^iii;)Vir,n 1 ^.%2]^\^^ VH /ill II Copyright, igo8, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published September, 1908. J. B. CuBhing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. TO E. B. H. CONTENTS FACE Preface xi PART I SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ESSAY I. England and France i II. The Future of Woman 63 III. The Realm of Woman 82 IV. The Work of Women 102 V. Votes for Women 123 VI. Civil Marriage 138 VII. Religious Marriage 146 VIII. Marriage Law Conflicts 151 IX. Funeral Rites 156 X. Cremation 161 XI. Centenaries 167 XII. Modern Pilgrimages 175 XIII. The Use of Sunday 180 XIV. The Veto on Drink 187 vii VIU REALITIES AND IDEALS ESSAY PAGE XV. Church Disestablishment 193 XVI. The Recognition of Anglican Orders . -199 XVII. The Crisis in the Church - 206 XVIII. Primary Education 214 XIX. Metropolitan School Board 221 XX. Parliamentary Candidature 224 XXI. Reform of the Lords 227 XXII. A True Senate 232 XXIII. The Lords Once More 237 XXIV. Parliamentary Procedure 342 PART II LITERATURE AND ART ^ I. The Uses of Rich Men . 263 II. The Revival of the Drama 278 III. ' Decadence in Modern Art 293 IV. N Art and Shoddy 307 V. Thoughts about Education 320 VI. Education versus Examination 331 - VII. Literature To-day . 344 VIII. "Fors Clavigera'" . 348 IX. The Century Club . 352 X. Sir Leslie Stephen . 360 XI. Francis W. Newman 371 CONTENTS ESSAY XII. Canon Liddon . 378 XIII. Sir Charles Cookson 383 XIV. Sir James Knowles . 386 XV. Herbert Spencer 390 " XVI. Herbert Spencer's " Life 393 XVII. Municipal Museums of Paris 399 XVIII. Paris in 1851 and in 1907 414 XIX. The Elgin Marbles 432 XX. A Pompeii for the Thirtieth Century 446 PREFACE This volume is the fourth of a series of Essays published in the present and the preceding year : — The Creed of a Layman, 1907, The Philosophy of Common Sense, 1907, National and Social Problems, 1908, Realities and Ideals, 1908. The collected series treats of Religion, Philosophy, Politics, Economics, Literature, and Art. Diverse as are the subjects, and varied as is the form, of these studies, they are all based on one coherent scheme of thought — the Positivist Synthesis — a reorganisation of life, at once intellectual, moral, and social, by faith in our common Humanity. The forty-four Essays have been composed at various times over more than forty years ; yet, I trust, they will be found to be not only consistent but mutually to explain and complete each other. Some appeared in early num- bers of English or American Reviews : some were written in the present year : a few were printed privately or were known only to colleagues and friends. The whole are more or less biographic, and are personal reminiscences of men whom I have known, of movements in which I have had a share, or of events which I have witnessed. xii REALITIES AND IDEALS " The first and principal Essay on "England and France is an extract from a joint volume on International Policy, first published in 1866 and since reissued. It embodies the writer's mature belief in a systematic co-operation be- tween our two nations as the key of peace and progress in Europe. That which half a century ago was but a distant Ideal to me and to my friends, I have lived to see as a Reality — accepted, effective, and permanent. Three Essays on the burning questions of the Rights, Duties, and Claims of Women have not previously ap- peared in print. The fifth Essay, on " Votes for Women," has been written in view of the present agitation, which I regard as charged with tremendous consequences, political, social, and moral. Twenty of these papers were published in the small Positivist Review (Watts & Co., 3^?'.), in which I have con- tinued to write, almost month by month, since its founda- tion in January 1893. These Essays deal with current topics, political, social, and literary ; the subjects are of perennial interest, and time has by no means led me to modify the principles on which they were based. A few papers appeared in the Press or were addressed to public associations. I have to thank The Fortnightly Review, The Nineteenth Century, The Cornhill Magazine, and The Forum of New York for courteous permission to include in this volume articles contributed on various occasions within the last twenty years. The twenty papers in Part II. on Literature, Art, Drama, and Education arose out of various incidents or discussions of the day ; and I trust that no too punctilious reader will PREFACE XIU pronounce them to be beneath the attention of a serious moralist : — rideniem dicere verum quid vetat ? The general theory of life on which all that I have ever written is grounded, assumes that every form of culture and everything that tends to brighten our existence should contribute in its place to the sum of human happiness : — humani nihil a me alienum. Hawkhurst, August 1908. PART I SOCIAL AND POLITICAL I ENGLAND AND FRANCE (From International Policy, 1866) I Since the close of the Revolutionary war, the pivot upon which the politics of Europe have hinged will be found in the relations of England with France. For fifty years this fact has been gaining in importance and distinctness. It has now, both here and abroad, modified the thoughts of writers, politicians, and the public. The events of each suc- ceeding decade show with new force, that in union between the two great heads of the West lies the true protection to Europe against attack from without, against war from within ; its best guarantee for freedom, peace, and progress. Notorious disunion between the two Powers has uniformly been the signal to Europe for intrigue, oppression, embroil- ment, and war. Order and progress generally have gained or lost just as this union has been intimate or weak. It may be said that, if this last half-century has been to Europe a period of almost unexampled prosperity and repose, it is because the first condition of both — union between the heads of Western civilisation — has never been so nearly realised before. This union, however, has been at best but imperfect and precarious. It has not rested on political doctrine or general conviction. Yet, rudely shaken as it has been, it has sufficed to protect us from actual war, and, indeed, from 2 REALITIES AND IDEALS any serious or protracted rupture. We may trust that each year of well-used peace makes war between England and France more and more improbable. It is yet, however, far from impossible (written in 1864). That it should be so, much remains to be accomplished in both countries. In both there must arise very different conceptions of the duties, the rights, and the true interests of nations; a new sense of responsibility in public men and teachers; a con- viction here and in Europe that such a war would be the greatest of all European calamities; a belief that it would retard our progress for the life, at least, of a generation. A feeling between the two great neighbours, sufficiently friendly to preserve them from collision, has thus gradually grown stronger. It has not yet become strong enough to re- move the constant recurrence of quarrels, fanned from time to tim£ by the craft or the folly of politicians and journal- ists in both countries. Nor has this feeling succeeded in staying that ceaseless undercurrent of jealousy, misunder- standing, and antagonism that crosses the main tide of goodwill which sets from shore to shore. Indefinite, un- stable, and without root, the harmony between England and France has been an instinct, and not a principle. If it has preserved us from great evils, it has not been able to achieve any grand success. It has sufficed for the calm ; it will not bear the trial of the storm (1864). It is the purpose of this Essay to inquire into the mode by which this union might be grounded on a permanent and solid base ; to ask what must be the conditions, what would be the results, of a standing and definite alliance. The great European importance of any such union of England and France is this, that in an especial manner these two Powers represent, if they do not guide, the grand movements of our actual state system. Whatever the intellectual and ENGLAND AND FRANCE 3 moral gifts of other races in Europe, for the time these two nations are the great political forces of the West. They are essentially co-ordinate, though not antagonistic. England represents tradition, stability, personal liberty, law, indus- trialism, and national independence.
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