Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: a Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church” Development
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Global Issues as Seen in the Hindu Context Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: A Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church” Development by H. L. Richard Introduction 1 he study of religion in India is in flux, and scholarly consensus is lacking even on rather fundamental issues like the definition of T “Hinduism.” I would like to introduce this brief outline of three important Indian religious movements with recent comments by scholars in the field. In their introduction to a collection of papers focused on the interac- tion between charismatic leadership and canonical scripture, editors Vasudha Dalmia, Angelika Malinar and Martin Christof write that We still need to gather a vast amount of data before we can begin to compile anything resembling a history of Indian religions. (2001:2) David Lorenzen, introducing a study of religious movements in South Asia from 600 to 1800, comments similarly that The historical study of religious movements that flourished in South Asia before the year 1800 has not yet received the attention it deserves. (2004:1) This paper is by no means an attempt to contribute to the need for histori- cal studies of religion in India. Rather, it uses data currently available to trace aspects of the development of religious movements in order to question the paradigms employed in the spread of Christ-centered movements in India. Lorenzen goes on to discuss problems with both the terms “religion” and “movement”: Religion is notoriously difficult to define with any precision . It is much more difficult, especially in a South Asian context, to specify what we mean by a “movement,” since the degree and style of organization of popular religious groups varies enormously. Some are so loosely structured that they are perhaps better described as religious currents rather than movements. Their followers are difficult to identify and have no c formal ties to other members of the group or to its leaders. Other groups have more defined and limited memberships. (2004:3) The issues of identity and membership are important in the context of this H. L. Richard is an independent research paper, although rarely addressed directly. So it is important to note at the outset scholar presently focusing on issues in South Asian culture and religion. that contextually there are a variety of approaches to this issue. cInternational Journal of Frontier Missiology 24:3 Fall 2007•139 140 Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: A Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church“ One more comment from Lorenzen is O Lord of Confluence, distinctions, which lies behind each of appropriate in light of this paper: since nothing will offend you, his other three emphases. His second I shall sing to the tune point is the dignity of labor in the Since the beginning of the Common of love. (#493, Zvelebil 1984:72) Era, Hinduism has been dominated Lingayat movement; here occupations by religious devotion or bhakti to the Referring to Shiva as Lord of the are not hierarchically ranked, and various forms and avatars of the gods Confluence, or Lord of the Meeting none are considered unclean. Thirdly, Vishnu and Siva and their divine wives, Rivers, was Basava’s standard “signa- Schouten highlights the elevation of consorts and associates. (2004:16) ture” on his vacanas; it was a name for women in Lingayatism. Finally, educa- Thus, when in this paper three bhakti Shiva adopted from a temple where he tion and learning are stressed for all movements are introduced, this is spent some of his early years and where peoples rather than being the preserve keeping with the mainstream of he later died. of the high castes. developments within Hinduism, and Distinctives of the Lingayats “Conversion” to Lingayatism in no sense involves a selective ignor- K. Ishwaran outlines four aspects of Especially in its rejection of the social ing other trends. the religious reform and revolt that order based on caste there are many 1. Virasaivism or Basava pioneered: parallels between the introduction the Lingayat Movement and growth of the Lingayats and that Introduction of Christianity. Virasaivism was a Virasaivism (the name suggests confessional movement that called for “heroic, ardent worshippers of the god The Lingayat the renunciation of caste and caste-ist Shiva” (Schouten 1995:1)) is a devo- ideal is “one community” practices. A Basava vacana strikingly tional movement that developed from makes this point: the life and teaching of Basava (or for the enlightened … There is one earth under the street Basavanna or Basaveshwara, 1105- of the untouchables and under the 1167) in south India in the area pres- which does not recognize temple of Siva; ently known as Karnataka. Basava was or practice caste. One water to use in the latrine and a Brahmin and his family was devoted to sip; to Shiva, but he revolted against the One community for those who Brahminical orthodoxy of his day. know themselves; Basava is best remembered for his In the first place, the Lingayat tradi- One result of liberation through the vacanas, of which some 1400 are tion rejects without reservation the six philosophies; attributed to him (Zvelebil 1984:3). Brahmanical socio-economic-cultural And there is only one abode for those Zvelebil discusses the characteristics of order of castes and sub-castes. Secondly, it rejects their doctrinal and theoretical who know you, O Lord of the Meeting vacanas, which are a literary form that basis—the Vedas. Thirdly, it rejects cat- Rivers! (Schouten 1995:27; cf. Zvelebil predated Basava: egorically sacrificial ritualism. Lastly, it 1984:118) Though vacanas are not, strictly speak- rejects just as categorically the magico- The Lingayat ideal is “one community” ing, verse, it is possible to arrange religious practices. (1983:109) for the enlightened, a new, confessional them according to certain patterns in lines of varying length, and they Basava introduced a spirituality center- community which does not recognize certainly exhibit structure . Vacanas ing on Shiva and distinguished by each or practice caste. This was also the were supposed to be uttered or sung cindividual wearing on their person a ideal that dominated (and dominates) on the spur of the moment, on the small linga as the focus of their devo- most Christian movements in India. A spot, here and now. They were the tion. The linga was originally a phallic detailed analysis of this ideal cannot be reflection of spontaneous experi- symbol, but none of this association attempted here, but there was a rapid ence—the poets’ varied experience of carried over in the Lingayat movement. breakdown in Lingayat practice, and nature, life and religion. (1984:1-2). The personal linga (ishtalinga) was the record of Christian movements in Note this example of the non-stylish originally wrapped in cloth and tied this area is not strikingly better. bhakti of Basava’s vacanas: around the neck or upper arm or head; presently it is kept in a silver box and is Later Developments I don’t know anything of prosody, worn on the upper body with a string. Schouten suggests that the truly radi- of time-beat or metre, cal approach to caste was perhaps only nor do I know the count of rhythm J. P. Schouten highlights four aspects practiced among the Virasaivas for as and of tone. of the progressive social teaching of little as seven years: I don’t know this variety of feet or that. the Lingayat movement. Most remark- able is the radical rejection of caste International Journal of Frontier Missiology here has hardly been any translation work done in very small languages and . there is not not likely T to be much more. H. L. Richard 141 It is not surprising that such a contro- versial style of community life could o Christian movement has succeeded much not persist for a long time. Probably further than the Virasaivas did in eliminating it lasted for only about seven years; then the experimental community caste even from their own confessional body. collapsed after a conflict with the N king about caste rules (1995:283). in the colonial period, as summarized 2. The Vārkaris of Maharashtra by Schouten: Schouten points out how the persecu- Introduction tion which followed this royal conflict The Lingayat community had become It was my desire to attempt some led to the widespread dispersion of a caste just like the others. And the measure of comparison between members tried vigorously to attain as Lingayats across south India, and so Vaishnavism and Christianity as a much caste status as possible. Internal to the spread of their new ideology. part of this paper. But the vastness and solidarity was sacrificed to this aim. diversity of Vaishnavism made this But already the immediate successors Actually, the Lingayat community con- almost impossible, so I sought a smaller of Basava wavered on caste. Basava’s sisted of a conglomeration of castes and more easily defined which differed profoundly in status. In sampradāya nephew, Cannabasava (“the organizer within Vaishnavism.2 The final choice particular recent converts from lower of the community as the successor of the of Maharashtra was of his uncle” (Schouten 1995:14)), background were not at all regarded Vārkaris as equals by the more established mainly biased by my desire to do more wrote a number of vacanas that reflect Lingayat groups. (1995:284) study on this noteworthy movement. traditional concerns related to impurity (see Schouten 1995:41-44). In one he The Anthropological Survey of India Pilgrimage agrees with this assessment, defining defines a waiting period for new initi- A Vārkari is by definition a person who ates based on caste: twenty-four Lingayat communities and regularly undertakes pilgrimage to the A Brahmin should be observed for reporting that sacred city of Pandharpur in south- three years; the existence of social divisions such ern Maharashtra, singing devotional as clans (17), sub-castes (4) and sects songs to Vishnu or Krishna in the A Kshatriya should be observed for (2) are reported among them.