The Historical Review/La Revue Historique

Vol. 9, 2012

Sinan Kuneralp (ed.), Ottoman Diplomatic Documents on the Origins of World War One: The Final Stage of the Cretan Question, 1899-1913 / Ottoman Diplomatic Documents on “the Eastern Question”: The Cretan Uprising, 1866-1869

Randolph Rosie Researcher https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.296

Copyright © 2012

To cite this article:

Randolph, R. (2013). Sinan Kuneralp (ed.), Ottoman Diplomatic Documents on the Origins of World War One: The Final Stage of the Cretan Question, 1899-1913 / Ottoman Diplomatic Documents on “the Eastern Question”: The Cretan Uprising, 1866-1869. The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 9, 233-248. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.296

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Sinan Kuneralp (ed.), OTTOMAN DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENTS ON THE ORIGINS OF WORLD WAR ONE: THE FINAL STAGE OF THE CRETAN QUESTION, 1899-1913, Istanbul: The Isis Press, 2009, 609 pages.

OTTOMAN DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENTS ON “THE EASTERN QUESTION”: THE CRETAN UPRISING, 1866-1869, Istanbul: The Isis Press, 2010, Part 1: May 1866 to September 1867, 620 pages, Part 2: September 1867 to June 1869, 660 pages.

The current thaw in Greek-Turkish The Isis Press of Istanbul is gradually relations is particularly welcome to publishing an extensive series of volumes those of us with an interest in history.* of Ottoman diplomatic documents of the Edhem Eldem wrote a fine article for The nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Historical Review, in which he said, and this is an initiative to be celebrated. It is possibly the first time that we in I find it impossible even to think of my area of study without referring to the West have been treated to hearing the multiple layers of Greek history the Ottomans in their own words, and that lie embedded in the fabric of late a variety of views and personalities Ottoman history, and vice versa […] emerge, making for an engaging and the kind of intimacy and total overlap lively read. These were people grappling that I find to be lying at the base of with problems in real time, with all the the complex relationship between pressures of international relations, 1 Greek and Ottoman […] history. rumour, uncertainty and compromise that diplomatic work involves. The volumes under review here * Ottoman proper names are spelled in this have excellent introductions. The index review as per nineteenth-century usage. of writers reads like a Who’s Who of 1 Edhem Eldem, “ and the Greeks the Ottoman diplomatic world, and the in Ottoman History and Turkish Historio- indices of names and subjects facilitate graphy”, The Historical Review / La Revue navigation by theme. Sinan Kuneralp Historique VI (2009), pp. 27-40, at p. 27.

The Historical Review / La Revue Historique Department of Neohellenic Research / Institute of Historical Research Volume IX (2012)

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | 234 Rosie Randolph has made a fine job of editing these from informers. The documents provide books. He collected material scattered us with useful information even now across many files in order to arrange it and are a delight to read. We get a day- chronologically. This works well: the to-day overview of gradually evolving Porte would send a circular to its various and changing relationships: for example, representatives abroad, who would France’s fears of Prussia, which drove then send in their replies, covering not her towards an entente with Russia, to only the points raised, but how public the puzzled dismay and bewilderment of opinion towards Turkey was faring, as the Porte, something which must have well as advice and reflections on major been difficult for the diplomat A’ali and issues of the day and local news. We thus Bourée, who were friends.3 get a comprehensive overview of events * as they were unfolding throughout The two volumes covering the years Europe. Another factor in their favour 1866-1869 provide a new and valuable is that they are being published for the prism through which to view the Cretan first time almost in their entirety, and Revolt. This significant collection of have not been subjected to the selective documents offers us real insight, and processes imposed upon the Blue Books, you feel you come to understand the Yellow Books or Red Books of other diplomats themselves and appreciate the nations. On this process, George Finlay difficulties they faced. If the Ottomans was particularly scathing, describing were feeling slightly overwhelmed, by the British Blue Book on as clandestine Greek help for the Cretan “full of padding to mystify Parliament Revolt, by the pouring in of volunteers and [omitting] important Russian and supplies, by the pouring out of and French Papers”.2 The Ottoman refugees, by the frontier episodes in diplomatic papers were mainly for Thessaly and Epirus, by the creation internal consumption. The language, of committees in favour of the Cretans whilst always deeply respectful, seems in cities all over Europe, the United less formal than that of the British Blue States and Russia, and by Great Power Books, though this may be because they pressure to show moderation in are in French. pacifying the island, none of this shows As sources to work with, these in the documents. The Ottomans were volumes give us a time frame of what was no strangers to revolutionary uprisings, happening, and thus an accurate base and they may well have thought that this line for cross reference, which may not revolt would burn itself out, providing necessarily be apparent in existing books there was no Great Power interference. or in the documents they were based on. The Ottoman response took place Ottoman intelligence was impressive – on two levels: events on Crete and its from diplomatic and press sources, and 3 John Vincent (ed.), Disraeli, Derby and the Conservative Party: Journals and Memoirs of 2 Letter to Mowbray Morris, 23 January 1868, Edward Henry, Lord Stanley, 1849-1869, Hassocks: British School at Athens, Finlay Archive, E28. The Harvester Press, 1978, p. 319.

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | Ottoman Diplomatic Documents 235 military reaction to them, and its own of chargé d’affaires, the post having been political and diplomatic agenda. The downgraded in the 1860s, according Porte’s concerns were to achieve the to Kuneralp “as a gesture of protest for pacification of the island, resist border Russian attempts to throw off the Paris incursions and deal with the refugee Peace Treaty stipulations”. This meant situation; at a diplomatic level, they that he did not enjoy as much respect needed to fend off the collective note with as he would have had as a minister. At its call for an international commission first Russia was cool about the Cretan of inquiry, to assess and manipulate Uprising, but as Conéménos was to public opinion, and to take advantage of write, “Arkadi changed everything.” the shifting alliances in Europe. Finally, Russia became enthusiastic, raising pushed to the limits of its patience, the funds, sending corn via the Black Sea, Porte confronted Greek intransigence and helping to transport refugees to over refugee repatriation by issuing the Greece. An added incentive was the ultimatum which led to a rupture in engagement of the young King George diplomatic relations. I of Greece to Olga, daughter of the The Ottomans had much to be wary Grand Duke Constantine, an event that of, which led to the constant claims of the cemented Greece to its Russian co- total pacification of the island. There were religionists. Since the Ionian Islands had the qualms of the governor-general that his been ceded by Britain on the accession failure to achieve pacification would lead to of the young king, there was hope that his dismissal, that the sultan’s displeasure Crete might yet become their dowry. would lead to ministerial changes; fears For Conéménos, shunned by the of foreign intervention at a diplomatic or Russians, aware of their monetary even military level, fears of losing Crete to and moral support for Crete, with the Greece, fears that this could indeed lead by imperial family and public opinion a domino effect to the dismemberment of openly antagonistic to the Porte, life the empire. The constant mantra of “total cannot have been easy. His was a hostile pacification” proved counter-productive environment – the Russian Foreign as it undermined Ottoman credibility, and Minister Gortschakoff, initially bullying, European public opinion became sceptical. would demand to see him, sometimes It is remarkable how disciplined and getting him up from his sick bed in ordered Ottoman diplomats were, often order to shout at him. Afterwards, his under very trying circumstances. There tone changed to one of silky forced were frequent calls for instructions as amusement, the Russian cat playing with to what line they should take, and what the Ottoman mouse. Later, possibly as language they should hold. Some of the Russian priorities changed from Cretan most vivid reports came from Russia, cession to Panslavism, there became and for the St Petersburg scene we are space for friendship, and the daily much indebted to, and enriched by, the enquiries after the health of Conéménos’ verbatim reports of Conéménos Bey. A 11-year-old daughter, who hovered for Greek from Epirus, he held only the rank a month between life and death with

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | 236 Rosie Randolph typhus fever, have something genuinely had not confirmed his new position, moving about them. Although Crete which, if cancelled, would have left him and Greece were ultimately left without in severe financial straits. Russia’s active backing, it was still Britain had been a staunch supporter Gortschakoff who supported Greece’s of the Ottoman Empire from the time bid for a deliberative voice at the 1869 of their alliance in the Crimean War, Paris Conference. but since then had adopted a strictly Syros was the entrepôt at the hub of non-interventionist policy. For Musurus revolutionary activity. War materials, Pasha, the long-serving Ottoman food, clothing and grain came in and were ambassador to the Court of St James, life re-exported, the grain by now milled into was much easier than for Conéménos flour. European volunteers made their and Danich Bey. He had very little way to Crete, often, like J. Hillary Skinner hostile opinion to deal with, and his and Gustave Flourens, doubling as frequent interviews with the then foreign journalists. To begin with, men and goods secretary, Edward Stanley, 15th Earl of were few and were transported by caique, Derby, were a way of testing the firmness an enterprise that became dangerous of British policy, of seeking advice for after the implementation of the blockade pressing problems, and for probing the in September 1866. In the wake of the British foreign secretary’s opinion on flood of sympathy following the siege of what was happening in Europe – all to be Arkadi, subscriptions were collected in faithfully relayed in his dispatches to the London for the purchase of one of the Porte. It is only through Stanley’s mildly blockade runners of the American Civil exasperated diary entries that we learn War, which had been returned for resale that Musurus’ visits, several times a week, to the shipyard that had built her: the were too often and too long.4 Dream became the Arkadi and arrived at Musurus’ two periods of heightened Syros in February 1867. activity were in trying to get the blockade On Syros, Danich Bey was serving runner Arkadi seized before she left as consul-general. He was a Roman London, in which he was unsuccessful, Catholic, born Antoine Denis Dallegrio and in making plans for the impending to a family which had emigrated to visit of Sultan Abdülaziz. The sultan’s Istanbul from Tinos or Naxos with the visit to the Exposition Universelle in formation of the Greek State. His was an Paris in the summer of 1867 was much unenviable posting – the whole island trumpeted – it was the first time a sultan of Syros was in patriotic uproar, and on had travelled beyond the borders of the several occasions he went in fear for his Ottoman Empire. He went on to visit life. Although his reports are graphic in London and Vienna, and his trip was a their descriptions and in the difficulties public relations triumph. People became of his situation, he was an efficient intoxicated with the splendour and information gatherer. After these exoticism of the East. It was hard work apprehensive years, he was posted to Corfu. In one of his last communications he expressed bitterness that the Porte 4 Ibid., pp. 280, 309, 312.

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | Ottoman Diplomatic Documents 237 for Mehmed Fuad Pasha, who acted positions of his former colleagues, and his as both minister of foreign affairs and dispatches to Djémil, who had replaced interpreter. Unfortunately, no record him, are full of advice and concern. The remains of the private conversations crisis that led to the rupture between that took place with Napoleon III or Greece and Turkey had developed over with other statesmen. Europe became the repatriation of refugees. During the less condemning of the Empire, and conflict on Crete, many families had been Abdülaziz returned from his tour keen forced to leave their homes because of the to implement further reforms. fighting, in some instances because their Djémil Mehmed Pasha was serving villages had been burnt and in others in Paris for a third term. His first was because of fears of reprisals, and in cases after the Crimean War, when he was one where villages had submitted to Ottoman of the Turkish delegates at the Congress authority. Another cause was starvation, of Paris in 1856. He was a man of great due to two years of uncultivated land and experience, sent to keep a finger on the unharvested crops, and to marauding pulse of French foreign policy initiatives troops from both sides who were living which tended to waver, as Kuneralp off the land. tells us, between Napoleon’s personal The Ottomans were against taking sympathy for nascent nationalities and a people away from Crete, but the fears state policy which supported the integrity and rumours had become too great for of the Ottoman Empire. It is touching the Powers to ignore. (The former would that Djémil, in one of the longueurs of have been surprised to hear that their the Paris Peace Conference of 1869, views were shared by the great American caused by the political crisis in Athens philanthropist and philhellene Samuel to form a cabinet prepared to accept and Gridley Howe, who raised money, sign the conference stipulations, went to bought food and clothes, and came to Nice to visit the dying Fuad. Crete to oversee their distribution.)5 The In September 1866 Safvet Pasha, then Porte asked that the refugees should be Ottoman Ambassador to Paris, had been recalled to Istanbul where he later became 5 Samuel Gridley Howe, The Cretan acting minister of foreign affairs. He Refugees and their American Helpers: A covered Fuad’s absence whilst the latter Statement Addressed to the Contributors for accompanied the sultan on his journey the Relief of Cretan Refugees, Boston: Lee to Europe, a period of five months in and Shepard, 1868; Greek transl. as Κρήτες which A’ali was on Crete making his πρόσφυγες και οι Αμερικάνοι ευεργέτες τους, investigation and report, which ended Athens: Ekati, 2010; id., Appeal to the People of the United States to Relieve from Starvation in the application of Organic Law; the Women and Children of the Greeks of the and again in the months when Fuad, Island of Crete, Boston: George C. Rand & nominally still minister of foreign affairs, Avery, 1867; Laura E. Richards (ed.), Letters was incapacitated by heart disease and and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Vol. had moved first to Florence and then to II: The Servant of Humanity, Boston and Nice. Safvet was fully aware of the Paris London: Dana Estes & Co. and John Lane, diplomatic scene and of the finely nuanced 1909, pp. 537 ff.

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | 238 Rosie Randolph transported to other parts of the empire, Financially it would have been in the but the Powers transported them to interests of Greece to divest itself of Greece, a fact greatly resented by the Porte the refugee burden as soon as it could,8 as interference in their internal affairs. but the Central Committee possibly Greece had to take out a loan to support the contended that having a large population refugees. Numbers are normally quoted as of Cretan refugees in Greece was a step being about 60,000, but the more accurate towards annexation and proof that the figure, based on an attempt to count their insurrection was still alive. numbers in different localities, is in the It was the constant battle of trying region of 40,000.6 As the months went to repatriate refugees, despite Greek by, the refugee situation became more government promises that help was at wretched. Although they were away from hand, that finally made Fotiades lose the fighting and from trying to survive in patience and suggest to the Porte the caves on the mountains or by the shore, need for an ultimatum. Greece refused they were away from their homesteads and to accept its five points, which led to living at subsistence level on an allowance a rupture in diplomatic relations. The that would barely keep them in bread various diplomatic papers relating to and water. Gradually there were petitions the conditions under which the Paris to return. The Powers were in no mood Peace Conference would be held make to help, and it was left to the Ottomans fascinating reading. Greece, given only a to charter ships. What was unexpected, consultative voice and not a deliberative and to some extent inexplicable, was the one, refused to participate. Gortschakoff opposition this engendered. Refugees worked hard to try to get this changed, were not given free passage to the ships. but it was one of the conditions the Their repatriation was strongly opposed, Ottomans had stipulated for their own often violently, and Fotiades Bey, the participation. Even Lord Clarendon, Ottoman minister at Athens, was reduced writing to William Gladstone, felt that to arranging embarkations at night. this had been a mistake.9 The constant scuffles were blamed on agents of the Greek Central Committee.7 8 On 1 November 1867, Stanley wrote in his journal, “Erskine writes…that the Greeks 6 For refugee numbers, see Kuneralp (ed.), are getting tired of having to feed the Cretan The Cretan Uprising, 1866-1869, Part 2, no. refugees, of whom there must between 30 1140, p. 342. and 40,000 in Greece. They cost £20,000 a 7 Finlay, in an article published month, or one-fourth of the whole revenue anonymously in the Levant Herald (2-12- of Greece.”; cited in Vincent (ed.), Disraeli, 1868), Finlay Archive, E35, p. 51, put the Derby and the Conservative Party, p. 320. original enthusiasm for emigration down to 9 London, British Library, Add. MSS, an attempt to “cause an intervention of the 44133, Gladstone MSS, Clarendon to European Powers”. This sentence appears Gladstone, private, 16 January 1869. Cited in only in the ms. version, Finlay Archive, E28, Domna Dontas, Greece and the Great Powers: pp. 194 ff, and has been edited out of the 1863 to 1875, Thessaloniki: Institute for printed version. Balkan Studies, 1966, p. 147.

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Some of the most thoughtful was raised for the purchase of ships and dispatches were written by Rustem in war materials in 1867,11 and a further Florence, who always gave sympathetic loan of 12 million drachmas to support and considered advice. This contrasts the refugees was contracted in 1868.12 with Aristarchi Bey in Berlin, who had The financial burden could be said to no interest whatsoever in Cretan affairs, and Glavani Effendi, chargé d’affaires at Brussels, with his virtuoso overviews of made in November 1868 to put one million world politics. Blacque Bey had been sent drachmas towards the 1824-1825 loans, to Washington to counter the influence “dictated by the necessity imposed on Greece of William J. Stillman, the American of restoring the credit of her Government”, consul on Crete, and the strong streak this caused Great Power protests, and the of philhellenism in the United States, proposed payment had to be withdrawn. All especially in Boston, where Howe payments on earlier loans were suspended until full payment of the 1832 “Bavarian Loan” published a paper called The Cretan, had been completed. This, however, did not which ran to seven issues. Blacque Bey prevent Greece, after some difficulties, from had the difficult task of trying to find contracting the 1867 loan. The Times (16-11- out about, and block, the sale to Greece 1868); see the Finlay Archive, E35, p. 50, and of ships from the plentiful supply of E28, p. 88, for the ms version. blockade runners and monitors left over 11 For the 1867 loan, see The Times (19-4- from the American Civil War. His reports 1867), in which Finlay stated, “The proceeds on a nation that was healing its wounds are expressly set apart for the purchase of and moving forwards are interesting. ships and materials of war.”, Finlay Archive, Greece was a small country with E34, p. 115. War expenses were said to be very little infrastructure, a young and running at one million drachmas a month, “about half the net receipts of the Greek inexperienced king, a rapid turnover Government during 1866”, the source of of ministries, and a belief in the Megali which Finlay ascribed largely to Russia; The Idea. It had a view to expanding its Times (11-5-1867), Finlay Archive, E34, borders to absorb Crete, Epirus and p. 116. See also Panayiotis Petrakis, Public Thessaly – Macedonia was to follow – Borrowing and the Development of Some Basic and it was almost bankrupt. It had great Bank Figures, 1844-1869, Athens: MIET, 1994, difficulties in raising loans, partly as no p. 47 [bilingual Greek-English publication]. payments on the 1824 and 1825 loans 12 For the 1868 loan, see Petrakis, Public had been made, and in fact could not be Borrowing, p. 48. By the spring of 1867, made until the redemption of the 1832 expenses for refugee support were already £500 per month, as reported by the Anglo- loan.10 A loan of 28 million drachmas Greek Committee in The Times of 10 May, Finlay Archive, E34 p. 115, and by November 10 “In their present note the Three Powers 1867 they were estimated to be £20,000; expressly forbid the disposal on the part of the see note 8 above. Much of the money was Greek government of any of the resources of raised by private subscription. Howe himself the State towards the settlement of the said collected $37,000 for refugee relief; see loans of 1824-25.”, The Times (28-1-1865), Richards (ed.), Letters and Journals of Samuel Finlay Archive, E34, p. 7. When an attempt was Gridley Howe, p. 540.

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | 240 Rosie Randolph have been the first nail in the coffin of were always carefully considered. Of the uprising. course, questions remain, but they It was an undeclared war, fought remain unanswerable. Might Crete surreptitiously against superior odds, have got a better settlement, and might by people who used every means at more bloodshed have been avoided, if their disposal. It is remarkable with they had accepted A’ali’s offer of almost what panache the uprising was carried anything short of annexation? If Russian out, with clandestine help from the pressure had lasted a little longer, might Greek government, from Russia and the Stanley have changed his mind in favour Greek diaspora, in total contravention of Crete? Some of his diary entries to treaties and to international law. The hint tantalisingly towards it.13 Despite uprising had begun quite legally with everything, it is a story of hope, which a petition to the sultan in May 1866. Had this been answered promptly, fully 13 On 21 July 1867 Stanley noted that on redressing the grievances which had been the occasion of the sultan’s visit to London, aired, might the whole episode have been Fuad had said that whilst Turkey would not avoided? Probably not. The two months’ give up Crete, “they might yield it to force, delay, during which time troops were if the Great Powers chose to use force…”; brought in and a negative proclamation Vincent (ed.), Disraeli, Derby and the was issued, did not help, but neither did Conservative Party, p. 314. On 16 September the Cretan desire for annexation, which 1867, “[T]he idea of Cretan annexation was bubbling irrepressibly to the fore. appears at last dropped by Gortschakoff… Finlay, as Times correspondent, took a due partly to the Emperor’s interview with more distanced and acerbic view, striving Fuad”; ibid., p. 317. On 28 October 1867, after truth, trying to cut back on what he “Buchanan writes that the Russian Foreign Office…talks of non-intervention in Crete”; considered exaggerated reports of fighting, ibid., p. 320. On 4 November 1867, “Fuad of atrocities, of numbers – constantly is supposed to think, that if it comes to chiding Greece for its shady political and cession, there will be less loss of dignity in financial dealings. As a young man he had yielding to an intervention of all the Great fought in the Greek War of Independence Powers than in offering fresh terms to the and, now in his sixties, he criticised the insurgents…”; ibid., p. 321. On 5 November strategic incompetence of the central 1867, “The Greek Minister [called], who committees, with plenty of warlords but seems convinced that Crete will be at last no clear leadership, and a constant waste annexed to Greece: in which I suspect he is of resources. right.”; ibid., p. 321. On 1 December 1867, The extent of Turkish forbearance, “Ignatieff once again holds violent language, saying that Crete must be annexed to Greece, often under very trying circumstances, is nothing else will now settle the question. I remarkable. Despite constant provocations, begin to think he is right.”; ibid., p. 324. In a the diplomats were able to separate the short aside on the Eastern Question, Vincent substance of what was happening from wrote, “Russian pressure ceased at almost the the noise and babble that accompanied same time as Stanley had first shown himself it. They managed never to lose their calm willing to consider the cession of Crete to and measured tones, and their decisions Greece as practicable.”; ibid., p. 330.

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | Ottoman Diplomatic Documents 241 ended with the promulgation of Organic be offered a slim addendum. The editor Law, which gave fairer representation also draws our attention to the fact that to the Christians and led to a decade of “Intradepartmental memoranda and peace. It was a valuable first step, even notes to and from foreign missions in though it took almost another 50 years, the Capital are not available.” [p. 8]. until the settlement following the Balkan Although it leaves the denouement still Wars, for Crete to achieve annexation. unresolved, there is enough interesting * material to make the book well The volume on the Cretan Question worthwhile. The documents are useful covering 1899-1913 has been published in confirming dates, but at no point do ahead of the one that will cover the they tell us the whole story. Momentous years 1870-1898, so for the moment events take place during these years, such there is a gap of some 20 years during as the deposition of the sultan and the which time much changed. Leadership coming of Ataturk, troubles in Albania, and participation was based less on Bulgaria and Yemen, Goudi, and the central committees, warrior priests Balkan Wars, but these happen largely and volunteers, and more on the off-stage with no more than a glancing “bleeders and pleaders”14 of the nascent mention in the text. middle class. By now the Cretans were Whilst too sparse to give us the full marginally less inclined to resort to Ottoman narrative, this volume does revolt (though the threat remained) and provide a unique window on fluctuating more likely to seek political solutions for Ottoman thought. Since Crete had been their grievances. was beginning placed under the control and jurisdiction to be transformed into a prosperous of the Powers in March 1897, and Neo-classical town. following the departure of the Ottoman These final Ottoman diplomatic troops in 1898, the Ottomans had been documents on the Cretan Question have deprived of any real power. Their role an uneven distribution and thin coverage had devolved into preventing the island’s for the early years. Just at the point at annexation to Greece, complaining which we hope for fresh insight on the vociferously to the Powers at the creeping final steps leading to annexation in 1913, Hellenisation that was taking place, and the volume finishes with a flurry of trying to protect, with a certain amount correspondence about raising quarantine of indignation, Ottoman sovereign rights regulations. The last document is dated and amour propre. For Ihsan Bey, minister 18 February, a full ten months before the plenipotentiary at Madrid, “le succès de end of the story. This is not, however, notre cause est étroitement lié à la juste the fault of the editor – the documents ténacitié avec laquelle nous soutiendrons are simply missing from the files. It is to nos droits” [no. 411]. If tenacity was the be hoped that if they reappear we might basis of Ottoman strategy with regard to Crete, it was, however, also the forte of the Greeks. 14 R. A. H. Bickford Smith, Cretan Sketches, Prince George of Greece, newly London 1898, p. 119. appointed as high commissioner, arrived

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | 242 Rosie Randolph on Crete on 9 December 1898. His over- thus have a situation in which, on the riding aim was to achieve enosis, or one hand, Greek national hopes were union, with Greece. Initially he was for enosis, with the royal family working wildly popular as the Cretans embraced hard towards achieving it, whilst, on the the appointment of a Greek prince as an other, Turkey was trying equally hard to important first step towards annexation. block any progress towards annexation. The first documents of the book inform The Greek government, meanwhile, was us of the prince’s travel schedules, as being remarkably quiescent, and several he went cap in hand to Europe to plead documents comment on its correct the cause of annexation to his wider behaviour. The position of the Powers family, the king of England and the tsar was no less fraught. Following the 1898 of Russia, and their governments. His massacre at Heraklion on 6 September, travels turned out to be disappointing, which led to the forced removal of as neither ministers nor monarchs were the remaining Ottoman soldiers on 5 keen to upset the status quo. November, Crete had been placed under The princely pursuit of enosis was the protection of the Powers, in what has shortly to conflict with the views of the been called “the first real ‘peacekeeping’ emerging , who operation of the modern idiom”.16 in 1898 had been part of the committee The deteriorating situation led to which had drawn up the Cretan Venizelos’ 1905 Theriso Uprising, taken constitution. With hindsight this had by Prince George as a personal attack. It invested too much power in Prince led the Powers to take seriously Cretan George, who acted as “central agent complaints about the regime and to of the state, and the main executive put an end to the repeated abuses officer, and an important member of the engendered by the administration. The legislature”.15 Clashes between Prince petulant prince threatened to resign, George and Venizelos began in 1901, and on 21 December 1905 Naby Bey with the prince insisting on pursuing wrote to Tevfik Pasha from Paris that, enosis, which Venizelos thought at the instigation of Britain, a financial premature. As Prince George began to commission would shortly depart for take advantage of the constitution and to Crete to study what reforms could be reduce the hard-won privileges that had implemented. The results of the report been granted in the Halepa Convention were anxiously awaited in Turkey, of 1878, the relationship between the and a copy was obtained “not without prince and a few of his politicians difficulty” by Rifaat in Athens and became increasingly acrimonious. We sent to Tevfik on 28 May 1906 [no. 313]. Turkish anxieties focused on the 15 A. Lilly Macrakis, “Venizelos’ Early Life and Political Career in Crete, 1864-1910”, in 16 Robert Holland, “Nationalism, Ethnicity Paschalis M. Kitromilides (ed.), Eleftherios and the Concert of Europe: The Case of the Venizelos: The Trials of Statesmanship, High Commissionership of Prince George Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, of Greece in Crete, 1898-1906”, Journal of 2006, p. 69. Modern Greek Studies 17 (1999), pp. 253-276.

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | Ottoman Diplomatic Documents 243 political complications that might arise there was little that Turkey could do should the commission overstep its bar suggest alternative solutions, and mandate. Although to some extent it complain at Cretan transgressions as did, the ensuing report covered only the pace of Hellenisation accelerated. economic and administrative measures The protests were impassioned and and, to the relief of the Turks, did not put instantaneous, usually with the aim of forward any recommendations towards preventing or obstructing the latest Cretan a definitive solution. “impertinence”: the raising of the Greek The Powers, sympathetic to the flag, the issue of coinage with the image difficulties which had come to light of King George, the recruitment of Greek in the commissioners’ report, made ex-army officers for the gendarmerie, a statement, reported by Rechid to the hearing of court appeals in Athens, Tevfik from Rome on 12 June 1906, the issue of Greek postage stamps, the “que l’Angleterre aurait promis ses application of new recruitment laws, bons offices à la Grèce en vue de régler the threatened application of the new la situation de la Crète dans un sens Greek constitution, and the appointment favorable aux aspirations helléniques…” of Greek engineers, and also of a judge [no. 314]. From this moment the Powers from the Court of Appeal in Athens. In had effectively backed themselves into one instance the official papers of an a corner. Having hinted at an eventual incoming Ottoman ship were confiscated annexation to Greece, it was impossible and replaced by new documentation to come up with any compromise by bearing the legend “Government of King which Turkish sovereign rights could be George”. guaranteed, although Turkish suzerainty The most serious violation was the was not in dispute. Thus began a seven- way in which Muslims were prevented year prevarication, which became the from taking up the public offices to dominant theme in these reports. It which they had been elected because caused great frustration to Greece and they refused to take an oath in the Turkey, and also to Crete, which began to name of King George. This was to have take the law into its own hands through a knock-on effect, as, without Muslim a gradual process of Hellenisation, to functionaries, the religious tribunals which the Powers for the most part had could not operate. Thus in Heraklion, an uneasy tolerance, with the occasional the newly appointed naib was by-passed, swift redress, as when they sent “4 and Muslims had to go to Rethymnon bâtiments de guerre pour procéder or Chania for a hearing, which led to abaissement drapeau Hellénique hissé à additional expenditure of time and Candie” [no. 566]. money, and which could put them into The Turkish position could only a life-threatening situation. There were be defensive. Since the jurisdiction of also the questions of the occupation Crete had been taken over by the Powers, of Heraklion’s Muslim quarter and which had undertaken to respect Turkish the transformation of a mosque into a suzerainty and to protect the lives and church, though, in an earlier incident, goods of the native Muslim population, the accidental damage of a mosque was

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | 244 Rosie Randolph put down to high spirits on the last day or have statements made in the House of carnival, and not to malicious anti- of Commons or in the press. In one Muslim provocation. instance the incumbent refused, saying The Muslim situation caused real he could not ask for further reassurance grounds for concern. The Ottomans in writing when this had just been had been against the withdrawal of the given verbally. While this insistence is international troops in July 1909, fearing understandable, given that the issue was that this would lead to general anarchy to probe the Powers’ commitment to and problems of Muslim security. The continuing Ottoman sovereign rights on Powers agreed to leave a naval presence Crete, it also became a myth to which the and a small contingent of troops. Ottomans clung, but neither side fully Though there were sporadic murders, believed in. Only Sir Charles Hardinge mainly in the Rethymnon area, the challenged it, suggesting “Il faudrait numbers had not increased substantially mieux envisager les choses au point de since the troop withdrawals. Of the vue pratique et ne pas se montrer trop eighteen murders of Muslims in the intransigeant.” [no. 406]. The situation following two years, nine had been was one in which it was quicker and committed by Christians, seven by easier to offer reassurances than to Muslims, and two were unsolved. tackle the deeper issues, which would Both British and French ministries of lead to Ottoman disillusion, lengthy foreign affairs felt the issue of Muslim negotiations between the Powers, and security to be exaggerated, though the additional expense: in other words, emigration of Muslim families and a the Eastern Question complications general movement towards the cities tell everyone was so anxious to avoid. As a their own story. The Ottoman argument result, courteous diplomatic relationships was that the murder of Muslims made prevailed, and reassurances appear to a bad impression on public opinion in us as shorthand for non-intervention Turkey, and weakened the confidence in a situation deemed too complex and of the population in the justice and dangerous to unravel. The moment was equity of the Powers, who had assumed always “inopportune”, either because of responsibility for safeguarding Muslim internal factors – if Crete is quiescent lives and possessions. then leave it be – or because of external The relationship between Ottoman factors, obliquely referred to but not spelt diplomats and the Powers is interesting. out, as diplomats were trained to write The Ottoman diplomats seem to have about one subject per dispatch. Hence, been well liked, though the various Crete sometimes appears to have been foreign ministers had a tendency to operating in a vacuum with regard to make reassuring noises rather than reach what was happening in the outside world. for solutions. This is partly because the Ottoman diplomats, perhaps because Ottomans were being continually asked of their powerlessness, appear to have by their own foreign ministry to seek become warily on edge and ready to jump reassurance. If it were given verbally, down the throat of any rumour, as when they were pressed to get it in writing, Hardinge expressed “son étonnement

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 19:29:54 | Ottoman Diplomatic Documents 245 de voir que nous nous inquiétons à tout and Greece were suffering from an propos et nous basons nos démarches si overwhelming sense of frustration. non sur des suppositions du moins sur All parties saw the solution as des nouvelles erronées” [no. 687]. In straightforward. For Turkey, it was a another example, the Ottomans feared matter of full autonomy under Turkish the arrival of a Cretan commission to sovereignty. Ottoman diplomats put purchase 12 large calibre cannon to forward a variety of alternative solutions, protect the Cretan coast. Mallet said it but they were not seriously discussed. was absurd, as they had no money for These were for Crete to become an such a venture. Tevfik reported that this autonomous principality like Samos, or “a été surement mise en circulation en to have a status “similar either to pre- and vue de nous impressionner.” [no. 915] post-1885 Rumelia, or pre-1908 Bosnia We get another, more honest and and Herzegovina” [p. 13]. One diplomat exasperated view of the impasse and put forward the case for partition. The the contradictions within it from the Ottomans even rejected the idea of Crete Turkish ambassador at Rome. The being leased in exchange for tribute, hawkish Hakky, who from time to time which had worked for Egypt in the 1860s. ironically recommended shooting the For Greece and Crete, it was simply a flag or sending in troops, wrote to Rifaat case of annexation, though for Venizelos on 3 August 1909, “D’ici là la Crète me it was a question of timing; he preached parait destinée à rester un pays unique autonomy and patience, and annexation en son genre: L’Europe maintiendra in due course. This, however, caused him un ‘statu quo’ mal défini, Souveraineté personal difficulties, as he came to be Ottomane pour nous, union avec la considered a traitor to the cause. When Grèce pour les Crétois et Dieu sait quel he came out in favour of annexation mélange d’espoirs et désespoirs pour le rather than autonomy, the Turks Royaume” [no. 521]. Nearly a year on, recognised it as a necessary political Osman Nizami Pasha wrote to Rifaat move, a recognition possibly facilitated from Berlin to report the German view of by Venizelos’ personal friendship with the Cretan Question. Germany foresaw the Turkish chargé d’affairés, Ghalib a loss of accord among the Powers, and Kémaly Bey. Turkish fears were that revolt in Greece on the day that a full any “amputation” would have a domino autonomy under Turkish sovereignty effect in the Balkans and possibly lead was declared, which would be likely to to the loss of their territories in North cost King George his throne. Osman Africa. It could also have a negative Nizami commented, “C’est là-dessus effect on public opinion in Istanbul, que comptent les quatre Puissances pour which could destabilize the new Turkish esquiver une solution définitive qui les regime. It was certain that if autonomy obligerait de se mettre ouvertement en under Ottoman sovereignty were to contradiction avec les promesses faites be promulgated, the Cretans would dans le temps à la Grèce.” [no. 817]. In continue their struggle: “L’autonomie ten months no progress had been made, n’a jamais empeché l’annexation, et and it was no wonder that Turkey, Crete leur caractère turbulent fera le reste.”

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[no. 817]. As the English foreign trouble, Venizelos immediately suspended secretary warned, it would be unwise Greek parliamentary proceedings until to force on the Cretans any solution 1 October, to encourage the deputies to that was unacceptable to them. Cretan return to Crete. impatience was punctuated by periodic The Powers’ relationship towards announcements of annexation, of which Turkey, Greece, each other, and towards the Powers took very little notice, and public opinion, is also revealing. At an occasional rise in tension which one point, Hakky mentioned that they spilled over into the Theriso Uprising should never forget that European public of 1905 and threatened to do so again opinion favoured Greece, “inexplicable in 1910. This led the Powers to send et bizarre mais réelle” [no. 503]. France down warships, with troops whom the was considered philhellenic under consuls could call upon if they thought Clemenceau, but by July 1910 Deville had the situation demanded it. had enough. He affirmed confidentially The two issues which caused that “le sens de réalité faisant totalement the Turks the greatest anxiety were défaut aux Hellènes il ne pouvait être Muslim security and the manipulation leur ami…”. Naby assured him that the of Cretan election dates to coincide new regime had already recognised the with those of Greece, in order to send strength and sincerity of the French deputies to the Greek parliament. To the attitude towards Turkey. Ottomans, it was casus belli, and in the Italy fluctuated much more, at documents they considered a retaliatory some times being openly pro-Greek, as reoccupation of Thessaly. The dangers when she suggested that Greece should were well recognised by the Greeks, consolidate her relations with Crete, who did their best to keep the Cretans and that Italy would help in case of out of the parliament. The Cretans sent complications. At other times she leant their deputation in tiny groups to avoid towards a solution favourable to Turkey. detection and at one stage succeeded in Although La Consulta, the Italian entering. The atmosphere was electric ministry of foreign affairs, was very much – a few cheers, and a stunned silence. at the centre of events as the meeting Venizelos granted an interview to the place of the ambassadors in Rome, and Cretan deputy, General Lympritis, in thus as a conduit for information, Italy, which he explained that they could as a small Power, was unwilling to take not be recognized as representing the the initiative and was ready to fall in population of the Hellenic Kingdom with the prevailing mood of the Powers. and thus for reasons of internal order, Despite the Italo-Turkish War which and to avoid external complications, he broke out in September 1911 when Italy could not permit them access. Should attacked Tripoli, Crete remained neutral they persist in trying to gain entry, and Italy continued to participate in the government would be obliged to Cretan affairs. The gendarmerie was oppose them by force. These events were efficiently run along Italian lines, with reported by Moukhtar Bey to Assim Bey Italian officers in charge. on l June 1912, and, to dodge further

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Austria and Germany had no wish to was despondent. The journal To Άστυ be involved in negotiations, surmising that complained, “La Grèce était en droit these would be protracted, and that their d’espérer protection de la Russie, mais presence would merely complicate the elle a été détrompée.” [no. 272]. It was issue by unleashing rivalries and raising said that Russia was not pro-Greek secondary questions. They were prepared because of Greek hostility towards the to go along with any solution acceptable Slavs, yet as an Orthodox country neither to Turkey. German non-involvement could she come out in favour of Turkey. was a disappointment to Turkey, given The Russians also claimed that the that by the first decade of the twentieth dowager empress (King George’s sister) century Germany and Turkey had many and Queen Olga blocked their liberty of interests in common, such as the German action. None of this prevented Russia reorganisation and training of Ottoman from an occasional swipe at “les procédés military forces, and the construction of enfantins et agacants des Crétois” [no. the Berlin-Baghdad railway. Meanwhile, 668] or describing their movement as Britain, despite a little froideur which was “théatral” [no. 1062]. If Russian support corrected with fulsome statements to the seemed to lean towards Turkey, the House of Commons, remained resolutely latter was never entirely convinced that pro-Turkish, the only country to follow Russia was not giving Greece clandestine faithfully the stipulations of the Treaty of encouragement [p. 12]. Berlin. Greater freedom of the press in Russia played a close hand. Although Turkey gave rise to a volatile public Husny Pasha, Ottoman ambassador opinion, which was taken into account to St Petersburg, reported delightedly by the foreign ministry when it suited that Prince George’s “projet n’aurait them. The diplomats were not above their pas rencontré un accueil favourable à own press manipulations, as when it was Livadia” [no. 21], it was wishful thinking, suggested that the rich and influential as the tsar had “accepted the Bosnian American press magnate James Gordon model for Crete”.17 However, this did Bennett should be lavishly entertained not prevent Russia from acting firmly in Paris, in order to counter his anti- in support of the status quo. Together Turkish stance, which was thought to with the other Powers, she had rejected have emanated from the dethronement of the proposition for the introduction of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, who had once a Greek administration to the island, received him in Istanbul. On another and said she would do the same again. occasion, Osman Nizami suggested Although Djévad believed “que la guiding public opinion by asking Russie est nécessairement favorable aux “whether or not there was any advantage” Grecs” [no. 395], Greek public opinion in hastening a definitive solution. By insinuating doubt, whilst at the same time 17 Robert Holland and Diana Markides, The giving strong official assurances as to the British and the Hellenes: Struggles for Mastery in efforts that were being made to reach a the Eastern Mediterranean, 1850-1960, Oxford: rapid solution, he felt the government Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 111-112. was covered for either eventuality. In

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the meantime, in Greece, King George as the Cretan Question reached its final entertained the financial commissioners stage. The complete Isis series on the who had reported on Crete at the Eastern Question and on the origins of palace, to try to influence them towards World War I will be a useful and lasting annexation, and possibly also to try to tribute to turbulent times, and a fine restore some of the prestige he felt Prince complement to the commemorations George had lost on Crete. that will take place in 2013 for the * centenary of Crete’s annexation. These A review is too short to be able to analyze are valuable books, and they deserve the many interesting themes that are a wider readership than they will suggested by these documents, such as probably get. What is important is that the evolution of the internal political they should be taken into account by situation on Crete, or Venizelos’ rising anyone trying to write the history of this influence in Greece. Suffice it to say period. Until now we have experienced that there is enough useful material for the hand of the Porte as a shadowy and these books to be of great value, but overshadowing dimension, seen only in there are lacunae. Some occur through propaganda and usually disadvantageous the chance survival of some documents proclamations. Now we have the chance over the random loss, misfiling or to set the record straight. Our view has destruction of others. There is, however, been dramatically enhanced by the also the editorial decision not to print publication of these diplomatic reports: enclosures and, for what would probably intelligent, thoughtful, full of insights have amounted to less than 50 extra and well-gathered intelligence, which pages, the reader is deprived of many answer many long-pondered questions. contemporary nuances. In conclusion, I would like to feel The books are valuable for the insight we are working towards a time when they give us of the Ottoman mindset, sources can be shared freely and writing specifically the frustration at trying to can take into account both sides of a achieve a restitution of Crete to the given narrative. Sinan Kuneralp is doing Ottoman fold through the retention of admirable work in making such sources their sovereign rights, despite knowing available. It now remains to see how that their power over it could never be historians come to reappraise the past, and restored. We can see Crete slipping to see if their readers can come to accept ineluctably through their fingers that their previously received views may even whilst the echoes of the Powers’ not tell the whole story. Each era needs resolution to leave their ships “comme its own interpretation of history. The next une manifestation de leur resolution de generation of historians will be able to maintenir le statu quo” [no. 1186] ring on. carry this work forward to new levels of These books are both feast and famine. If understanding. Only then will we be able you do not expect them to answer specific to see both sides of the picture. questions, you will be well rewarded by Rosie Randolph this useful addition to our knowledge Researcher, of the workings of Ottoman diplomacy Cretan Revolution of 1866-1869

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