SWP Research Paper 2012/R 01, January 2012, 49 Pages
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Jihadism: Online Discourses and Representations
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 Studying Jihadism 2 3 4 5 6 Volume 2 7 8 9 10 11 Edited by Rüdiger Lohlker 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 The volumes of this series are peer-reviewed. 37 38 Editorial Board: Farhad Khosrokhavar (Paris), Hans Kippenberg 39 (Erfurt), Alex P. Schmid (Vienna), Roberto Tottoli (Naples) 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 Rüdiger Lohlker (ed.) 2 3 4 5 6 7 Jihadism: Online Discourses and 8 9 Representations 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 With many figures 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 & 37 V R unipress 38 39 Vienna University Press 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; 24 detailed bibliographic data are available online: http://dnb.d-nb.de. -
Albania's Foreign Policy an Outlook for the Future.Pdf
1 2 INTRODUCTION TO THE PUBLICATION: “Albania´s bilateral relations: foreign policy challenges and opportunities” outheast Europe and especially its part of the so-called “Western Balkans” is in public opinion generally regarded as a key geostrategic region, but still also perceived as some area of remain- ing open or hidden local tensions and neighbor- hood-conflicts due to the continuity of diverse political or religious identities, ideologies and in- terests. Such obvious political or mental factors, mainly caused Sby partial still existing intolerant mind-set, misperception and prejudice-pattern, could lead to some further stagnation or delay of some necessary reconciliation and cooperation pro- cess and could over this provoke the danger of maintenance or recurrence of populism or nationalism. In consequence such a possible scenario would have decisive influence on regional stability of the “Western Balkans”. Basic precondition for development and peace in that frag- ile region are communication and cooperation between all relevant Western-Balkan-6 neighbor-states (WB-6), such as Albania, Serbia, North-Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina, as it is manifested and proclaimed in the “Berlin-Process” agenda. Such an interactive approach obvi- 3 ously corresponds to the renewed “Enlargement-Strategy” of the European Commission from February 2018, to guarantee the “EU-Thessaloniki-promises form 2003”, if the Western Bal- kan States are really ready to solve their problems in a cooper- ative consensus also by themselves in “Regional Ownership”. According to the processes of political decision-making there should not be any doubt about the fact, that construc- tive neighborhood-relations and regional cooperation of the WB-6-states need as basic pillars mutual understanding and widely common interests. -
Behgjet Pacolli - Mgr Ceo Ma Bet Ex Group EXECUTIVE OFFICE of the SECRETARY-GENERAL
behgjet pacolli - mgr ceo ma bet ex group EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ACTON Secretary General Kofi Annan (MAJlpS Executive Office of the Secretary General UN Headquarters #3-3800 New York, NY 10017 USA Lugano, the 21st of February '05 BP/sb Your Excellency, As you know on 28 October 2004JhjreeJUN employees assigned to the UN Mission in Afghanistan^ onejgfthem JfTCSso^ 30 "Octob'ef," after having received Jess than satisfactHry"el^laHaTi67islfom representatives of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo, I was contacted by the family of one of the hostages. I subsequently went to Kabul arriyjng there_on 6 November. I immediately^asked for a meeting with your representatives believing thaFan exchange of information was important. Between 6 and 12 November, when I finally met briefly with representatives from the UN „ y^TTJr^ ,-u.-Tf-_ - ^ -rrjjij j^-j ^n.^.tj.-.-.^.^.rr-^vM.j^n.i.v-Tr- • iv-ti' jrvii i^TOWmn*—«LHT*-LVL^-i>J0«-Bt-**"*'*':il*>—"""~'^*~~"'^"''^'^™'1^*-"'^"*~^*'0&n-«^i.cW7^i>JM^ws^ *»«i«*<« «»wra-u. Mission,_l_sp_oke_witfj f h six AfghanJWimstriesg , had aj]^^i£ncej/v[th^ The^Khig^and^jreceiveM ftr d considerable supporTfronTWe local W"Statiori and numerous other pTivatelndividualsrbne of _—— —•-*-«*ft. «. - ...—ij*^^,^»..«r^^ .-»9t -^-^-^-"-^-««*'««™'»"^^^ "••*•.."«.•. IJ...H ™—-—.y»*—• ^«^«^^^^-<-~ .- t »««-*w:*»'je^ iw'.*. who3 m walB sJ w able to >rforganizb i e a meeting in Peshawar with representativeT T Wt s ofr the hostage takers. The meeting that I h^dh/vithjfour representatives on IgJJQvernbejLwasi both brjef and less than_.s.ubstantive. TrTeNTwere a Mr. Kabir. and a^ Mr. Manuel. Mr. -
Kosovo » Atifete Jahjaga
» Biografías Líderes Políticos » Europa » Kosovo » Atifete Jahjaga Atifete Jahjaga © Unión Europea (2016) Kosovo Acttualliizaciión:: 26 abrriill 2021 Presidenta de la República (2011-2016) Mandatto:: 7 abrriill 2011 -- 7 abrriill 2016 Naciimiientto:: Rashkoc,, diisttrriitto de Gjjakova ((Dakoviica)),, 20 abrriill 1975 Parttiido pollííttiico:: siin ffiilliiaciión Proffesiión:: Polliicíía Editado por: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentación El 7 de abril de 2011, en una elección exprés celebrada al día siguiente de su nominación, la Asamblea de Kosovo invistió presidenta de la República a Atifete Jahjaga, vicedirectora de la Policía kosovar con el rango de general y no perteneciente a ningún partido. La candidatura de esta uniformada de 36 años con un brillante currículum fue consensuada por las principales fuerzas políticas para zanjar la crisis instalada en el último medio año en la institución ejecutiva, dos veces vacante por las dimisiones sucesivas de Fatmir Sejdiu y el efímero Behgjet Pacolli, desautorizados ambos por el Tribunal Constitucional. De acuerdo con el pacto de estabilidad que vincula al PDK del primer ministro Hashim Thaçi a su aliado en el Gobierno, la Alianza por un Nuevo Kosovo (AKR), y al principal partido de la oposición, la Liga Democrática de Kosovo (LDK), Jahjaga tendrá un mandato transitorio, hasta que se elabore una reforma constitucional que introducirá la elección presidencial directa, probablemente en un año. La flamante presidenta ha indicado que en su breve ejercicio trabajará para conseguir los ingresos de Kosovo en la Unión Europea y la ONU, objetivo harto complicado por cuanto el reconocimiento de la independencia nacional no es unánime en la primera instancia y se halla bloqueado en la segunda, donde el antagonismo de Serbia halla eco en la postura de 116 miembros de la Asamblea General. -
Statement H.E. Mr. Ivica Dačić, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister
REPUBLIC OF SERBIA ================================================================== SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS 1160 (1998), 1199 (1998), 1203 (1998), 1239 (1999) AND 1244 (1999) Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo S/2020/255 Check against delivery S T A T E M E N T by H.E. MR. IVICA DAČIĆ, FIRST DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA New York, 24 April 2020 1 Mr. President, Distinguished Members of the Security Council, Unfortunately, I address you today at a time when the whole world is facing the huge challenge posed by the coronavirus pandemic and I would like to voice my hope that our joint efforts, mutual solidarity and cooperation, will see us overcome this difficult situation in the very near future. I would like to take this opportunity to extend my deepest condolences to the families of the victims of the coronavirus throughout the world and to show the strong solidarity of Serbia with all countries affected by the pandemic. I wish to point out the importance of this session being held as it conveys a strong message to the people in Kosovo and Metohija that they have not been forgotten, at this difficult hour, and that we care for them more than ever before, well aware of the fact that their living conditions were difficult even before the pandemic outbreak. We have undertaken decisive measures to help Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija fight the epidemic - by supplying medical and protective equipment, sending medical doctors and staff, but we have also expressed readiness from the very beginning to fully cooperate with Albanians and work together with representatives of the provisional institutions in Pristina to combat the epidemic. -
Another High Stakes for Kosovo: Haradinaj's Government
Another High Stake for Kosovo: Haradinaj’s Government Challenging Agenda This publication is supported by: The Democratic Society Promotion (DSP) Project - Funded by the Swiss Cooperation Office in Kosovo (SCO-K) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark (DANIDA) and managed by the Kosovar Civil Society Foundation (KCSF). The content of this publication is the responsibility of the Balkans Policy Research Group (BPRG) and does not represent SCO-K’s, DANIDA’s or KCSF’s position. and Royal Norwegian Embassy. Disclaimer: The views and analyses in this policy article are solely of the Balkans Group and do not reflect the views of the donors. Author: Balkans Policy Research Group (BPRG) Another High Stake for Kosovo: Haradinaj’s Government Challenging Agenda “The government of Ramush Haradinaj inherits a large and very challenging agenda. The mood and the context are not very favorable. The list of tasks presents the priorities that do matter for the citizens, institutions, international partners and Kosovo’s European agenda” Three months after the June 11 elections, Kosovo elected the government on 9 September. The vote of the PDK-AAK-NISMA winning coalition-led government was made possible only with support of the New Kosovo Alliance (AKR) of Behgjet Pacolli, and of all 20-minority seats representing Serbs, Bosnians, Turks and RAE. Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination) movement with 32 and LDK with 25 seats, in a protest boycotted the voting of the government. Sixty-one out of 120 members of the assembly voted the cabinet of Ramush Haradinaj. With a slim majority, against a very strong opposition, Haradinaj’s government may live long only if it performs well. -
Kosovo's Constitutional Court Review and Snap Elections: Legal Analysis, and Scenarios Summary
18 January 2021 KOSOVO’S CONSTITUTIONAL COURT REVIEW AND SNAP ELECTIONS: LEGAL ANALYSIS, AND SCENARIOS SUMMARY In late 2020, the Constitutional Court of Kosovo found that the election of the government of Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti, six months after it was elected, did not receive a majority following the invalidity of one of the 61 votes in the 120-seat Assembly of Kosovo. The vote in question was cast by Member of Parliament (MP) Etem Arifi who had been found guilty on a fraud charge prior to the elections. The Constitutional Court ruling published on 6 January 2021 forced early elections to be held within 40 days —the Acting President set the date for the elections on 14 February 2021. Yet, the Hoti government was in a crisis even before the Court’s ruling with severe disagreements between coalition partners and a lack of a working majority in the Assembly. The LDK-led coalition with AAK and NISMA (and ethnic minorities) was unlikely to secure votes for the election of the President. Just before its dissolution, the Assembly managed to pass the 2021 Budget. Currently, Kosovo is in an institutional vacuum, with an Acting President (also Chair of the Assembly), a dissolved Assembly and a caretaker government. The Acting President, Vjosa Osmani will run for elections and has announced the formation of a new political initiative which presents a legal challenge to the position of “representing the unity of people”. If elected, the Presidency would be vacant, and an institutional void would prevail until the Assembly elects the new Chair. -
Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
Kosovo by Group for Legal and Political Studies Capital: Pristina Population: 1.816 million GNI/capita, PPP: $10,200 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2017 2018 2009 2011 2016 2010 2012 2013 2014 2015 National Democratic Governance 5.25 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Electoral Process 4.50 4.25 4.50 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 Civil Society 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent Media 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.25 5.00 5.00 Local Democratic Governance 5.25 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 Corruption 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 Democracy Score 5.14 5.07 5.18 5.18 5.25 5.14 5.14 5.07 4.96 4.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Programme of the Conference
ANNUAL CONFERENCE THE MIDDLE EAST DIRECTIONS PROGRAMME (MEDIRECTIONS) BEYOND BORDERS AND STATES: THE NEW ACTORS OF THE GLOBALISED MIDDLE EAST Scientific Organiser: Luigi Narbone | Director of the Middle East Directions Programme | Robert Schuman Centre | European University Institute Theatre & Refectory Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini, 9 - San Domenico di Fiesole @MEDirections 3 - 5 JULY 2017 INTRODUCTION The Middle East Directions Programme (MEDirections) of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS) at the European University Institute (EUI) is an international reference point for research on the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA). It is based on fieldwork research and mid- to long-term analysis on the under-investigated topics that are having a profound impact on societies and on the regional order, and consequences at the international level. MEDirections promotes an integrated and multidisciplinary approach, that can be of valuable use to policy makers. The conference will provide academic analysis and fieldwork research findings on the main dynamics and actors that are transforming the region, as well as on the links between the local dynamics and broader trans-national trends. The conference will be structured in three thematic panels, dedicated respectively to: – the social roots of radicalisation and violence, the transformations in the religious field and sectarianism; – the new forms of governance that took place in the post Arab-Spring movements at the local level, including their social, political and economical relevance; – the conventional and unconventional diplomatic processes and initiatives, the role played by non- state actors, the faith-based diplomacy, the interplay between different levels and actors of mediation. -
Kuvendi - Skupština - Assembly Legjislatura VI Sesioni Pranveror Komisioni Për Punë Të Jashtme, Diasporë Dhe Investime Strategjike Mbledhja Nr
Republika e Kosovës Republika Kosovo - Republic of Kosovo Kuvendi - Skupština - Assembly Legjislatura VI Sesioni pranveror Komisioni për Punë të Jashtme, Diasporë dhe Investime Strategjike Mbledhja nr. 45 Prishtinë, më 2.5.2019, në orën 11:00 Ndërtesa e Kuvendit, salla C-203 P r o c e s v e r b a l Në mbledhje morën pjesë: Vjosa Osmani- Sadriu, Time Kadrijaj, Danush Ademi, Glauk Konjufca, Fitore Pacolli, Elmi Reçica, Evgjeni Thaçi- Dragusha dhe Zafir Berisha. Munguan: Dukagjin Gorani, Doruntinë Maloku- Kastrati dhe Sergjan Mitroviç. Pjesëmarrës nga Ministria e Punëve të Jashtme: Behgjet Pacolli, zëvendëskryeministër i parë dhe ministër i Punëve të Jashtme, Fitim Sadiku, sekretar i përgjithshëm, Florent Muçaj, konsulent i jashtëm, Jetlir Zyberaj, shef i kabinetit, Muhamet Brajshori, MPJ dhe Liridon Llapashtica, këshilltar. Pjesëmarrës të tjerë: Agonis Thaqi dhe Vjeshtore Zeqiri, D+; Butrint Berisha, PIPS; Yllka Alimusaj, Eugen Cakolli dhe Blerta Aliu, KDI; Marigona Berisha, GP LDK; Ylli Sokoli dhe Hëna Rexhaj, praktikantë; Vlera Rexha dhe Donika Bunjaku, studentë, UP; Egnesa Vitia, Kuvend dhe media. Stafi mbështetës i komisionit: Minire Hasani dhe Manush Krasniqi. Mbledhjen e kryesoi: Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu, kryetare e komisionit. Rendi i ditës: 1. Miratimi i rendit të ditës; 2. Miratimi i procesverbaleve nga mbledhjet e mbajtura më 25 shkurt, 6 e 7 mars dhe 5 e 12 prill 2019; 3. Raportim i ministrit të Ministrisë së Punëve të Jashtme, z. Behgjet Pacolli; 4. Të ndryshme. 3. Raportim i ministrit të Ministrisë së Punëve të Jashtme, z. Behgjet Pacolli Vjosa Osmani Sadriu, tha se ministri është ftuar që të raportojë për aktivitet në fushën e politikës së jashtme. -
16 “Jihadism” As a New Religious Movement Reuven Firestone
16 “Jihadism” as a new religious movement Reuven Firestone Introduction “Jihadism” is a term that has been constructed in Western lan- guages to describe militant Islamic movements that are perceived as existentially threatening to the West. Western media have tended to refer to Jihadism as a military movement rooted in political Islam. Some Muslims have claimed that there is nothing authentically Islamic in these movements. Others have claimed that they represent true Islam. The question that will be addressed in this chapter is the extent to which radically violent Islamist movements might be identifi ed as a kind of new sect formation within Islam or perhaps the emergence of a trend that may result in new religious movements. Criteria for exam- ination will include belief structures, rituals, material culture, scrip- tural interpretation, and iconography in relation to traditional Islam and other religious and political traditions. Whereas NRM studies are usually confi ned to religious and sociological innovations in the West, the approach adopted here is somewhat different. In the context of the present volume the intention is to challenge this geographical demarca- tion and suggest a broader understanding of religious innovation. Jihadism and contemporary Islamic movements “Jihadism,” 1 like the word jihad out of which it is constructed, is a difficult term to defi ne precisely. The meaning of Jihadism is a vir- tual moving target because it remains a recent neologism and no single, generally accepted meaning has been developed for it. It would require too much space to parse out the full range of meanings and nuances associated with Jihadism and its root in jihad even in recent history, but it is important to articulate a working defi nition for the purposes of this discussion. -
Beyond Borders and States: the New Actors of the Globalised Middle East
ANNUAL CONFERENCE THE MIDDLE EAST DIRECTIONS PROGRAMME (MEDIRECTIONS) BEYOND BORDERS AND STATES: THE NEW ACTORS OF THE GLOBALISED MIDDLE EAST Scientific Organiser: Luigi Narbone | Director of the Middle East Directions Programme | Robert Schuman Centre | European University Institute Theatre & Refectory Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini, 9 - San Domenico di Fiesole @MEDirections 3 - 5 JULY 2017 INTRODUCTION The Middle East Directions Programme (MEDirections) of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS) at the European University Institute (EUI) is an international reference point for research on the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA). It is based on fieldwork research and mid- to long-term analysis on the under-investigated topics that are having a profound impact on societies and on the regional order, and consequences at the international level. MEDirections promotes an integrated and multidisciplinary approach, that can be of valuable use to policy makers. The conference will provide academic analysis and fieldwork research findings on the main dynamics and actors that are transforming the region, as well as on the links between the local dynamics and broader trans-national trends. The conference will be structured in three thematic panels, dedicated respectively to: – the social roots of radicalisation and violence, the transformations in the religious field and sectarianism; – the new forms of governance that took place in the post Arab-Spring movements at the local level, including their social, political and economical relevance; – the conventional and unconventional diplomatic processes and initiatives, the role played by non- state actors, the faith-based diplomacy, the interplay between different levels and actors of mediation.