Ecological Profile Ch. 3 Land Use History

CHAPTER 3. Human and Land-Use History of the NBNERR CHAPTER 3. Human and Land-Use Joseph J. Bains and Robin L.J. Weber 15 An Ecological Profile of the Narragansett Bay National Estuarine Research Reserve Figure 3.1. The Prudence Inn (built in 1894) contained more than 20 guestrooms. Postcard reproduction. 16 CHAPTER 3. Human and Land-Use History of the NBNERR Human and Land-Use History of the NBNERR Overview ary War. During the time that forests were being cleared, drainage of coastal and inland wetlands Prudence Island has had a long history of also occurred, which together with the deforesta- predominantly seasonal use, with a human population activities would have altered the hydrology of tion that has fl uctuated considerably due to changes the region (Niering, 1998). Changes in hydrology in the political climate. The location of Prudence would, in turn, infl uence future vegetation composi- Island near the center of Narragansett Bay, although tion. Although reforestation has occurred throughout considered isolated and relatively inaccessible by much of the region, the current forests are dissimilar today’s standards, made the island a highly desirable to the forests that existed prior to European settle- central location during periods when water travel ment, refl ected most notably in the reduction or loss was prevalent. of previously dominant or common species. In addi- The land-use practices on Prudence Island tion to forest compositional trends that can be linked are generally consistent with land-use practices to past land use, structurally the forests are most throughout New England from prehistoric periods often young and even aged (Foster, 1992). through the present. This region was extensively Agricultural use of the land on Prudence forested prior to European settlement, and the for- Island began with the establishment of multiple est was believed to be highly dynamic due to the tenant farms on large continuous parcels during the infl uence of natural disturbance, changing climate colonial era, then changed to fewer, larger indi- conditions, and the activities of American Indi- vidual farms operated by a small number of tenants th ans (Foster and Motzkin, 1998). The use of fi re to throughout the 19 century, and fi nally progressed remove understory vegetation, a common practice to the abandonment of all but a few owner-operated th of the Indians in this region, resulted in forests that farms by the start of the 20 century. As elsewhere have been described as open and park-like (Morton, in New England, it wasn’t until competition from 1883[1632]). However, as Indian use of Prudence Midwestern states in the mid- to late 1800s made Island was limited to seasonal activities (Stachiw, local farming unprofi table that much of the land 1981), it is possible that the forests on the island on Prudence Island was abandoned as farmland. would have retained a more natural vegetation Generally, the least productive, marginal lands were composition and structure than forests of nearby abandoned fi rst. During the last century, the aban- coastal areas that were subject to year-round human donment of large tracts of land on the island created impacts. Recent investigations of regional land-use a patchwork of multi-stage vegetation as each parcel history suggest that open-land habitats in pre- in turn was successionally reclaimed by grassland European uplands were more uncommon than previ- and woody species, eventually developing into the ously believed; natural and human disturbance was forests of today. infrequent and generally local to Indian settlements (Foster and Motzkin, 2003). The colonial infl uence on the New England Prehistory (prior to 1640) landscape is visible today in the form of stone walls, foundations, and forest composition. The impact on the landscape during European settlement in The islands of Narragansett Bay, with their this region was substantial. Much of the forest was numerous sheltered coves, likely provided excellent cleared for agriculture, pasture, and for timber and fi shing and shellfi shing resources that would have cordwood. Initially, areas near the coast and river been attractive to prehistoric populations. Privately systems supported the largest population centers. held artifact collections from Prudence Island repre- Deforestation began in these areas and spread across senting various projectile point styles ranging from the landscape in concert with more widespread Middle Archaic to Late Woodland periods (6,000 settlement throughout the region. The greatest B.P. to 4,500 B.P.) serve to support this suggestion. degree of deforestation in New England generally However, these artifact collections are relatively occurred during the postcolonial period (reaching modest and may indicate only limited use of the its maximum around the mid-1800s); however, island throughout its history. A prehistoric survey deforestation of Prudence Island is likely to have of Prudence and Patience islands conducted in 1981 occurred somewhat earlier, as the most intensive identifi ed numerous seasonal campsites where shell- agricultural period occurred prior to the Revolution- fi sh processing, stone tool manufacturing, and cook- 17 An Ecological Profile of the Narragansett Bay National Estuarine Research Reserve ing were evident, but also found no strong evidence and fi sh were undoubtedly plentiful, potable water that permanent, large prehistoric settlements existed sources were abundant, and the soil types would on either island (Kerber and Luedtke, 1981). have supported the farming practices of the time. The absence of permanent settlements and The location of the island in the middle of Narragan- the apparent lack of diversity in activities at identi- sett Bay was benefi cial in terms of climate and ease fi ed seasonal campsites on Prudence Island may of travel. best be explained by political factors that structured In 1637, Roger Williams and Gov. John Win- prehistoric communities and their activities. Histori- throp of Massachusetts purchased Prudence Island cally, the jurisdiction of islands has often been am- (called Chibachuwesett by the Indians) from the biguous, leading them to become relatively underuti- Narragansett sachems, Canonicus and Miantonomi, lized neutral territory. It has been suggested that this for 20 fathoms of wampum and two coats. Williams may account for the limited prehistoric use of both kept the north half of the island for himself, with Prudence and Patience islands (Kerber and Luedtke, Gov. Winthrop taking the south half of the island. 1981). Jurisdictional disputes may similarly account Although Williams visited the island on a number for limited use of Prudence Island during the mid- of occasions, he and Gov. Winthrop were typical 1600s. Prudence absentee landlords of the time, and Patience islands refl ecting property ownership existed on the east- attitudes that were to prevail ern edge of the Nar- throughout much of Prudence ragansett Indian ter- Island’s history. ritory but appeared The settlement of Pru- to be peripheral to dence Island started soon after their main area of it was purchased, initially at activity (Kerber and the north end of the island and Luedtke, 1981). slightly later at the extreme Maytum (1976) south end. Williams estab- suggests that the lished the fi rst small stock Wampanoag tribe, farm in the vicinity of Potters with a territory and Sheep Pen Cove (at the predominantly east northern end of Prudence of the Bay, may have inhabited many islands in the Island) and his servant Joshua Windsor became the Bay prior to the Narragansett tribe expansion into fi rst colonial resident. Although this initial attempt at this area. Certainly both tribes claimed ownership establishing a stock farm failed, by about 1665, there of Prudence Island during the early colonial period. were a small number of tenants living in the area The Narragansett tribe attempted to attract European around Potters Cove and the neck of the island. The settlement by offering Prudence Island as a gift, fi rst main activity associated with these farms appears to to John Oldham in 1634, then to Roger Williams in have been stock farming, particularly sheep and pigs. 1637. Later, in 1669, King Phillip, sachem of the These settlers cleared land, pastured their animals, Wampanoag tribe, gave Prudence Island to John and grew some crops including corn, wheat, and rye. Paine and in 1670, the Wampanoag tribe made the They cut trees for building homes, fences, barns, and claim that since Prudence Island belonged to them, used fi rewood for cooking and heating. Although the transfer of Prudence Island from the Narragansett the activities of these early settlers had some impact, tribe to Roger Williams was illegal. Although there they occupied only a small part of Prudence Island, was a clear dispute as to ownership, the purpose of and their impact was likely to have been minimal. gifting the island to European settlers was presum- The earliest settlers on the extreme south end of ably to prevent use of the land by the neighboring the island probably arrived some time in the 1650s. tribe and/or to establish a neutral territory. Within 10 years, there were a number of settlers in this area. The tenants at this end of the island were primarily planters, not stock farmers. Although prop- The Colonial Era (circa 1640 to erty ownership would change many times through- 1775) out the next century, a small number of individuals continued to own large continuous parcels and these properties were occupied by tenant farmers. It is probable that, when the fi rst colonists The impact of King Phillip’s War (1675– arrived, a mature growth forest of mixed hardwoods 1676) on the inhabitants of Prudence Island was and conifers covered Prudence Island. Wild game 18 signifi cant, though no battles were fought here. CHAPTER 3. Human and Land-Use History of the NBNERR The war caused many of the residents to confront about 1780.

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