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The Leftist Case for War in Iraq •fi William Shawcross, Allies
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 6 2003 Article 6 Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard Abstract Shawcross is superbly equipped to assess the impact of rogue States and terrorist organizations on global security. He is also well placed to comment on the risks of preemptive invasion for existing alliances and the future prospects for the international rule of law. An analysis of the ways in which the international community has “confronted evil,” Shawcross’ brief polemic argues that U.S. President George Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair were right to go to war without UN clearance, and that the hypocrisy of Jacques Chirac was largely responsible for the collapse of international consensus over the war. His curious identification with Bush and his neoconservative allies as the most qualified to implement this humanitarian agenda, however, fails to recognize essential differences between the leftist case for war and the hard-line justification for regime change in Iraq. BOOK REVIEW VENGEANCE AND EMPIRE: THE LEFTIST CASE FOR WAR IN IRAQ WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, ALLIES: THE U.S., BRITAIN, EUROPE, AND THE WAR IN IRAQ* Hal Blanchard** INTRODUCTION In early 2002, as the war in Afghanistan came to an end and a new interim government took power in Kabul,1 Vice President Richard Cheney was discussing with President George W. -
September 12, 2006 the Honorable John Warner, Chairman The
GENERAL JOHN SHALIKASHVILI, USA (RET.) GENERAL JOSEPH HOAR, USMC (RET.) ADMIRAL GREGORY G. JOHNSON, USN (RET.) ADMIRAL JAY L. JOHNSON, USN (RET.) GENERAL PAUL J. KERN, USA (RET.) GENERAL MERRILL A. MCPEAK, USAF (RET.) ADMIRAL STANSFIELD TURNER, USN (RET.) GENERAL WILLIAM G. T. TUTTLE JR., USA (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL DANIEL W. CHRISTMAN, USA (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL PAUL E. FUNK, USA (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL ROBERT G. GARD JR., USA (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL JAY M. GARNER, USA (RET.) VICE ADMIRAL LEE F. GUNN, USN (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL ARLEN D. JAMESON, USAF (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL CLAUDIA J. KENNEDY, USA (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL DONALD L. KERRICK, USA (RET.) VICE ADMIRAL ALBERT H. KONETZNI JR., USN (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL CHARLES OTSTOTT, USA (RET.) VICE ADMIRAL JACK SHANAHAN, USN (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL HARRY E. SOYSTER, USA (RET.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL PAUL K. VAN RIPER, USMC (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL JOHN BATISTE, USA (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL EUGENE FOX, USA (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL JOHN L. FUGH, USA (RET.) REAR ADMIRAL DON GUTER, USN (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL FRED E. HAYNES, USMC (RET.) REAR ADMIRAL JOHN D. HUTSON, USN (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL MELVYN MONTANO, ANG (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL GERALD T. SAJER, USA (RET.) MAJOR GENERAL MICHAEL J. SCOTTI JR., USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL DAVID M. BRAHMS, USMC (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL JAMES P. CULLEN, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL EVELYN P. FOOTE, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL DAVID R. IRVINE, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL JOHN H. JOHNS, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL RICHARD O’MEARA, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL MURRAY G. SAGSVEEN, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL JOHN K. SCHMITT, USA (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL ANTHONY VERRENGIA, USAF (RET.) BRIGADIER GENERAL STEPHEN N. -
Army Downsizing Following World War I, World War Ii, Vietnam, and a Comparison to Recent Army Downsizing
ARMY DOWNSIZING FOLLOWING WORLD WAR I, WORLD WAR II, VIETNAM, AND A COMPARISON TO RECENT ARMY DOWNSIZING A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF MILITARY ART AND SCIENCE Military History by GARRY L. THOMPSON, USA B.S., University of Rio Grande, Rio Grande, Ohio, 1989 Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 2002 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burder for this collection of information is estibated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing this collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burder to Department of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports (0704-0188), 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to any penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. PLEASE DO NOT RETURN YOUR FORM TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS. 1. REPORT DATE (DD-MM-YYYY) 2. REPORT TYPE 3. DATES COVERED (FROM - TO) 31-05-2002 master's thesis 06-08-2001 to 31-05-2002 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER ARMY DOWNSIZING FOLLOWING WORLD WAR I, WORLD II, VIETNAM AND 5b. -
Interpreting the Jackson Legacy Peter Beinart
Henry M. Jackson Foundation 1501 Fourth Avenue, Suite 1580 Seattle, Washington 98101-3225 Telephone: 206.682.8565 Fax: 206.682.8961 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.hmjackson.org Henry M. Jackson Foundation TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY LECTURE nterpreting the JacksonI Legacy in a Post-9/11 Landscape By Peter Beinart About the Foundation Since its establishment in 1983, the Henry M. Jackson Foundation has been dedicated to helping nonprofit organizations and educational institutions in the United States and Russia. The Foundation’s grants provide essential support and seed funding for new initiatives that offer promising models for replication and address critical issues in four areas in which the late Senator Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson played a key leadership role during his forty-three- year tenure in the United States Congress: Inter- national Affairs Education, Environment and Nat- ural Resources Management, Public Service, and Human Rights. About this Publication On the occasion of its twenty-fifth anniversary, the Henry M. Jackson Foundation hosted a dinner and conversation at the National Press Club in Wash- ington, D.C.. Journalist Peter Beinart was invited to share his thoughts on the Jackson legacy and the Foundation’s commemorative publication, The Nature of Leadership, Lessons from an Exemplary Statesman. Foundation Executive Director Lara Iglitzin served as moderator for the discussion that followed his remarks. nterpreting the JacksonI Legacy in a Post-9/11 Landscape WASHINGTON, D.C. • SEPTEMBER 17, 2008 y y Connoll r y Har Photo b PETER BEINART Peter Beinart is a senior fellow at The Council on Foreign Relations. He is also editor-at-large of The New Republic, a Time contributor, and a monthly columnist for The Washington Post. -
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Indra Lusero, Assistant Director
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Indra Lusero, Assistant Director, 303-902-9402, [email protected] SCHOLAR ASSESSES COLIN POWELL'S LATEST REMARKS Powell is Second Joint Chiefs Chair to Urge Review of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” Date: December 15, 2008 SANTA BARBARA, December 14, 2008 – General Colin Powell said this week that the nation “definitely should re-evaluate” the current ban on openly gay troops. “It’s been fifteen years and attitudes have changed,” he told CNN in an interview. Powell, who was Secretary of State under George Bush, was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 1993 when “don’t ask, don’t tell” became law. The policy requires gay and lesbian troops to conceal their sexual identity and remain celibate. Dr. Nathaniel Frank, a historian and senior research fellow at the Palm Center, says that Powell’s remarks reflect a small but important change in the General’s public position. “In previous comments,” Frank said, “Powell called for reviewing ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ at the same time that he said he was not ready to advocate its elimination. This time is different: in the wake of Obama’s victory, repeal has a real chance, and Powell’s slightly stronger remarks—that we should, instead of could, reconsider the policy, add more to the momentum for change.” Frank’s forthcoming book, Unfriendly Fire: How the Gay Ban Undermines the Military and Weakens America, includes a chapter on Powell’s participation in the 1993 debates, and documents Powell’s central role in assuring the legislating of the ban. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Remarks at a Farewell Ceremony Honoring Joint Chiefs of Staff
Administration of William J. Clinton, 1997 / Sept. 30 1463 announce new efforts to end housing dis- bers of our Armed Forces; to all the friends crimination in America. First, HUD will of General Shalikashvili who are here today, issue $15 million in grants to 67 private, non- including former Secretary Perry, former profit housing groups, State and local govern- Chairmen and members of the Joint Chiefs, ments to combat housing discrimination and former officials of the Department of De- to promote fair housing practices. And then fense. We all come together in grateful trib- Secretary Cuomo will double the number of ute to John and Joan Shalikashvili. housing discrimination enforcement actions This is, frankly, a bittersweet day for me. over the next 4 years. I am full of pride but also some regret. For It's clear to me now that there is more the last 4 years, I have counted on Shali for housing discrimination in America than I had his wisdom, his counsel, his leadership. He thought there was when I became President, has become an exceptional adviser and a and that that has been kept alive too long good friend, someone I knew I could always in too many neighborhoods, keeping, among depend upon when the lives of our troops other things, too many families from sending or the interests of America were on the line. their children to the schools of their choice. And I will miss him very much. So I applaud what Secretary Cuomo is doing, General Shali is a great American with a and I will strongly support him. -
By Barrie Dunsmor E PRESS POLITICS PUBLIC POLICY
THE NEXT WAR: LIVE? by Barrie Dunsmor e The Joan Shorenstein Center PRESS POLITICS Discussion Paper D-22 March 1996 PUBLIC POLICY Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government Barrie Dunsmore 35 INTRODUCTION “Live” coverage is no longer a technological recognition that their effort, while sincere and marvel, though networks still rush to superim- determined, may fail. And so they “negotiate.” pose the word “live” over their coverage of a They say they respect each other’s needs. They Presidential news conference, a Congressional are sensitive to the awesome power of public hearing or the latest installment of the O.J. opinion in the age of television, faxes, cellular Simpson saga. Indeed, “live” coverage has been phones and other such miracles of communica- an option, though at the beginning an awkward tion. They are aware that any agreement and costly one, since the political conventions of reached in an atmosphere of peace may quickly 1948 and 1952. Over the years, as cameras have collapse in the pressures of war. become smaller, satellites more sophisticated, Neither side has to be reminded that the and the world more “digitalized,” costs have precedent for “live” coverage of war has been set. dropped dramatically, and many news events are Twice already, during the Persian Gulf War of now covered “live” routinely—except for the 1990-91, network correspondents reported “live” coverage of war. Yet, even here, too, it seems to from the Kuwaiti front—Forrest Sawyer for ABC be only a matter of time before anchors intro- News and Bob McKeowan for CBS News. -
UNITED OR DIVIDED Barbara A
Previous Participants 2002 2004-Spring 2004-Fall 2005 2006 Ken Auletta Madeleine Albright Paul Gigot President Bill Clinton Eleanor Clift Westchester Community College Catherine Crier Zbigniew Brzezinski Joe Klein David Gergen Walter Isaacson Alexander M. Haig, Jr. Cokie Roberts Daniel Henninger Foundation Dorothy Rabinowitz Steven Roberts Marvin Kalb Norman Ornstein cordially invites you to the President's Forum 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 R. Glenn Hubbard Paul Krugman Ari Fleischer Dan Balz Elliott Abrams a Scholarship & Program Fund Benefit Irwin Kellner Rich Lowry Paul Gigot Dr. Alan Brinkley Leslie Gelb Jane Bryant Quinn Richard Norton Smith Joe Lockhart Bob Herbert Nita Lowey Paul Volcker Sean Wilentz Mark Shields Kimberley Strassel Richard Murphy 2012 2013 2014 2015 Tom Friedman David Nasaw Amb. Richard Murphy Dr. William Burns David Gergen Lynne Olson Trudy Rubin Dr. Henry Kissinger Richard Norton Smith David Woolner Paul Stares Margaret Warner The Road Ahead: Westchester Community College Foundation Board Ruth Suzman, Chairman Joanne Landau Katherine Stipicevic Susan Yubas, President George P. Lindsay Evelyn Stock UNITED OR DIVIDED Barbara A. Abeles Edith Landau Litt David Swope Hon. Joaquin Alemany Patricia Lunka George M. Thom, '66 Hon. Robert Astorino Matthew McCrosson Elinor F. Urstadt George E. Austin Philip J. McGrath Lucille S. Werlinich Glenn R. Bianco Dr. Belinda S. Miles Renee M. Brown Katherine Moore Joseph P. Carlucci Eon S. Nichols Directors Emeriti Myrna Clyman Martha Nierenberg Walter Korntheuer Sunday Afternoon James W. Cobb Hon. John Nonna Hon. Frances MacEachron November 20, 2016 Susan L. Cohen David A. Oestreich Frank S. McCullough Jr. Lisa W. Connors Dr. Heather Ostman Theodore Peluso 2:30 pm to 4:30 pm Dr. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
Terrifying Thoughts: Power, Order, and Terror After 9/11
Global Governance 11 (2005), 247–271 REVIEW ESSAY Terrifying Thoughts: Power, Order, and Terror After 9/11 Steven E. Miller The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, had a profound effect on the Bush administration’s foreign policy. This review essay examines a set of books and documents that illuminate the dominant U.S. threat perceptions in the post–September 11 environment and analyze both the strategies and the new directions that have emerged in U.S. policy in response to the new threat perceptions. Several of the books under review explore the deep socioeconomic and ideological origins of the wide support found in the U.S. public for the Bush administration’s bold and often controversial policy choices. Taken together, these works convey the impression that Bush’s strategic impulses will have considerable staying power in the U.S. body politic. KEYWORDS: Bush doctrine, terrorism/war on terrorism, grand strategy, terrorist threat, U.S. foreign policy. Richard A. Clarke, et al., Defeating the Jihadists: A Blueprint for Action (New York: Century Foundation Press, 2004), 172 pp. David Frum and Richard Perle, An End to Evil: How to Win the War on Terror (New York: Ballantine Books, 2004), 280 pp. John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 150 pp. Anatol Lieven, America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 274 pp. Walter Russell Mead, Power, Terror, Peace and War: America’s Grand Strategy in a World at Risk, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004), 226 pp. The National Strategy to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction (Wash- ington, D.C.: White House, December 2002), 6 pp. -
American Monsters: Tabloid Media and the Satanic Panic, 1970-2000
AMERICAN MONSTERS: TABLOID MEDIA AND THE SATANIC PANIC, 1970-2000 A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Sarah A. Hughes May 2015 Examining Committee Members: Kenneth L. Kusmer, Advisory Chair, History Carolyn Kitch, Journalism Susan E. Klepp, History Elaine Tyler May, External Member, University of Minnesota, American Studies © Copyright 2015 by Sarah A. Hughes All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT “American Monsters: Tabloid Media and the Satanic Panic, 1970-2000,” analyzes an episode of national hysteria that dominated the media throughout most of the 1980s. Its origins, however, go back much farther and its consequences for the media would extend into subsequent decades. Rooted in the decade’s increasingly influential conservative political ideology, the satanic panic involved hundreds of accusations that devil-worshipping pedophiles were operating America’s white middle-class suburban daycare centers. Communities around the country became embroiled in criminal trials against center owners, the most publicized of which was the McMartin Preschool trial in Manhattan Beach, California. The longest and most expensive trial in the nation’s history, the McMartin case is an important focal point of this project. In the 1990s, judges overturned the life sentences of defendants in most major cases, and several prominent journalists and lawyers condemned the phenomenon as a witch-hunt. They accurately understood it to be a powerful delusion, or what contemporary cultural theorist Jean Baudrillard termed a “hyperreality,” in which audiences confuse the media universe for real life. Presented mainly through tabloid television, or “infotainment,” and integral to its development, influence, and success, the panic was a manifestation of the hyperreal.