Secularism and Islam: the Theological Predicament
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Laicism and Secularism in France and Turkey by Gulce Tarhan
Roots of the Headscarf Debate: Laicism and Secularism in France and Turkey By Gulce Tarhan Introduction Laicism and secularism refer to two different possibilities of how to organize state policies toward religion. These concepts are, in a limited sense, similar to each other as they both include two elements: separation between state and religion (separation of political authority from religious authority) and freedom of religion. It is the visible appearance of religion that demarcates the difference between them. Secularism is usually described as more tolerant towards public visibility of religion; a secular state plays a passive role and allows religious symbols in the public domain. In laicism the state plays a more active role by excluding religious symbols from the public domain and thus confines religion to the private domain. Laicism or laicité in French is usually defined as a unique feature of French political culture. It emerged after the 1789 Revolution as a way of separating state and religion. Today, it is accepted as the foundation of the French Republic, which ensures national unity by securing tolerance towards different religious groups and by unifying citizens as rational, enlightened members of a collective unity. Yet today the principle of laicité seems to have produced the opposite result: the polarization of the French society into two. The recent debate over the ban on headscarves exemplifies this situation. The French public seems to be divided into two camps – supporters and opponents of such a ban. Turkey, which is the first and the most secular country in the Muslim world, is another country where a similar debate caused a similar polarization. -
Religion–State Relations
Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Dawood Ahmed © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-113-2 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages and risks ............................................................................................... -
From Secular Democracy to Hindu Rashtra Gita Sahgal*
Feminist Dissent Hindutva Past and Present: From Secular Democracy to Hindu Rashtra Gita Sahgal* *Correspondence: secularspaces@ gmail.com Abstract This essay outlines the beginnings of Hindutva, a political movement aimed at establishing rule by the Hindu majority. It describes the origin myths of Aryan supremacy that Hindutva has developed, alongside the campaign to build a temple on the supposed birthplace of Ram, as well as the re-writing of history. These characteristics suggest that it is a far-right fundamentalist movement, in accordance with the definition of fundamentalism proposed by Feminist Dissent. Finally, it outlines Hindutva’s ‘re-imagining’ of Peer review: This article secularism and its violent campaigns against those it labels as ‘outsiders’ has been subject to a double blind peer review to its constructed imaginary of India. process Keywords: Hindutva, fundamentalism, secularism © Copyright: The Hindutva, the fundamentalist political movement of Hinduism, is also a Authors. This article is issued under the terms of foundational movement of the 20th century far right. Unlike its European the Creative Commons Attribution Non- contemporaries in Italy, Spain and Germany, which emerged in the post- Commercial Share Alike License, which permits first World War period and rapidly ascended to power, Hindutva struggled use and redistribution of the work provided that to gain mass acceptance and was held off by mass democratic movements. the original author and source are credited, the The anti-colonial struggle as well as Left, rationalist and feminist work is not used for commercial purposes and movements recognised its dangers and mobilised against it. Their support that any derivative works for anti-fascism abroad and their struggles against British imperialism and are made available under the same license terms. -
Sunni – Shi`A Relations and the Implications for Belgium and Europe
FEARING A ‘SHIITE OCTOPUS’ SUNNI – SHI`A RELATIONS AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR BELGIUM AND EUROPE EGMONT PAPER 35 FEARING A ‘SHIITE OCTOPUS’ Sunni – Shi`a relations and the implications for Belgium and Europe JELLE PUELINGS January 2010 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont - The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1538 9 D/2010/4804/17 U 1384 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publishers. -
Islamic Feminism, a Public Lecture By
SUDANWORKINGPAPER Islamic Feminism, a public lecture by Liv Tønnessen, Regional Institute of Gender, Rights, Peace & Diversity, Ahfad University for Women, Sudan SWP 2014: 1 Islamic Feminism Public lecture by Liv Tønnessen, Ahfad University for Women, Sudan SVP 2014 : 1 CMI SWP ISLAMIC FEMINISM 2014: 1 In the words of Pakistani-American Asma Barlas, “I came to the realization that women and men are equal as a result not of reading feminist texts, but of reading the Quran.”1 This position has come to be known as Islamic feminism. The term has been heatedly debated and both feminists and Muslims have rejected it as two fundamentally incompatible ideas. Secular feminists reject it because they argue religion generally and Islam in particular is oppressive to women2 and many Muslim women reject it because they feel ‘feminism’ is a secular invention imposed on them from outside, from the West. Islamic feminism is indeed highly contested, but it has also been widely embraced by both activists and scholars. As Margot Badran’s article from 2002 asks, What's in a name? What's behind a name? What is Islamic feminism?3 I will in a humble way attempt to address these questions in this talk. Let me first start by saying that this is a research paper on Islamic feminism. I am not a Muslim, but I find myself fascinated and genuinely interested in the question of women and Islam. I do not under any circumstances start my engagement with the topic from a position which neither reduces Islam to be monolithic and anti-women nor a position which states that secularism is the only route to women’s empowerment. -
Introduction: Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds Holly Gayley
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Philosophy Faculty Publications Philosophy & Religious Studies 5-2016 Introduction: Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds Holly Gayley Nicole Willock Old Dominion University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/philosophy_fac_pubs Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Repository Citation Gayley, Holly and Willock, Nicole, "Introduction: Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds" (2016). Philosophy Faculty Publications. 33. https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/philosophy_fac_pubs/33 Original Publication Citation Gayley, H., & Willock, N. (2016). Introduction | Theorizing the secular in tibetan cultural worlds. Himalaya, The Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies, 36(1), 12-21. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy & Religious Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction | Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank the contributors to this volume—Tsering Gonkatsang, Matthew King, Leigh Miller, Emmi Okada, Annabella Pitkin, Françoise Robin, Dominique Townsend—as well as the other original panelists—Janet Gyatso, Nancy Lin, and Tsering Shakya—on the panel, ‘The Secular in Tibet and Mongolia,’ at the Thirteenth Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies in 2013. The presentations, questions, and comments by panelists and audience offered new perspectives, provided the fodder for further investigations into the secular in Tibetan cultural worlds, and paved the way for this special issue of HIMALAYA. -
Print This Article
Journal of Global Buddhism Vol. 18 (2017): 112–128 Special Focus: Buddhists and the Making of Modern Chinese Societies Buddhism and Global Secularisms David L. McMahan, Franklin and Marshall College Abstract: Buddhism in the modern world offers an example of (1) the porousness of the boundary between the secular and religious; (2) the diversity, fluidity, and constructedness of the very categories of religious and secular, since they appear in different ways among different Buddhist cultures in divergent national contexts; and (3) the way these categories nevertheless have very real-world effects and become drivers of substantial change in belief and practice. Drawing on a few examples of Buddhism in various geographical and political settings, I hope to take a few modest steps toward illuminating some broad contours of the interlacing of secularism and Buddhism. In doing so, I am synthesizing some of my own and a few others’ research on modern Buddhism, integrating it with some current research I am doing on meditation, and considering its implications for thinking about secularism. This, I hope, will provide a background against which we can consider more closely some particular features of Buddhism in the Chinese cultural world, about which I will offer some preliminary thoughts. Keywords: secularism; modern Buddhism; meditation; mindfulness; vipassanā The Religious-Secular Binary he wave of scholarship on secularism that has arisen in recent decades paints a more nuanced picture than the reigning model throughout most of the twentieth century. For most of the twentieth century, social theorists adhered Tto a linear narrative of secularism as a global process of religion waning and becoming less relevant to public life. -
Constructing the Secular: the Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 36 Number 1 Article 12 May 2016 Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Emmi Okada University of Tokyo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Okada, Emmi. 2016. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community. HIMALAYA 36(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol36/iss1/12 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the innumerable Tibetans in Dharamsala, India, without whose assistance the present research could not have been completed. She also wishes to acknowledge Professor David Gellner who supervised her MPhil thesis which formed the basis of this article, and the Tibetan Studies staff at the Oriental Institute at the University of Oxford, -
The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy
Pluralism Betrayed: The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy Peter A. Samuelsont I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 309 f1. BACKGROUND TO THE ELECTIONS AND THE COUP ................................ 311 A. Algeria's Economic Crisis ......................................... 311 B. Algeria's FirstMultiparty Elections in 1990 for Local Offices ................ 313 C. The FIS Victory in the 1991 ParliamentaryElections ...................... 314 D. The Coup dt& tat ................................................ 318 E. Western Response to the Coup ...................................... 322 III. EVALUATING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE COUP ................................ 325 A. Problems Presented by Pluralism .................................... 326 B. Balancing Majority Rights Against Minority Rights ........................ 327 C. The Role of Religion in Society ...................................... 329 D. Islamic Jurisprudence ............................................ 336 1. Islamic Views of Democracy and Pluralism ......................... 337 2. Islam and Human Rights ...................................... 339 IV. PROBABLE ACTIONS OF AN FIS PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY ........................ 340 A. The FIS Agenda ................................................ 342 1. Trends Within the FIS ........................................ 342 2. The Process of Democracy: The Allocation of Power .................. 345 a. Indicationsof DemocraticPotential .......................... 346 -
Anti-Semitism: a Pillar of Islamic Extremist Ideology
Anti-Semitism: A Pillar of Islamic Extremist Ideology In a video message in August 2015, Osama bin Laden’s son, Hamza bin Laden, utilized a range of anti-Semitic and anti-Israel narratives in his effort to rally Al Qaeda supporters and incite violence against Americans and Jews. Bin Laden described Jews and Israel as having a disproportionate role in world events and the oppression of Muslims. He compared the “Zio- Crusader alliance led by America” to a bird: “Its head is America, one wing is NATO and the other is the State of the Jews in occupied Palestine, and the legs are the tyrant rulers that sit on the chests of the peoples of the Muslim Ummah [global community].” An undated image of al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden and his son, Hamza Bin Laden then called for attacks worldwide and demanded that Muslims “support their brothers in Palestine by fighting the Jews and the Americans... not in America and occupied Palestine and Afghanistan alone, but all over the world…. take it to all the American, Jewish, and Western interests in the world.” Such violent expressions of anti-Semitism have been at the core of Al Qaeda’s ideology for decades. Even the 9/11 terrorist attacks were motivated, in part, by anti-Semitism. Mohamed Atta, a key member of the Al Qaeda Hamburg cell responsible for the attacks, reportedly considered New York City to be the center of a global Jewish conspiracy, and Khalid Sheik Mohammed, who masterminded the attack, had allegedly previously developed several plans to attack Israeli and Jewish targets. -
Islamic Feminism Revisited
Islamic Feminism Revisited Haideh Moghissi ver a year has passed since millions of Iranian people poured into the streets pro- testing the rigged presidential elections that reinstated Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in office for a second term. The powerful yet remarkably nonviolent protest movement, in particular the images of beautiful young women at the front rows of street demonstrations, their clearly secular appearances, their courageous encounters with police and plain- clothed thugs, and the killing of a young woman, Neda Agha- Soltan, whose murder was captured on camera, mesmerized the world. These images helped challenge the long- held perceptions about religion- steeped “Muslim” women and the political and emotional attachment of people to the Islamic state and its values and practices. The protests also helped silence, temporarily at least, the cultural relativist academics and commentators who since the mid- 1990s had been beating the drums of secularism’s end in Iran and had tried to push Islamic feminism as the only homegrown, locally produced, and hence culturally suitable project for changing the lot of women in Iran and indeed in Muslim- majority countries. The ebbing of the street protests under the brutal pressure of security forces and the pushing underground of all forms of opposition, however, seem to have resuscitated those who support Islam as the Middle Eastern version of liberation theology. For more than a decade the proponents of the idea, through their “field research,” documentaries, and reports and in total disregard for the loud voices of the overwhelming majority of urban women (and men) with or without faith inside Iran, wittingly or unwittingly lobbied on behalf of Islamists’ proj- of ects. -
CTTA-June-2020.Pdf
Editorial Note: Diffused, Chronic and Evolving Global Threat Landscape In the face of a dynamically metastasising terrorist threat, the global security landscape is evolving into one that is more diffused, chronic and dispersed, where low-to-medium level individual acts of violence are becoming commonplace. The chaotic, unpredictable ways in which terrorist events unfold, is now enjoined by new actors such as the far-right movement, with the potential to further spread across the globe. Though the propensity to react violently has increased, the favoured modus operandi remains low- end urban terrorism (stabbings, vehicular ramming and use of home-made explosive devices), mainly due to the inability of like-minded extremist groups to form organisational structures and augment their capabilities for coordinated attacks. However, the very fact that these extremist entities can form virtual communities on social media and share a bond is alarming. With this as a given, the upgrading of violent capabilities is a question of when, not if. There has been a noticeable explosion of radicalism across the ideological spectrum. Various entities linked to the far-right movement in the West, some anti-establishment groups, as well as supporters and followers of global jihadist movements, namely Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS), have actively exploited the uncertainty created by the COVID-19 pandemic, and ongoing violent race protests in the US, to further their respective agendas. In short, it appears the chaos and volatility of current times, is mirrored within the global extremist-radical milieu. Against this backdrop, the present issue of the Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses (CTTA) features five articles.