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Home , Charlotte Vaudeville, Dnyaneshwar, Indian religions, Pundalik, Tukaram, Vaishya

Global Issues as Seen in the Hindu Context Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: A Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church” Development

by H. L. Richard

Introduction 1 he study of in is in flux, and scholarly consensus is lacking even on rather fundamental issues like the definition of T “.” I would like to introduce this brief outline of three important Indian religious movements with recent comments by scholars in the field. In their introduction to a collection of papers focused on the interac- tion between charismatic leadership and canonical scripture, editors Vasudha Dalmia, Angelika Malinar and Martin Christof write that We still need to gather a vast amount of data before we can begin to compile anything resembling a history of Indian . (2001:2)

David Lorenzen, introducing a study of religious movements in from 600 to 1800, comments similarly that The historical study of religious movements that flourished in South Asia before the year 1800 has not yet received the attention it deserves. (2004:1)

This paper is by no means an attempt to contribute to the need for histori- cal studies of . Rather, it uses data currently available to trace aspects of the development of religious movements in order to question the paradigms employed in the spread of Christ-centered movements in India.

Lorenzen goes on to discuss problems with both the terms “religion” and “movement”: Religion is notoriously difficult to define with any precision . . . It is much more difficult, especially in a South Asian context, to specify what we mean by a “movement,” since the degree and style of organization of popular religious groups varies enormously. Some are so loosely structured that they are perhaps better described as religious currents rather than movements. Their followers are difficult to identify and have no c formal ties to other members of the group or to its leaders. Other groups have more defined and limited memberships. (2004:3)

The issues of identity and membership are important in the context of this H. L. Richard is an independent research paper, although rarely addressed directly. So it is important to note at the outset scholar presently focusing on issues in South Asian culture and religion. that contextually there are a variety of approaches to this issue. International Journal of Frontier Missiology 24:3 Fall 2007•139 140 Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: A Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church“ One more comment from Lorenzen is O of Confluence, distinctions, which lies behind each of appropriate in light of this paper: since nothing will offend you, his other three emphases. His second I shall sing to the tune point is the dignity of labor in the Since the beginning of the Common of love. (#493, Zvelebil 1984:72) Era, Hinduism has been dominated Lingayat movement; here occupations by religious devotion or to the Referring to as Lord of the are not hierarchically ranked, and various forms and of the Confluence, or Lord of the Meeting none are considered unclean. Thirdly, and Siva and their divine wives, Rivers, was ’s standard “signa- Schouten highlights the elevation of consorts and associates. (2004:16) ture” on his vacanas; it was a name for women in . Finally, educa- Thus, when in this paper three bhakti Shiva adopted from a temple where he tion and learning are stressed for all movements are introduced, this is spent some of his early years and where peoples rather than being the preserve keeping with the mainstream of he later died. of the high . developments within Hinduism, and Distinctives of the Lingayats “Conversion” to Lingayatism in no sense involves a selective ignor- K. Ishwaran outlines four aspects of Especially in its rejection of the social ing other trends. the religious reform and revolt that order based on there are many 1. Virasaivism or Basava pioneered: parallels between the introduction the Lingayat Movement and growth of the Lingayats and that Introduction of . Virasaivism was a Virasaivism (the name suggests confessional movement that called for “heroic, ardent worshippers of the The Lingayat the renunciation of caste and caste-ist Shiva” (Schouten 1995:1)) is a devo- ideal is “one community” practices. A Basava vacana strikingly tional movement that developed from makes this point: the life and teaching of Basava (or for the enlightened … There is one earth under the street Basavanna or Basaveshwara, 1105- of the untouchables and under the 1167) in in the area pres- which does not recognize temple of Siva; ently known as . Basava was or practice caste. One water to use in the latrine and a and his family was devoted to sip; to Shiva, but he revolted against the One community for those who Brahminical of his day. know themselves; Basava is best remembered for his In the first place, the Lingayat tradi- One result of liberation through the vacanas, of which some 1400 are tion rejects without reservation the six philosophies; attributed to him (Zvelebil 1984:3). Brahmanical socio-economic-cultural And there is only one abode for those Zvelebil discusses the characteristics of order of castes and sub-castes. Secondly, it rejects their doctrinal and theoretical who know you, O Lord of the Meeting vacanas, which are a literary form that basis—the . Thirdly, it rejects cat- Rivers! (Schouten 1995:27; cf. Zvelebil predated Basava: egorically sacrificial ritualism. Lastly, it 1984:118) Though vacanas are not, strictly speak- rejects just as categorically the magico- The Lingayat ideal is “one community” ing, verse, it is possible to arrange religious practices. (1983:109) for the enlightened, a new, confessional them according to certain patterns in lines of varying length, and they Basava introduced a center- community which does not recognize certainly exhibit structure . . . Vacanas ing on Shiva and distinguished by each or practice caste. This was also the were supposed to be uttered or sung individual wearing on their person a ideal that dominated (and dominates) on the spur of the moment, on the small linga as the focus of their devo- most Christian movements in India. A spot, here and now. They were the tion. The linga was originally a phallic detailed analysis of this ideal cannot be reflection of spontaneous experi- symbol, but none of this association attempted here, but there was a rapid ence—the poets’ varied experience of carried over in the Lingayat movement. breakdown in Lingayat practice, and nature, life and religion. (1984:1-2). The personal linga (ishtalinga) was the record of Christian movements in Note this example of the non-stylish originally wrapped in cloth and tied this area is not strikingly better. bhakti of Basava’s vacanas: around the neck or upper arm or head; presently it is kept in a silver box and is Later Developments I don’t know anything of prosody, worn on the upper body with a string. Schouten suggests that the truly radi- of time-beat or metre, cal approach to caste was perhaps only nor do I know the count of rhythm J. P. Schouten highlights four aspects practiced among the Virasaivas for as and of tone. of the progressive social teaching of little as seven years: I don’t know this variety of feet or that. the Lingayat movement. Most remark- able is the radical rejection of caste

International Journal of Frontier Missiology here has hardly been any translation work done in very small languages and . . . there is not not likely T to be much more.

H. L. Richard 141 It is not surprising that such a contro- versial style of community life could o Christian movement has succeeded much not persist for a long time. Probably further than the Virasaivas did in eliminating it lasted for only about seven years; then the experimental community caste even from their own confessional body. collapsed after a conflict with the N king about caste rules (1995:283). in the colonial period, as summarized 2. The Vārkaris of by Schouten: Schouten points out how the persecu- Introduction tion which followed this royal conflict The Lingayat community had become It was my desire to attempt some led to the widespread dispersion of a caste just like the others. And the measure of comparison between members tried vigorously to attain as Lingayats across south India, and so and Christianity as a much caste status as possible. Internal to the spread of their new ideology. part of this paper. But the vastness and solidarity was sacrificed to this aim. diversity of Vaishnavism made this But already the immediate successors Actually, the Lingayat community con- almost impossible, so I sought a smaller of Basava wavered on caste. Basava’s sisted of a conglomeration of castes and more easily defined which differed profoundly in status. In sampradāya nephew, Cannabasava (“the organizer within Vaishnavism.2 The final choice particular recent converts from lower of the community as the successor of the of Maharashtra was of his uncle” (Schouten 1995:14)), background were not at all regarded Vārkaris as equals by the more established mainly biased by my desire to do more wrote a number of vacanas that reflect Lingayat groups. (1995:284) study on this noteworthy movement. traditional concerns related to impurity (see Schouten 1995:41-44). In one he The Anthropological Survey of India Pilgrimage agrees with this assessment, defining defines a waiting period for new initi- A Vārkari is by definition a person who ates based on caste: twenty-four Lingayat communities and regularly undertakes pilgrimage to the A Brahmin should be observed for reporting that sacred city of in south- three years; the existence of social divisions such ern Maharashtra, singing devotional as clans (17), sub-castes (4) and songs to Vishnu or in the A should be observed for (2) are reported among them. Six form of Vitthal or . The legend six years; communities even recognize the of Vitthal in Pandharpur is widely A Vaisya should be observed for system, of which five claim to known, and I summarize here from nine years; belong to the Sudra order and one Philip Engblom: And a Sudra should be observed for community is referred to as (Singh 1998:1985). The story goes that , after twelve years; a self-indulgent youth during which Without such observation one should Concluding Comments he horribly mistreated his parents, repented and became thereafter a not receive initiation. (Schouten Virasaivism is the classic case of a model of filial respect and loving- 1995:43) confessional movement turning into a kindness. One day, as Pundalik was The historical development of the caste. This process will be commented massaging his father’s feet, Vitthal Lingayat movement in its early centu- on later in this paper, especially to came to visit him and required hos- ries is almost impossible to trace out. point out the dangers of generalizing pitality from him as any guest would. But in the fifteenth century there was from this Lingayat experience to other Pundalik paused only long enough, something of a revival of Lingayatism phenomena. The multiple Christian out of the fervour of his devotion for under the patronage of Vijayanagar movements that dot Indian history his father, to throw a brick over his kings. A compilation of vacanas called cannot be easily compared with the shoulder for Vitthal to stand on. This Lingayats; but there is room to at least act of such absorbing filial devotion the Sunyasampādane was prepared at this time. Schouten comments on a seriously question the basic ideology of so pleased Vitthal that he decided to stay in that spot forever; and there noteworthy aspect of this compilation: attacking the caste system and seeking to establish an entirely new society on a he still remains, standing upright The compilers seem to have omitted on his brick in the main temple at radically different basis. No Christian deliberately almost every text that Pandharpur. (1990:12) could refer to the revolutionary social movement can claim to have succeeded ethics of their community in the initial much further than the Virasaivas did in The historical roots of the Vārkaris go stage (1995:64). eliminating caste even from their own back to (or Jnanadeva), confessional body, let alone from India traditionally dated from 1275-1296. In modern times, the Lingayat “move- as a whole. Yet there certainly has been Dnyaneshwar’s commentary on the ment” has become a caste rather than a a significant contribution to the social in the local Marathi confessional community that transcends transformation of India through these vernacular began a tradition of caste. This reality was obvious already and other anti-caste movements. poet- that defined not only the

24:3 Fall 2007 142 Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: A Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church“ but perhaps also the the-world. The dindi is really the basic However, this is not in opposition to Maharashtrian psyche. (Cf. Engblom: unity of the procession, an organic the ideal above mentioned: it is on cell in the body, and its members are the contrary a solution of the prob- It is, after all, the single richest trea- united together not artificially and for lem of the distinction of castes and of sury of traditional the short time of the pilgrimage only, their life together. The idea of a group and culture, and its great poetry espe- but organically and for life. It is the composed of individuals coming from cially pervades Maharashtrian society practical aspect of this “community of various castes with different cultures, at all levels (1990:4)). Saints” which is so important a char- traditions and customs could only be Dnyaneshwar himself seems to have acteristic of the Vārkaris. The pilgrim an artificial juxtaposition and not a begun the tradition of pilgrim- goes on pilgrimage to benefit by the true community: this idea can exist age to Pandharpur from his resi- constant presence and the teachings only in the minds of idealists who have dence in . of his . He finds in this daily and lost contact with human and social familiar contact a new impetus for reality. The Vārkari solution is a happy The first account of theV ārkaris to his spiritual life because he can com- compromise between the reality of appear in English was from the mis- pare himself with the example of his the distinction between castes and the sionary Murray Mitchell, and mis- master. (1994[1960]:104) ideal of a social community to unite sionary translations of writings of the them. (1994[1990]:105) poet-saints of Maharashtra remain in print to this day (particularly the work Deleury comments further on the of Justin Abbott). In recent times a caste and social make-up of the number of studies of pilgrimage in It is all too easy Vārkari movement: Hindu traditions have taken note of Who can become a Vārkari? Theoretically everybody, without dis- the Vārkari pilgrimages, which have to make many distinctive features. tinction of caste or race. Everybody is neat boundaries admitted in the midst of that spiritual Annually, or even twice or three times family, and history shows that many each year, the Vārkaris are to go to that in fact of the holy men or saints respected by Pandharpur; the two main pilgrim- do not fit reality. all were of low caste origins . . . Now, age routes are from Dnyaneshwar’s as before, the Vārkaris come mostly home of Alandi and from the home of from the countryside, being farmers, in , but from all parts Brahmin landlords or petty officers, of Maharashtra pilgrim groups go on craftsmen, and traders. Few of them the road. The pilgrims travel by foot in There are no caste restrictions on are from towns and although some groups called palkhis. A palkhi in fact wealthy townspeople are found Vārkaris, although the main temple in is a palanquin (a covered sedan chair), Pandharpur was only opened to among them, they are mostly shop- and there is a palanquin with wooden in 1947 (Deleury 1994[1960]:51). The keepers and traders . . . (1994[1960]:5) sandals representing the feet of one openness of the sampradāya is seen in Broad Comparisons of the poet-saints at the head of each that non- s are also welcomed Vārkari Defining and categorizing the complex palkhi. Within the various palkhis are into the pilgrimage, as seen in authors developments in Indian religiosity is a sub-groups of dindis who stay together Deleury (1994[1960]:xi) and Mokashi hazardous enterprise. It is all too easy for practical reasons. (1990:60). It needs to be noted, how- to make neat boundaries that in fact do ever, that the lack of caste restrictions Being a Vārkari not fit reality; it is equally unacceptable in the Panth is not so abso- There is a simple initiation to the Vārkari to consider everything a confused mass lute as the theoretical teaching would Panth, but beyond that there is that cannot be analyzed. A standard, Vārkari indicate. Deleury comments on this at no sectarian mark, no central organiza- albeit rather vague, terminology often tion, no particular creed or sacraments some length: used of movements like the Vārkaris is (Deleury 1994[1960]:3f.). There is only On the level of the palkhi one can say “popular religious movement” or “popu- the pilgrimage, with its central focus on that this [caste-less] ideal is realized lar Hinduism.” Lorenzen offers a defini- bhakti (devotion). All along the pilgrim- and it is a characteristic seldom found tion of a popular religious movement: age route the devotional songs of the in other religious sects in India. The By this I simply mean that most of Maharashtrian saints are sung. But the palkhi is composed of members of all their followers (though not necessarily basic unit of pilgrimage, the dindi, often castes, , Marathas, Craftsmen, and even . But one point their leaders) come from middle- and exists outside of the pilgrimage itself. lower-class groups and not from elite Deleury describes the and the must be made clear at the same time. Vārkari The members of the various castes are sections of the population” (2004:4). importance of the dindi: not mixed together but the members The s are clearly a popular The V rkaris are not professional Vārkari ā of each dindi belong to one caste only. religious movement, and presum- pilgrims, they are ordinary men-of- International Journal of Frontier Missiology H. L. Richard 143 ably (historical data is not so clear) the Lingayats were as well. But the hristianity in India has been far more at odds Lingayats acted on their anti-caste with Indian social realities than the Vaishnava and became a separate community, nowadays a very influ- sampradāyas. ential community (“progressive and C the pattern of the major Vaishnava that God is one and imageless, that dynamic” (Singh 1998:1984)) that He is not to be found in and sampradāyas. As Vaishnavism is a clearly is one of the dominant castes in broad conglomeration of movements forms which are but veils of falsehood the state of Karnataka today. that defies easy analysis, so also is hiding Him from us, but is to be real- ized as one with us being enshrined in The transition of a spiritual movement . Yet Christianity our own hearts, and forming the sub- or or into a caste has in India has been far more at odds sampradāya stance in all that exists. (2004:265) been suggested as one of the common with Indian social realities than the This broad perspective, as well as many ways that castes developed in India. Vaishnava sampradāyas. How far this Louis Dumont in his famous study of reality has helped or hurt efforts to of the details mentioned, are rejected caste presents this (Homo Hierarchicus, develop Christian popular religious by other scholars. Hajarprasad Dvivedi 1967:184-191) and Lorenzen refers to movements will not be addressed at presents an alternate interpretation: many others as well (2004:11f.). But this point. Das, having shown great cour- Lorenzen severely objects to this theory: age in rejecting all exterior religious 3. Kabir and the Kabirpanthis acar [], appeared on the field of What makes this idea of the transition Introduction from sect to caste curious is the fact religious practice . . . With unswerving that it bears almost no relation to “Kabir is one of the best-known and confidence, he established his own the empirical evidence of South Asian most revered names in Indian tradi- path of love . . . What do the people who history (2004:11). tion” (Vaudeville 2001[1993]:11). So consider Kabir Das to be a reformer begins her analysis who ecumenically harmonized the Going into more detail, he suggests that and translations of the life and work of Hindu and Muslim religions have to If we look at the relation between Kabir (1398 or 1440?-1448 or 1518?). say about this? It is hard to imagine. Hindu castes and Hindu sects from a Kabir’s path was very straightforward. Modern scholarship is probing many more empirical and historical point He was not one who harmonized by of view, we find . . . most major Hindu aspects of the Kabir legend and legacy, bowing down to both. He was a revo- sects—whether Vaishnava, Saiva or and many fundamental issues remain far lutionary who destroyed all the snares Sakta—have followers who come from resolution. There are three stan- of acar and bad concepts. (2004:285) dard collections of writings attributed from a wide range of castes. The vast This brief introduction will obviously to Kabir, as analyzed by Linda Hess majority of such sects have shown no not even attempt to solve the complex significant tendency to evolve into (1987:111ff). The striking differences in problems involved in the history and either endogamous castes or self- these collections raise many questions. interpretation of Kabir. contained groups of castes. Examples include the Srivaishnavas in the south, Traditionally Kabir was seen as a Nirguna bhakti the Chaitanyas in Bengal, the synthesizer of Hindu and Muslim Kabir is one of the key figures in the traditions, and this view is still com- in western India, the Varakaris in tradition of nirguna bhakti. The monly met. P. D. Barthwal gives a Maharashtra, the Ramanandis in the nirguna-saguna distinction is fun- north, and the Prananathis in central good summary: damental to . The and west India. (2204:13) The basis for the common ground gunas are qualities or attributes, par- on which both the and the Sociologically, therefore, the Vārkaris ticularly (goodness), (pas- fit the general pattern of Vaishnava Moslems could amicably meet was sup- sion) and (darkness) as described movements. It should be noted, how- plied by the of the Hindus and in the philosophy. The the of the Moslems, the latter ever, that theologically the V rkaris are Vaishnava tradition emphasizes that ā being but the former with a passionate God appears to us in (“incar- unique to the point that many question colouring. The new point of view [nir- avatārs whether they should be considered guna bhakti, see below] found its full nations”) and (images/idols), so Vaishnavas at all! This aspect of defini- expression in Kabir, who, though born that the is clearly sa-guna (with tional complexity will be dealt with in of Moslem parents, had spent much of gunas). The philoso- the next section of this paper. his time in the company of the Hindu phy of Sankara stresses the limited nature of saguna manifestations and Christian movements in India, con- and had learnt his lessons in Vedanta at the feet of points to nirguna (nir-guna, without sidering their relationship to caste and and those in Sufism in the association attributes) , beyond all names Indian society, have generally fol- of Saikh Taqi. In him both Vedanta and forms. lowed the Lingayat pattern rather than and Sufism joined hands to proclaim

24:3 Fall 2007 144 Religious Movements in Hindu Social Contexts: A Study of Paradigms for Contextual “Church“ Nirguna brahman, beyond all names and Kabirpanthi sectarian literature, society, for the purpose of questioning forms, is beyond speech and compre- on which, as we have shown, most how disciples of Christ should relate to hension, and surely also beyond bhakti modern popular biographies of Kabir organizations and society. are based, presents Kabir as an (devotion)? But despite the quibbling A strong case could be made that of linguists and philosophers (ala Staal of the supreme Being, “Sat Purush”: the latter is supposed to have succes- Christianity in India is most compara- 1987), Kabir is one of many exponents sively taken birth in each one of the ble to the Kabirpanth. , like Kabir, of . Most noteworthy nirguna bhakti four yugas—and Kabir, or Sat-Kabir—is is very widely and very highly esteemed. among the Sants (nirguna bhaktas) the name he had assumed in the pres- Yet few Hindus ever give a passing is , as the Sikh religion ent -yug. (2001[1993]:51) thought to joining sects considered as developed out of Nanak’s nirguna bhakti. Lorenzen traces out sociological issues odd and marginal as the Kabirpanthis (The Granth Sahib, ’s holy or the Christian denominations. book, contains a considerable collec- that were determinative in the develop- tion of Kabir’s work and is one of the ment of the Kabirpanth: Christianity seems to have desired, three fundamental sources for Kabir The basic hypothesis of this paper is and largely still to desire, to follow the referred to above.) The Maharashtrian that the strong element of social and sociological model of the Lingayats, separating from caste society com- poet-saints who inspire the Vārkari movement are also Sants, but are less pletely. But it is almost inconceivable purely nirguna bhaktas; they focus on the that such an approach could result image of Vitthal in Pandharpur, yet also in anything but the birth of another, constantly point beyond all names and A strong case actually many, new castes and commu- forms, thus the debate about their status nities. Is this really a viable model for as Vaishnavas referred to above. could be made that new Christ-centered movements? Lorenzen points out the minority Christianity in India It has been suggested that Christianity status of nirguna bhakti: is rather like Vaishnavism; broad and is most comparable to diverse yet with some core simi- Since the latter part of the fifteenth cen- the Kabirpanth. larities uniting the various sects. But tury, bhakti religion in has Christianity is a minor factor in Indian been divided into two major streams life compared to the massive appeal of or currents—nirguni and saguni—osten- sibly on the basis of a theological Vaishnavism. Might it be preferable for difference in the way of conceptualiz- Christ-focused people to become com- religious dissent in Kabir’s teachings, fortable within their sociological com- ing the nature of the divine being that whatever its original intent and func- munities, as seen in the Panth is the object of . Those who tion, has been used by the adherents Vārkari prefer sagun (“with attributes”) bhakti of the panth—mostly marginal groups and other Vaishnava sampradāyas? constitute the majority. (1996:1) such as , Untouchables and Is it possible that the future shape of Christ movements in India will be less The differences are only “ostensibly” Tribals—to express their rejection of separated from Indian society, more theological because there are impor- certain aspects of hierarchical caste incarnational, yet still opposed to tant sociological factors as well. The ideology, at the same time that their membership in the Kabirpanth has hierarchical caste ideologically and (as Sants were strongly opposed to caste fostered their actual assimilation far as is viable) in practice? and , and the former point within that same society. (1987:283) especially (and obviously) resonated There are no simple answers to such with many from the lower castes. This Lorenzen later comments that “the questions, and history often takes turns sociological aspect becomes obvious of the Kabirpanth have that no one anticipates or plans. But the Hinduized and Sanskritized the panth issues raised in this paper are worthy of in considering the sampradāya that adopted the name of Kabir. so that today it is flatly a Vaishnava reflection, and thoughtful proponents Hindu sect” (1987:294). of the way of Christ in India need to at The Kabirpanthis least be open to alternatives to the tra- Kabir is widely known and quoted by Concluding Reflections ditional pattern of radical critique and peoples of all theological and sectar- This very brief introduction to three rejection of traditional social structures. ian and caste associations. The move- important Indian religious tradi- This traditional pattern is in complex ment that adopted his name, the tions should at least demonstrate that relationship with the reality that most Kabirpanthis, moved far away from Hinduism is not a religion about which Christian movements in Indian history his teaching on one of the most basic one should make facile generalizations. have been movements. (That is, points. Vaudeville summarizes their The focus of these brief introductions is this pattern a cause, or a result, or teaching in this way: has been on the development of reli- both, of Dalit interest in Christianity?) gious movements in relation to Indian But the foreign-ness of Christianity in International Journal of Frontier Missiology H. L. Richard 145 India is certainly related to this pat- o compare and analyze the gospel in the Hindu tern, and remains a massive problem in communicating the way of Christ world from a Christian standpoint is to violate to Hindus. Thus those who wish the very definition of contextualization. to re-think the way of Christ in the T Hindu world need to address this gious movements cannot be adequately intro- Engblom. Hyderabad: Disha aspect of prospective Christ-centered duced in one paper. But at least those three Books (Orient Longman). movements in India. IJFM will be presented truthfully, with reference Hess, Linda to other publications for those who desire 1987 “Three Kabir Collections: A Endnotes to probe more deeply. The most superficial Comparative Study.” In Karine 1 The assumptions of this paper are aspect of this paper will lie in its treatment of Schomer and W. H. McLeod (eds.), The Sants: Studies in a perhaps as important as its statements. The “Indian Christianity,” which though surely not as diverse as “Hinduism” is nonetheless Devotional Tradition of India. : primary assumption is that “Hinduism” is a Motilal Banarsidass. Pp. 111-141. far from a single entity. Perhaps a detailed complex amalgamation of phenomena that Ishwaran, K. comparison of three “Hinduisms” and cannot possibly be sensibly understood as “a 1983 Religion and Society among the religion.” At the very least, various “religions” three “Indian Christianities” would result Lingayats of South India. New need to be recognized within the complexity in a paper more in line with high scholarly Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. of “Hinduism.” Working from that assump- standards. But as the paper is intended for Lorenzen, David N. tion, three great religious movements within a Christian readership, subtle distinctions 1996 “Introduction: The Historical “Hinduism” will be briefly introduced. among differing expressions of Christianity Vicissitudes of Bhakti Religion.” A second assumption introduces the will need to be understood and applied by In David N. Lorenzen (ed.), Bhakti primary purpose of this paper. That is, the reader. Religion in North India: Community followers of Jesus Christ who wish to make 2 The proper terminology for “move- Identity and Political Action. New their relevant in the Hindu world ments” or “religions” or “sects” or “denomi- Delhi: Manohar. Pp. 1-32. need to make serious efforts to see the nations” within Hinduism is complex 2004 “Introduction.” In David N. world as it appears from within the Hindu and controversial. The indigenous term Lorenzen (ed.), Religious context. Specifically, this paper will make Movements in South Asia 600- sampradāya is probably best; the root mean- introductory comparisons of Christian- 1800. New Delhi: Oxford ing is tradition, or a body of teaching passed University Press. Pp. 1-44. ity in India to three important indigenous down from one teacher to another. Indian religious movements. Mokashi, D. B. To compare and analyze the gospel in References Cited 1990 Palkhi: A Pilgrimage to Pandharpur. Translated by Philip C. Engblom. the Hindu world from a Christian stand- Barthwal, P. D. Hyderabad: Disha Books point is to violate the very definition of 2004 “The Times and their Need.” In (Orient Longman). contextualization. From within the context, David N. Lorenzen (ed.), Religious Schouten, J. P. in this case the plurality of Hindu contexts, Movements in South Asia 600- 1800. From Traditions of Indian 1995 Revolution of the Mystics: On the one must learn to understand and com- Social Aspects of Virasaivism. Delhi: municate the truth and way of Christ. By based upon Nirguna School of Hindi Poetry (New Motilal Banarsidass. comparing Christianity in India with three Delhi, 1978). New Delhi: Oxford Singh, K. S. (ed.) important indigenous religious movements, University Press. Pp. 253-268. 1998 India’s Communities. it is hoped that valuable lessons will be Dalmia, Vasudha, Angelika Malinar and Anthropological Survey of India learned for the future. The traditional prac- Martin Christof People of India National Series tice of importing ecclesiastical structures 2001 “Introduction.” In Vasudha Dalmia, vols. 4-6. New Delhi: Oxford from the West must be abandoned, and new Angelika Malinar, Martin Christof University Press. patterns must be developed that learn from (eds.), Charisma and Canon: Essays Staal, Fritz and adapt to (both positively and negatively) on the Religious History of the 1987 “The Ineffable Nirguna Brahman.” indigenous religious patterns. Just what . New Delhi: In Karine Schomer and W. H. form(s) contextual “churches” should take in Oxford University Press. Pp. 1-13. McLeod (eds.), The Sants: Studies India, just what paradigms should mold the Deleury, G. A. in a Devotional Tradition of India. development of Christ-centered movements 1994[1960] The Cult of Vithoba. : Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Pp. in the Hindu world, are the prime questions Deccan College. 41-46. that motivate this study. Dvivedi, Hajariprasad Vaudeville, Charlotte Having stated some preliminary 2004 “Kabir’s Place in Indian Religious 2001[1993] A Weaver Named Kabir: Selected assumptions, and having introduced the goals Practice.” In David N. Lorenzen Verses with a Detailed Biographical and purpose of the paper while doing so, it (ed.), Religious Movements in South and Historical Introduction. French Studies in South Asian Culture and also is necessary to emphatically state some Asia 600-1800. Translated by Society VI. New Delhi: Oxford disclaimers. The first disclaimer is against David N. Lorenzen from Kabir University Press. any suggestion that this paper is definitive. (Delhi, 1971). New Delhi: Oxford Zvelbelil, K. V. It is rather exploratory; and if it stirs thought University Press. Pp. 269-287. 1984 The Lord of the Meeting Rivers: and discussion, even without definite conclu- Engblom, Philip C. 1990 “Introduction.” To Palkhi: A Devotional Poems of Basavanna. sions, it will have accomplished much. UNESCO Collection of This paper is also, quite necessarily, Pilgrimage to Pandharpur. By D. B. Mokashi, trans. Philip C. Representative Works, India rather superficial. Three major Indian reli- Series. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 24:3 Fall 2007