George Akropolites: the History
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La Sainte Face De Laon
Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures et post-doctorales Ce mémoire intitulé : LA SAINTE FACE DE LAON Présenté par : Nicole Sabourin Département d’Histoire de l’Art et d’Études Cinématographiques Faculté des Arts Et des Sciences A été évalué par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Ersy Contogouris, présidente-rapporteuse Sarah Guérin, directrice de recherche Robert Marcoux, membre du jury Août 2017 © Nicole Sabourin i Résumé La cathédrale de Laon conserve dans son trésor une précieuse icône du 13e siècle appelée Sainte Face de Laon. Selon la tradition, en 1249 Jacques Pantaléon de Troyes, chapelain du pape à Rome et futur pape Urbain IV envoie à sa sœur Sybille alors abbesse du monastère cistercien de Montreuil-en-Thiérache (Picardie) cette image sainte, copie du Mandylion d’Édesse. Une lettre, maintenant disparue, accompagne cet envoi. Une double inscription sur l’icône, une première en caractères cyrilliques et en slavon ancien et une autre en langue grecque pose encore aujourd’hui des interrogations sur l’origine de l’icône, soit russe, bulgare ou serbe. Cette recherche a pour but d’explorer les possibilités d’une origine serbe de l’icône de Laon et de retracer son trajet entre la Serbie et la France, via Rome. Pour y arriver nous ferons un détour historique à travers l’histoire de la Serbie dirigée à cette époque par la dynastie des Nemanjić, fondateurs de monastères en Serbie, en Italie byzantine et grands donateurs d’icônes et d’objets liturgiques y compris à la basilique Saint-Nicolas-de-Bari. L’origine orthodoxe de l’icône pose la question des déplacements d’œuvres entre l’Orient et l’Occident et celle de la circulation des artistes entre Constantinople et les pays limitrophes après le sac de Constantinople de 1204. -
Of Masters and Servants: Hybrid Power in Theodore Laskaris
ANDRIA ANDREOU - PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS Of Masters and Servants Hybrid Power in Theodore Laskaris’ Response to Mouzalon and in the Tale of Livistros and Rodamne Abstract The present paper examines two Byzantine texts from the middle of the thirteenth century, ostensibly unrelated to each other: a political essay written by a young emperor and an anonymous love romance. The analysis is conducted through the concept of hybrid power, a notion initially developed by postcolonial criticism. It is shown that in the two texts authority (that of the Byzantine emperor and that of Eros as emperor) is constructed as hybrid and thus as an impossibility, though in the case of the political essay this impossibility remains unresolved, while in the romance it is actually resolved. The pronounced similarities between the two texts on the level of political ideology (e.g. the notion of friendship between master and servant, the performance of power relations, shared key concepts) informing the hybrid form of authority and its relation to its servants is a clear indication that they belong to the same socio-cultural and intellectual environment, namely the Laskarid imperial court in Nicaea around 1250. * The present paper is a substantially The aim of this study* is to examine two ostensibly unrelated Byzan- revised and expanded version of a talk tine texts. The first is a ‘political essay’ by the emperor Theodore II given at a workshop on Theodore Doukas Laskaris (1254–58) on the relation of friendship between Laskaris as emperor and author, organized by Dimiter Angelov and rulers and their close collaborators; it can be plausibly dated between Panagiotis Agapitos in Nicosia with 1250 and 1254, at the time when the author was crowned prince. -
Bourbouhakis Curriculum Vitae
Curriculum Vitae Emmanuel C. Bourbouhakis Assistant Professor Department of Classics Princeton University 141 East Pyne Princeton, NJ 08544 Tel: 609-258-3951 Email: [email protected] Current Position 2011- Assistant Professor, Department of Classics, Princeton University Previous Employment 2008-2010 DFG Teaching–Research Fellow, Department of History, Albert-Ludwigs Universität Freiburg 2007-2008 Lecturer, Department of the Classics, Harvard University Education 09/1999-10/2006 PhD in Classical and Byzantine Philology, Harvard University 09/1997-06/1999 MA in Classical Philology, University of Western Ontario 09/1989-06/1993 BA in History, McGill University; Liberal Arts College, Concordia University Ancient Languages Latin, Greek (classical & medieval) Modern Languages Greek (modern), English, French, German, Italian Awards, Honours, Fellowships 2010 Gerda Henkel Stiftung Fellowship 2008 Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft Forschungsstipendium (German National Research Foundation Fellowship) at the Albert-Ludwigs Universität Freiburg 2005 Harvard University Humanities Dissertation Fellowship 2004 Dumbarton Oaks Junior Fellowship 2003 DAAD Doctoral Fellowship at the Byzantinisch-Neugriechisches Institut, Freie Universität Berlin 2 2002 Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Doctoral Grant Academic Service Princeton University 2011-2012 Search Committee, Byzantine Art and Archaeology 2012-2013 Forbes College Academic Advisor 2012-2013 Department of Classics Seniors Adviser 2012-2013 Department of Classics Undergraduate -
Georgiadi, F.-E. (2021): 'Classicising Histories, Chronicles, and The
Georgiadi, F.-E. (2021): ‘Classicising histories, chronicles, and the advantages and disadvantages that are associated with these terms as used by modern scholars to describe Byzantine historical narratives.’ Rosetta 26: 44-49 http://www.rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue26/Georgiadi.pdf Classicising histories, chronicles, and the advantages and disadvantages that are associated with these terms as used by modern scholars to describe Byzantine historical narratives Foivi-Eirini Georgiadi1 In Byzantine literature (which we nowadays know historical writing to be),2 there was a relative (but not strict or clear) distinction between histories (“ἱστορία”) and chronicles (“χρονικόν” or “χρονογραφία”). Histories were written in classical Attic Greek, according to the stylistic rules set by the ancient Greek tradition of history writing (mainly by Herodotus3 and Thucydides), and covered a relatively short period of time, close to the times when historians themselves had lived. Chronicles, on the other hand, were written in a simpler, less difficult language (although not in the vernacular). They either covered the period from the Creation of the world to the time of their composition (or perhaps a little before that), or continued the chronicle of another author, which had again started with the Creation. Early chronicles, such as the Chronicon Paschale of the seventh century and that of Theophanes Confessor (eighth/ninth century), were rather laconic, as they were structured year by year in order to record various events in a very succinct way. Subsequently, chronicles, such as those of John Skylitzes (late eleventh century), John Zonaras, Constantine Manasses and Michael Glykas (all dated to the twelfth century), were written in a language that combined Attic Greek and forms that were close to the spoken language. -
Michael Panaretos in Context
DOI 10.1515/bz-2019-0007 BZ 2019; 112(3): 899–934 Scott Kennedy Michael Panaretos in context A historiographical study of the chronicle On the emperors of Trebizond Abstract: It has often been said it would be impossible to write the history of the empire of Trebizond (1204–1461) without the terse and often frustratingly la- conic chronicle of the Grand Komnenoi by the protonotarios of Alexios III (1349–1390), Michael Panaretos. While recent scholarship has infinitely en- hanced our knowledge of the world in which Panaretos lived, it has been approx- imately seventy years since a scholar dedicated a historiographical study to the text. This study examines the world that Panaretos wanted posterity to see, ex- amining how his post as imperial secretary and his use of sources shaped his representation of reality, whether that reality was Trebizond’s experience of for- eigners, the reign of Alexios III, or a narrative that showed the superiority of Tre- bizond on the international stage. Finally by scrutinizing Panaretos in this way, this paper also illuminates how modern historians of Trebizond have been led astray by the chronicler, unaware of Panaretos selected material for inclusion for the narratives of his chronicle. Adresse: Dr. Scott Kennedy, Bilkent University, Main Camous, G Building, 24/g, 06800 Bilkent–Ankara, Turkey; [email protected] Established just before the fall of Constantinople in 1204, the empire of Trebi- zond (1204–1461) emerged as a successor state to the Byzantine empire, ulti- mately outlasting its other Byzantine rivals until it fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1461. -
The Daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the Wife of a GalicianVolhynian Prince
The daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the wife of a GalicianVolhynian Prince «The daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the wife of a GalicianVolhynian Prince» by Alexander V. Maiorov Source: Byzantinoslavica Revue internationale des Etudes Byzantines (Byzantinoslavica Revue internationale des Etudes Byzantines), issue: 12 / 2014, pages: 188233, on www.ceeol.com. The daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the wife of a Galician-Volhynian Prince Alexander V. MAIOROV (Saint Petersburg) The Byzantine origin of Prince Roman’s second wife There is much literature on the subject of the second marriage of Roman Mstislavich owing to the disagreements between historians con- cerning the origin of the Princeís new wife. According to some she bore the name Anna or, according to others, that of Maria.1 The Russian chronicles give no clues in this respect. Indeed, a Galician chronicler takes pains to avoid calling the Princess by name, preferring to call her by her hus- band’s name – “âĺëčęŕ˙ ęí˙ăčí˙ Ðîěŕíîâŕ” (Roman’s Grand Princess).2 Although supported by the research of a number of recent investiga- tors, the hypothesis that she belonged to a Volhynian boyar family is not convincing. Their arguments generally conclude with the observation that by the early thirteenth century there were no more princes in Rusí to whom it would have been politically beneficial for Roman to be related.3 Even less convincing, in our opinion, is a recently expressed supposition that Romanís second wife was a woman of low birth and was not the princeís lawful wife at all.4 Alongside this, the theory of the Byzantine ori- gin of Romanís second wife has been significantly developed in the litera- ture on the subject. -
Medieval Serbian Coins 6 Types of King Stefan Radoslav
MEDIEVAL SERBIAN COINS 6 TYPES OF KING STEFAN RADOSLAV King Stefan Radoslav Nemanjic Doukas was born in 1192, became King at the age of 36 in 1228 and not known when exactly but died somewhere after 1235. He was the only known son of Stefan the First-Crowned Nemanjić by his first wife Eudokia Angelina. His father Stefan the First- Crowned Nemanjić was born around 1165 and died 24th September 1228 after which he as a only son and heir inherited the throne. His mother later remarried, to Alexios V Doukas, who only for few month ruled as Emperor of Byzantium in 1204. She was a daughter of Alexios III Angelos Komnenos and Euphrosyne Doukaina Kamatera. So Stefan Radoslav grandparents were the Byzantine Emperor Alexios III Angelos (1195–1203) and Euphrosyne Doukaina Kamaterina. His wife was Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina, who was the daughter of the ruler of Epirus and Thessalonica, his father in law, Theodore Komnenos Doukas Angelos (1215–1230). It was his grandmother Euphrosyne Doukaina Kamaterina that brought the Doukas name into the Stefan Radoslav life. This is the name that he took on and that later appeared on his coins when he took over kingdom from his father. Maybe his grandmother and his step father Alexios V Doukas as well as later his wife influenced him to view himself as a member of Doukas royal family. Doukas or Ducas in Greek language Δούκας, feminine: Doukaina or Ducaena, in Greek language Δούκαινα; plural: Doukai or Ducae, in Greek language Δοῦκαι, from the Latin title DUX meaning "leader" or "general", in Greek language δοὺξ [ðouks]. -
Byzantine Empire (Ca 600-1200): I.1
INSTITUTE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ SECTION OF BYZANTINE RESEARCH ΤΟΜΕΑΣ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION ΕΘΝΙΚΟ IΔΡΥΜΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ Τομοσ 31 VOLUME EFI RAGIA CHRISTOS G. MAKRYPOULIAS – TAXIARCHIS G. KOLIAS – THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION GEORGIOS KARDARAS OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE (CA 600-1200): I.1. THE APOTHEKAI OF ASIA MINOR (7TH-8TH C.) AN OVERVIEW OF ARMED CONFLICTS IN LATE BYZANTIUM: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CURRENT RESEARCH ΑΘΗΝΑ • 20092021 • ATHENS CHRISTOS G. MAKRYPOULIAS – TAXIARCHIS G. KOLIAS – GEORGIOS KARDARAS AN OVERVIEW OF ARMED CONFLICTS IN LATE BYZANTIUM: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CURRENT RESEARCH* Military history, although viewed by most outsiders as a unified field of scholarship, usually takes two forms, not necessarily mutually exclusive, but often quite distinct from each other. On the one hand, there are those who view military history from the point of organisation and institutions; to pose it differently, they are interested in establishing what an army is. Others focus on warfare itself: battles, tactics, and military strategy; in other words, they study what an army does. Historians of the latter persuasion are viewed by proponents of the so-called “new military history” as nothing more than devotees to an obsolescent histoire événementielle1. However, one can hardly question the pivotal role played by warfare in human history and, since military engagements are the tesserae which form this mosaic in all its gory detail, the necessity to study armed conflict and its effects on human society is self-evident. * The project entitled “ANAVATHMIS. Historical research and digital applications” (MIS 5002357) is implemented under the “Action for the Strategic Development on the Research and Technological Sector”, funded by the Operational Programme “Competitiveness, Entrepreneurship and Innovation” (NSRF 2014–2020) and co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Regional Development Fund). -
03. Ch. 1 Ellis, Introduction
Histos Supplement ( ) – INTRODUCTION MORTAL MISFORTUNES, ΘΕ OΣ ΑΝΑΙΤΙ OΣ, AND ΤΟ ΘΕ IOΝ ΦΘ OΝΕΡΟΝ: THE SOCRATIC SEEDS OF LATER ∗ DEBATE ON HERODOTUS’ THEOLOGY Anthony Ellis Abstract : This introduction offers a brief overview of the Socratic and Platonic background to later perceptions of Herodotus’ views about the nature of god, and specifically the notion that god is phthoneros (‘jealous’, ‘envious’, ‘grudging’). Following this theme through later centuries, it then argues that the writings of Plato subtly influenced the theological discourse of subsequent classical, Hellenistic, and Christian historiography, and coloured reactions to Herodotus at all periods, from the fourth century BC to th-century Byzantium. This diachronic approach reveals a long-standing tension between the presentation of the gods in Herodotean historiography, on the one hand, and Platonic and Christian theology, on the other. Keywords : Herodotus, Socrates, Plato, Plutarch, divine phthonos, religion, Byzantine historiography, Neoplatonism. ὡς γὰρ ἐπεκλώσαντο θεοὶ δειλοῖσι βροτοῖσι ζώειν ἀχνυµένοις· αὐτοὶ δέ τ' ἀκηδέες εἰσί. δοιοὶ γάρ τε πίθοι κατακείαται ἐν ∆ιὸς οὔδει δώρων οἷα δίδωσι κακῶν, ἕτερος δὲ ἑάων· ᾧ µέν κ’ ἀµµίξας δώῃ Ζεὺς τερπικέραυνος, ἄλλοτε µέν τε κακῷ ὅ γε κύρεται, ἄλλοτε δ' ἐσθλῷ· ᾧ δέ κε τῶν λυγρῶν δώῃ, λωβητὸν ἔθηκε, καί ἑ κακὴ βούβρωστις ἐπὶ χθόνα δῖαν ἐλαύνει, φοιτᾷ δ' οὔτε θεοῖσι τετιµένος οὔτε βροτοῖσιν. Iliad . –== ∗ I am grateful to Mathieu de Bakker, John Marincola, Bryant Kirkland, and especially Michael Lurie for their many helpful comments on earlier drafts of this essay and the preceding preface. @ Anthony Ellis he following article outlines the Socratic background to Plutarch’s claim that Herodotus Tcommits impiety ( βλασφηµία) and abuses the gods, an accusation which profoundly influenced subsequent debates on Herodotus’ religious views, and provoked a range of apologetic responses which continue to influence the interpretation of Herodotus today. -
Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Volume 15
Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Volume 15, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Volume 15, , Barthold Georg Niebuhr, Nicetas Choniates, GeÅrgios AkropolitÄ“s, Agathias, IÅannÄ“s AnagnÅstÄ“s, Anastasius (bibliothecarius), Anastasius (the Librarian), Joannes Cameniata, Joannes Cananus, Laonikos ChalkokondylÄ“s, IÅannÄ“s Kinnamos, Joannes Zonaras, George Codinus, Anna Comnena, Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (Emperor of the East), Flavius Cresconius Corippus, Dexippus (the Platonist.), Doukas, Ephraim (ho chronographos), Eunapius, GeÅrgios PhrantzÄ“s, George (the Pisidian.), GeÅrgios (Synkellos), Nicephorus Gregoras, Hierocles (Grammarian.), Joannes Cantacuzenus (Emperor of the East), Johannes Laurentius Lydus, Michael Glykas, John Malalas, Joannes Scylitzes, Leo (the Deacon), Leo (Grammaticus.), Malchus (Philadelphensis.), Constantine Manasses, Menander (Protector), Flavius Merobaudes, MichaÄ“l AttaleiatÄ“s, Saint Nicephorus (Patriarch of Constantinople.), George Pachymeres, Paulus Silentiarius, Petrus Patricus, Procopius, Theophylactus Simocatta, Symeon (Metaphrastes), Theophanes (the Confessor), Zosimus, 1831, impensis E. Weberi, 1831 download file here: http://projecttn.org/.aXsylwd.pdf Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, History, ISBN:1115482092, 2009, Barthold Georg Niebuhr, This is a pre-1923 historical reproduction that was curated for quality. Quality assurance was conducted on each of these books in an attempt to remove books with imperfections, 600 pages Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 600 pages, History, ISBN:1115482084, 2009, This is a pre-1923 historical reproduction that was curated for quality. Quality assurance was conducted on each of these books in an attempt to remove books with imperfections, Barthold Georg Niebuhr Of Tours, IV, 5 p. 489; Paul the Deacon (Historia Longobardorum, IV Agathias, p. 107;Theophanes Chronographia (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae), year 5048, âœmaximo vero puerorum, mortalitas Title That earlier plague Journal Demography Volume 5, Issue 1. -
Gregory II of Cyprus and an Unpublished Report to the Synod Papadakis, Aristeides Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1975; 16, 2; Proquest Pg
Gregory II of Cyprus and an Unpublished Report to the Synod Papadakis, Aristeides Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1975; 16, 2; ProQuest pg. 227 Gregory II of Cyprus and an Unpublished Report to the Synod Aristeides Papadakis HE PATRIARCHATE of Gregory II of Cyprus (1283-1289) forms T some six years of stormy church history. Yet even so, the restoration of Orthodoxy and the formal liquidation of the Union of Lyons under Gregory make his patriarchate an important divide both historically and theologically in the history of the Byzan tine Church. Gregory, the one hundred and sixteenth patriarch of Constantinople, was in fact the moving force of the dogmatic decisions embodied in the Tomus of the Council of Blachernae, 1285, that repudiated the unionist theology of John Beccus and the <peace' of Lyons.1 And although unionism could never again be ignored in Byzantine intellectual history, the Council did a great deal to heal the Church's ills2 and mend the division within Byzantium that, according to Pachymeres, had become as profound as that which only yesterday had divided Greeks and Latins.3 As is well known, despite the external crisis, political and material exhaustion and instability, the second half of the XIII century wit nessed one of the most impressive intellectual outbursts known to Byzantium-the so-called second Byzantine renaissance. Gregory of Cyprus was in the forefront of this revival of antiquity, as were so many other churchmen of the imperial court. His industry, skill and elegance were not unnoticed. Gregoras observes that "he brought to 1 The editio princeps of the Tomus, based on Paris.gr. -
Niketas Choniates Versus Manuel I Komnenos: Disputes Concernig Islam in the Context of the Byzantine Tradition
Списание ЕПОХИ Издание на Историческия факултет на ВТУ „Св. св. Кирил и Методий” Том / Volume XXIV (2016), Journal EPOHI [EPOCHS] Книжка / Issue 2 Edition of the Department of History of St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Turnovo NIKETAS CHONIATES VERSUS MANUEL I KOMNENOS: DISPUTES CONCERNIG ISLAM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE BYZANTINE TRADITION Dimitar Y. DIMITROV НИКИТА ХОНИАТ СРЕЩУ МАНУИЛ I КОМНИН: ПОЛЕМИКА, СВЪРЗАНА С ИСЛЯМА, В КОНТЕКСТА НА ВИЗАНТИЙСКАТА ТРАДИЦИЯ Димитър Й. ДИМИТРОВ Abstract: Byzantine society had very complex relations with the Islamic Eastern neighbors. Islam, to be sure, started and continued to be menace for Byzantium for the all long eighth centuries they used to coexist. However, Byzantine society needed a certain period of time to accept Islam as another religion, standing against Christianity in the East. After the first Byzantine revenge acts against Judaism a long tradition was formed with two main streams. The first of them envisaged Islam as a demoniac pseudo-religion (or anti-religion), the second being milder and ready to accept the Islamic neighbors not as a whole, but rather as different states, culturally not so different from Byzantium, with diplomacy playing role for keeping balance in the East. Thus, the Byzantine Realpolitik appeared as a phenomenon, what provoked crusaders to accuse Byzantium as being traitor to the Christian cause in the East. In that context should we pose the interesting incident at the end of Manuel I Komnenos’ reign (1143 – 1180). Both Church and society were provoked by the decision of the Emperor to lift up the anathemas against Allah from the trivial ritual of denouncing Islam.