Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 141 LIVES INTERRUPTED!: A CASE STUDY OF HENRY LOUIS WALLACE­ AN AFRICAN-AMERICAN SERIAL MURDERER IN A RAPIDLY EXPANDING SOUTHERN CITY*

Charissa T.M. Coston, and Joseph B. Kuhns Ill The University of North Carolina at Charlotte

ABSTRACT

Thi s work is a case study of an African American serial mu rderer, Henry Louis Wallace, who stalked and preyed on a rapidly industriali zi ng southern ci ty. The study begins by exami ning the city and the overall context of the murders wi th in it. We proceed to look back on the police department, examine national and local crime trends, and explore the case and the victi ms . We also review the developmental hi story of the killer and attempt to understand his moti vati ons. Fina ll y, we consider some lessons learn ed which further emphasize the importance of crime prevention planning during the development of a rapidly growing city.

Conditions of a society at its center tell us with very small samples and/or single case a great deal about the nature of behavior at studies. This work can best be described as the fringe. - Bruce Arrigo, Ph.D. an ecological case study of a fairly prolific serial killer in a dynamic southern city. The INTRODUCTION sources of information for this article include We are fortunate that very few communi­ existing crime and population statistics, per­ ties within our country have had a serial killer sonal interviews with individuals involved stalk and prey victims within their local bor­ with the case, content analysis of local and ders. While often bringing passing fame or national newspaper articles, reviews of offi­ notoriety to. local police and prosecutors, in­ cial documents (e.g. , trial transcripts), and volved citizens, and media personalities, the reliance on scholarly research. presence of a serial killer in any city creates This case study should be helpful to re­ panic, fear, and sometimes results in a tem­ searchers studying the phenomenon of se­ porary or permanent loss of confidence in rial murder. We also offer a series of consid­ law enforcement. The end result often in­ erations and recommendations for homicide cludes orphaned children and grieving par­ detectives, city planners, social service pro­ ents, distraught friends, neighbors and em­ viders, mental health professionals and our ployers, and past and future lives left in ru­ average citizens who might live and/or work ins. in rapidly developing urban areas. Addition­ This case study examines important so­ ally, this study might be useful in terms of cial, political, and psychological issues sur­ crime prevention as we consider law en­ rounding an episode of serial killing in a forcement and judicial mistakes or over­ southern, medium-sized city from 1989 to sights, identify observations that were 1997. By exploring, describing and explain­ missed or ignored, and discuss patterns that ing the phenomena of serial murder using might have inadvertently been overlooked the case of Henry Louis Wallace, several during the investigation of this particular themes are examined and relevant scientific murder spree. literatures are applied from sociology, eco­ nomics, criminal justice/criminology, victim­ The Setting -Charlotte, North Carolina ology and serial murder. We explore and Most, but not all , of the murders discussed scrutinize the effective and ineffective pro­ here occurred in or near the city of Charlotte, cessing of the case, from investigation a rapidly growing, vibrant city located in south­ through arrest, sentencing, and ongoing ap­ western North Carolina. Mecklenburg peals. Social policies, including a discus­ County's (population of 747,000) land area sion about important lessons learned, are encompasses 527 square miles, of which considered and offered as evidence of our approximately 268 square miles comprise continued struggle to understand and deal the City of Charlotte. As is common among with the full impact of serial murder. larger counties, Mecklenburg County contin­ Much of the previous research on serial ues to incorporate additional outlying rural killers has taken the form of descriptive data areas and, as a result, growth of the County 142 Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology and Charlotte continues at a rapid pace. The year olds comprised just over half of the popu­ recent U.S. Census identified Charlotte as lation in recent years. There were slightly the 21 st largest city in the United States, with more women than men in the county, and an estimated 2003 population of 584,658 the women were slightly older (median age citizens, and the City's population continues of 34.4 years compared to 32.3 years for to grow at a healthy 4.8 percent a year (U .S. males). In 2003, African-Americans com­ Census Bureau 2004 ). prised about 28 percent of the population The bulk of the ongoing population growth while whites represented about 63 percent occurred over the past 20 years (Clay, Orr & of the population, and the remaining 9 per­ Stuart 1999), as approximately thirty-seven cent was a racially diverse mixture of Hispan­ percent of the residents in Charlotte moved ics, Asians, and American Indians (Charlotte to the city over that time frame (U .S. Census Chamber of Commerce 2004 ). 2004). Local estimates indicated that there From a demographic perspective, the resi­ were an estimated 315,000 citizens in Char­ dents of Charlotte paralleled residents of lotte back in 1980. The City grew to 470,000 many other comparably-sized cities in our citizens by 1994 (the year in which Henry country. However, the proportion of African­ Louis Wallace was finally captured), and Americans in Mecklenburg County was sig­ subsequently expanded to 579,000 residents nificantly higher than their prevalence in the as of 2002. As such, while Charlotte grew by general population. In 2000, the United States a respectable 49 percent from 1980 to 1994, had an estimated population of 281,421,000 the city's urban population swelled by a stag­ citizens, 75.1 percnet of whom were white, gering 84 percent over the 22 year timeframe 12.3 percent were Black/African American, from 1980 to 2002. Corresponding figures and 12.5 percent were Hispanic/Latino (U.S. for Mecklenburg County suggested that there Census Bureau 2004). As such, the-propor­ were an estimated 404,000 county citizens tion of African Americans. living and working in 1980, growing to 585,000 by 1994, and in the Charlotte area was more than twice as further expanding to 746,000 residents by high as their proportion in the general U.S. 2002. Again, this increase represents an 85 population. percent population growth over this 22 year timeframe and a 45 percent increase in popu­ The Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police lation from 1980 to 1994 (Charlotte Cham­ Department ber of Commerce 2004). In 1980, the Charlotte Police Department Therefore, whether the City of Charlotte or (prior to a merger with the Mecklenburg Po­ Mecklenburg County is considered, local and lice Department) had 594 sworn officers and regional population growth was quite signif­ an additional 152 civilian employees for a icant from 1980 to 1994, and that growth con­ total of 7 46 full time staff. 1 In 1993, the Char­ tinued into 2002 and beyond. The Charlotte lotte Police Department merged with the Chamber of Commerce estimated that the Mecklenburg Police Department, and the County could house approximately 910,000 Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department citizens by 2010, which would represent an­ subsequently reported crime statistics for the other 48-57 percent increase in the metro Charlotte area going forward. By 1995, the area population depending on the various Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department estimates considered (Charlotte Chamber (CMPD) employed 1,208 sworn officers and of Commerce 2004). In summary, Charlotte 326 civilian employees for a total full time was a modest size city that was experienc­ staff of 1,534 (FBI 1995). By 2002 (the most ing a tremendous population surge when current year of data available), the CMPD Henry Louis Wallace arrived in 1992. Any city sworn ranks had grown to 1 ,501 officers, and that is experiencing rapid growth, significant another 501 civilians were also on board for population transition, and the social disor­ a total of 2,002 employees (FBI 2002). As ganization that ultimately results provides an such, from 1980 to 1995 the sworn force of ideal setting for a serial offender who is in­ the department grew by 103 percent while . terested in staying under the radar. the overall full time staff increased by a healthy 105 percent. Over the 22 year time Local Population Demographics frame considered here, CMPD increased its The age range of Mecklenburg County sworn force by 154 percent, and their overall residents varies, of course, although 18-49 full time staff grew by 168 percent (Bureau of Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 143

Justice Statistics 2002). appears that Wallace was not an exception Considered within the context of the cor­ to this general rule . He found a city in rapid responding population data, it appears that transition from a small, friendly town to a grow­ the police department's growth (in terms of ing medium-sized city, a setting that allowed sworn officers and overall staff) kept fairly him to remain under the law enforcement close pace with the ongoing influx of citizens radar for a couple of years. Other cities that from 1980 to 2002. While the population grew experienced comparable rapid growth have in the City of Charlotte by 84 percent and in also been victimized by serial murderers (Se­ Mecklenburg County by 85 percent, the sworn attle, Washington, for example, battled with force grew by 154 percent and the overall the Green River Killer for years). law enforcement staff increased by 168 per­ cent during that time frame. Whether the de­ Did Victim and Offender Race Matter in the partment was adequately staffed and ad­ Henry Louis Wallace Case? equately allocating resources to specific Henry Louis Wallace, an African American, units such as the homicide division is an­ was an intra-racial killer who was ultimately other matter of course. Examining officers­ convicted of murdering nine African Ameri­ per-citizen ratios, for example, might lead can women over a 22-month period in a one to conclude that CMPD remained rela­ Charlotte urban area. Criminologists have tively understaffed compared to similar sized consistently concluded that the majority of cities and counties throughout the United crime is committed intra-racially. Further, States. Further, the homicide unit in particu­ murders and serial murders are primarily lar appeared to be significantly understaffed intra-racial (FBI 2002; Hickey 2002; Warren, as we discuss later. Hazelwood & Dietz 1996). In 2002, for ex­ ample, in cases where the race of the offend­ Local Economic Conditions er and the victim were known, 84 percent of The major economic factor driving the City white victims were murdered by white offend­ and County growth was the finance sector. ers and 91 percent of black victims were mur­ Charlotte is considered to be the second dered by black offenders (FBI 2002). largest banking area in the United States fol­ The fact that Wallace was an African Amer­ lowing New York City (Clay et al 1999). The ican serial killer, living and working in a grow­ tremendous financial success of the finance ing city with a large African American popula­ and banking industry in the late 1980s and tion, may have allowed him to escape cap­ early 1990s had substantially increased ex­ ture for some time. In fact, a common mis­ ternal interest in the local area and corre­ perception exists which suggested that few spondingly resulted in rapid and increased serial killers have been African American, at sales in real estate markets (Clay et al1999). least according to media sources and many Statistics also indicate, however, that the scholars (Jenkins 1993). Much of the previ­ manufacturing sector (primarily the textile in­ ous academic research also suggests that dustry) suffered financially over the past 10 serial killers are typically white males (Lent years in the face of cheaper imports and 2003; Hickey 2002; Jenkins 1993). lower cost labor offered by nearby countries In truth , the known statistics vary slightly (Sanford 1996). but generally indicate that African American serial killers comprise anywhere from 13 to Henry Louis Wallace Arrives 20 percent of the serial killer population (Hick­ As Charlotte was experiencing a shift from ey 2002; Winzer 2002; Jenkins 1993; Kuhns a small close-knit society (a Geimenschaft & Coston 2004 ). A recent examination by type of society) to a society that relied prima­ Kuhns & Coston (2004) also identified over rily on secondary relationships due to the 130 African American serial killers that oper­ rapid influx of people moving into the City (a ated and murdered in our country over the Gesellschaft type of society), Henry Louis past century. Very few (if any), however, have Wallace arrived. In 1992, Wallace moved to been the subject of case studies or the fo­ Charlotte from Barnwell, South Carolina cus of movies, books, or media attention. when he was 28 years old. Research sug­ Jenkins (1993 47) opined that: gests that many serial killers usually begin acting on their fantasies of violence and mur­ ... it may be that African Americans are in der during their twenties (Hickey 2002) and it fact less involved in serial murder activity 144 Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

than are Anglo Whites or Hispanics; but it partment 2003), the year after he was arrest­ must also be asked whether this is simply ed. In other words, violent crimes in Wal­ an impression gained from the ways in lace's sector of the city comprised anywhere which serial murder is investigated. For a from 2.4 percent to 3.0 percent of the overall number of reasons, law enforcement agen­ crime in the City. More importantly, these sta­ cies might be less likely to seek or find evi­ tistics represented the highest crime in­ dence of serial murder activity where the creases among any sector in the city and victims are Black. As homicide is primarily these increases occurred during the period an intra-racial crime, this would mean that of time when Wallace was killing and en­ Black serial killers would be far more likely gaged in other crimes as well. to escape detection. Serial Murderers and Mobility The fact that Henry Louis Wallace was an Another common myth suggests that African American male seeking and stalking many serial killers roam the country and the African American female victims bears some world in search of their prey (e.g., Ted Bundy significant attention. Linkage blindness, or and Henry Lee Lucas). However, previous the inability to connect serial crimes together, research has indicated that serial killers do has been proposed as a contributor to serial not all travel across the country seeking vic­ murders (Godwin 2000; Egger 1984), and it tims and continually escaping detection. Se­ also might have allowed this case to esca­ rial killers operate locally more often than late from one or two murders to an ongoing not, and they often prefer to stalk in areas serial murder investigation. where they can blend in and get lost among strangers (Hickey 2002; Egger 2001, 1984 ). City, County and Neighbor!"Jood Crime Again, Wallace was not an exception to Statistics this general rule. Charlotte provided an oppor­ As with other cities of comparable size, tunistic environment where a meticulous se­ Charlotte continues to deal with their share rial murderer could operate in relative obscu­ of crime and violence. In 1980, the Charlotte rity and continually escape detection. Accord­ Police Department reported 9,579 violent ing to the Research, Planning and Analysis crimes to the Federal Bureau of Investiga­ Section of CMPD, which has the responsibility tion including 60 homicides. Meanwhile, for collecting departmental statistical data Mecklenburg County reported an additional and mapping crime trends, Wallace commit­ 2,87 4 violent crimes, of which only eight were ted five of his murders within one mile of his homicides (FBI 1980). Overall crime rates primary residence.2 Two additional murders (including violent crimes) across the nation were committed within three miles of his consistently dropped in the late 1990s and home. Wallace worked as a cook and man­ into the early 21•1 century, and Charlotte ex­ ager at several fast food restaurants within a perienced those crime drops as well. In half of a mile from home, and about half of 1995, the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police De­ his victims also worked within a mile from partment reported 9,228 violent crimes to the Wallace's home. In other words, Wallace FBI, including 89 murders, and by 2002, the was not interested in crossing the country in agency had reported only 7,583 violent crimes search of prey. His mobility was generally (almost an 18% decrease from 1995 and a restricted to the surrounding area within his 21% decrease from 1980) including 67 mur­ community and near his workplace. ders (about a 25% decrease from 1995, but a 12% increase from 1980). Descriptions of the Victims and Murders3 Meanwhile, 1992 local crime statistics in­ Wallace began his murders of nine, young dicated that within the one mile area sur­ adult African-American women on June rounding Wallace's home, there were 223 15,1992, and he continued killing for 22 violent crimes (including homicide, rape, rob­ months, culminating with his last murder on bery, and aggravated assault) reported to po­ March 12,1994. Literature often purports that lice out of a total of 8,943 crimes reported for most serial killers are strangers to their vic­ Charlotte that year. Violent crimes within this tims (Hickey 2002; Resseler, Burgess & city sector increased to 285 in 1993 (out of a Douglas 1988). However, the relationship total of9,234), but decreased to 207 of 8,541 between Wallace and his victims ranged by 1994 (Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police De- from close friends to passing acquaintan- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 145

ces. Some of his victims were enrolled in house on fire in order to cover his tracks. college while others worked in the fast food Wallace also reported that after he meticu­ industry or were employed as bank tellers, lously cleaned up a crime scene, he would clothes merchants or grocery store manag­ often go back and see if their bodies had ers. One of his victims was the roommate of been found. While there he would often try to his girlfriend of two years, and another was eliminate additional evidence, make phone good friends with that same girlfriend. How­ calls, and even smoke crack cocaine if the ever, none of the victims knew one another opportunity presented itself. personally, although their paths had indirectly Consistent with other serial killers, Wal­ crossed from time to time. lace sometimes stole items and sold them Police investigators revealed that during to feed his drug habit. He gave pieces of sto­ the murder investigation friends and ac­ len jewelry to friends and to his girlfriend at quaintances of the victims always remem­ the time, who later reported having seen the bered and mentioned a neighborhood friend jewelry before but could not place it (Hickey - Henry Louis Wallace. Wallace himself re­ 2002; Egger 2001; Heyman 1997). Wallace, ported befriending his victims by acting as a like some other successful serial murder­ big brother, lending a caring and listening ers, was simply hidden in plain sight (Doug­ ear, offering advice about boyfriend prob­ lass & Olshaker 1998). He attended the fu­ lems, helping with handyman duties, going nerals of some of his victims, conversed with out "clubbing", offering rides, organizing bar­ family members after their deaths, conveyed beques, and/or just making the women compassion to friends, and even sent sym­ laugh. Once he had charmed his targets he pathy cards to a few. turned, and murder, rape, robbery, burglary, During this timeframe, however, he con­ car thefts, and arson were the eventual re­ tinued to smoke crack cocaine. As his drug sults. habit worsened, he became more careless Most of the women were killed inside their and disorganized. He did not bathe or re­ homes. Wallace reported that he would dress later victims, and he carelessly left his sometimes bring murder weapons with him fingerprints and other damaging evidence (e.g., a pillowcase or a towel) although in a around. Interestingly, as his killing spree con­ few situations he admitted using whatever tinued, his later victims were almost double was nearby. His primary method of homicide the size of his earlier victims. The larger wo­ was double ligature strangulation, and he men, according to Wallace, were more diffi­ reported sometimes taking his victims in and cult to physically subdue, providing yet an­ out of consciousness while he repeatedly other indicator of his escalating careless­ engaged in sexual relations with them. Some ness and/or his growing confidence in his of the sexual acts included necrophilia. Two ability to escape detection. Toward the end of his victims were stabbed a multitude of of his killing days, Wallace murdered three times, and in one particularly horrifying case of his victims within a short but frantic 72 a 10 month old baby was also strangled and hour period, and two of the victims even lived left for dead (although mercifully the infant in the same apartment complex. His increas­ survived). ing sloppiness clearly facilitated his identifi­ cation and eventual capture. Transition from an Organized Killer to a Disorganized Arrestee THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM Henry Louis Wallace revealed character­ RESPONDS istics that are associated with both organized Arrest and Confession and disorganized serial killers (Egger 2001; Wallace was arrested within 48 hours af­ Resseler et al 1988). Initially Wallace went ter he murdered his last victim. The police to great lengths to clean up his crime scenes had recovered an identifiable fingerprint on by wiping off fingerprints, washing and re­ the car of one of his victims and they subse­ dressing the bodies, and positioning the quently staked out his home. Wallace later corpses in bed beneath the covers. He would claimed, consistent with the modus operandi occasionally pluck pubic hair from his vic­ of other serial killers (Douglass & Olshaker tims and plant it in clothing that belonged to 1998; Dietz, Harry & Hazelwood 1986), that a boyfriend. Wallace reported dousing one he watched the news to find out if the police of his victims with liquor and setting her were onto him or not. Regardless, he was 146 Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology ultimately arrested without incident at the resi­ could have probably been much higher. dence of a friend. Over a ten-hour period Wallace described, Pre-Trial Challenges Raised (and Generally in a tape-recorded confession, when and how Ignored) he murdered nine Charlotte woman and two Following Wallace's arrest, a number of others before his Charlotte killing spree be­ pre-trial motions were presented by the de­ gan: a known prostitute in Charlotte and an­ fense, yet essentially every one of the mo­ other woman from South Carolina.4 Wallace tions was denied. The 11 hour taped confes­ indicated that although he stole items from sion was allowed even though the defense the women, sexual gratification, power, and claimed it was a violation of the McNabb/Mal­ domination were his primary motivations. lory Rule (McNabb v. U.S. 1943; Mallory v. After his taped confession and a brief phone U.S. 1957). The McNabb/Mallory rule states conversation with his girlfriend, he was that the arrestee must be brought before a placed on suicide watch at the jail. According magistrate without undue delay (in a timely to police investigators his girlfriend did not fashion) so that a judicial confirmation of know that he was a serial killer, which again probable cause can be determined, or the is not entirely unusual (Hickey 2002). Serial case could be thrown out of court. The de­ killers often have girlfriends during their kill­ fense claimed that Wallace should have ing spree, and some have even had wives been brought before a magistrate more effi­ (e.g., Albert DeSalvo, also known as "The ciently than the 19 hours that it actually took. Boston Strangler", was married with two chil­ The defense also claimed that Wallace was dren). not read his Miranda rights until 3.5 hours According to city planners, to date this case had elapsed. To help ensure a fair trial pro­ represented the largest murder investigation cess, a gag order was requested but the or­ in North Carolina history. Early in the investi­ der was not imposed. The judge refused to gation, the Federal Bureau of Investigation provide police escorts for defense attorneys had informed Charlotte homicide investiga­ who visited the crime scenes, and he also tors that they did not appear to have a serial refused a change of venue request. Further, killer operating in Charlotte, apparently be­ the judge refused a request to deny the pres­ cause the killer seemed to know his victims ence of uniformed sheriff's deputies in the and the modus operandi was not "typical" of courtroom (the defense thought that by al­ most serial offenders. In other words, serial lowing the tight security it made their defen­ murder profiling had apparently failed in the dant appear more dangerous to the jury). The Wallace case. defense wanted the jury to be allowed to con­ Unfortunately, the Charlotte-Mecklenburg sider second degree murder based on a Police Department was later criticized as a claim that Wallace had a mental illness which result of their failure to link the murders to­ made it impossible for him to develop intent, gether more quickly. Police were also ac­ an essential element required for first de­ cused of being less diligent about investigat­ gree murder prosecutions. The judge, how­ ing the murders because the victims were ever, decided that the case was a capital of­ African American and generally lived and fense that could result in the death penalty worked in working class areas of the city. because the murders were committed dur­ Police disputed these claims, suggest­ ing the course of other felonies (e .g., bur­ ing that they lacked financial and manpower glaries, robberies). resources. At the time, CMPD had outdated computers and only assigned six homicide The Trial Phase detectives to handle a heavy workload. Dur­ Henry Louis Wallace, who was 180 ing 1993, Charlotte also experienced their pounds and 6'1" at the time of his arrest, highest number of homicides in a year (122) weighed in excess of 300 pounds by the time and 94 of the homicide victims were black. the trial started eighteen months later. His Local homicide detectives further noted that attorneys suggested that his significant his initial cleverness and meticulous at­ weight gain was due to excessive inactivity, tempts to remove and destroy evidence his use of anti-psychotic drugs, and contin­ made Wallace particularly difficult to identify ued exposure to unhealthy jail food. During and apprehend. In other words, if Wallace the trial, Henry Louis Wallace wore glasses, had not become careless, the victim total a shirt, khakis, and a sweater. Some in at- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 147 tendance thought that he resembled a ste­ lace's contact visits come from psychologists reotypical victim that a schoolyard bully might and attorneys. Other visitors are allowed to pick on. · see Wallace once a week, but they must be Wallace's trial lasted for four months, and cordoned off by a partition. One of the visi­ there were more than 100 witnesses and tors, for Wallace, is his long time supporter about 400 exhibits presented. After delibera­ and current wife Rebecca Torrijas. tion, the jury found Henry Louis Wallace guilty of the first degree murders of nine women in Marriage on Death Row Charlotte, North Carolina. He was also found Rebecca Torrijas was a nurse and ad­ guilty of a myriad of other felonies, including ministered medication to patients at the Char­ the attempted murder of the 10 month old lotte/Mecklenburg County jail. Torrijas met son of one of the victims. Wallace while he was held at the jail await­ The subsequent sentencing hearing last­ ing trial and fell in love with him. Throughout ed for over a week. During the sentencing his trial and incarceration she has been a phase the jury listened to prosecutor and de­ staunch supporter and protector of Wallace, fense attorneys present evidence of aggra­ although once her relationship was discov­ vating factors (evidence in support of death ered by jail administrators her employment sentences) versus mitigating circumstances was quickly terminated. During the trial (evidence that would strengthen an argu­ phase, Rebecca was in court every day and ment for a sentence of only life in prison). made sure that Wallace had some money Henry Louis Wallace also read a written and freshly laundered clothes. statement expressing remorse for his ac­ On April 17, 1998 in a 15 minute service, tions. He based his statement in a Bible Torrijas (by then in her mid 50's) married verse citing Mark 11 :25-26. Wallace (32 years old at that time) in a hear­ Nevertheless, after deliberating for 15 ing room next to the North Carolina death hours over four days, the jury found Wallace's chamber. The ceremony was brief and with­ crimes to be especially atrocious, heinous, out significant fanfare. There were no flow­ and cruel. They recommended death for each ers or invited guests in attendance. There of the nine first degree murder convictions. was a corrections officer, a spokesperson, The judge upheld the jury recommendations and one of Wallace's defense attorneys who and sentenced Wallace to nine death sen­ served as the official witness and photogra­ tences, 10 life sentences, and another 322 pher. The bride and groom exchanged their years for the other felony convictions. Fol­ vows, a passage from the book of Ruth was lowing sentencing, Wallace was immediately read, and then Torrijas and Wallace were taken to death row at a North Carolina maxi­ officially married at 11 : 15am. Given death row mum security prison located iri Raleigh, NC. restrictions, their marriage was not consum­ He was then sent directly to the prison hos­ mated. Regardless, Wallace's ability to at­ pital for medical and psychological screen­ tract women apparently continued into his ing. incarceration period.

Death Row in North Carolina THE DEVELOPMENTAL HISTORY OF HENRY Death sentences in North Carolina (and LOUIS WALLACE elsewhere) are automatically appealed, and Henry Louis Wallace was born on Novem­ so far the North Carolina courts have upheld ber 4, 1965 in Barnwell, South Carolina, lo­ Wallace's convictions and death sentences. cated about 60 miles south west of Colum­ There are currently 3,487 inmates awaiting bia, South Carolina and about two hours execution in the United States, and 41.9 per­ south of Charlotte. Based on the social ser­ cent of them are African Americans (NAACP vice and developmental histories of Wallace 2004). Death row in North Carolina currently (Aibarus 1996) and information presented houses 190 inmates, 106 (56%) of whom by defense attorneys during the sentencing are black; only one of the seven women is a phase of the trial, Wallace's mother rejected black female (North Carolina Department of Henry because of the hatred she had for men Correction 2004). Wallace shares a double and because Henry's father abandoned her. bunk in a 4x12 foot cell. Each cell has a metal Wallace and his older sister were raised in cabinet welded to the wall, a stainless steel poverty in a fairly hostile environment which sink, and a topless commode. Most of Wal- included a cinderblock dwelling without in- 148 Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology door plumbing . Records also indicated that cidal rage and the temporary satisfaction Wallace was sometimes an object of ridi­ achieved through killing is comparable to an cule in his family (Aibarus 1996), and pre­ addiction for the serial offender, and further sentence reports suggested that, according compares this addiction to common drug to Wallace, his mother used to torment and addiction. In Wallace's case, it appears that humiliate him. According to Henry's pre-sen­ he may have experienced both drug and ho­ tence investigation report, Wallace's mother micidal addiction during the same time frame used to have sexual relations with a variety with one perhaps facilitating the other. of men in front of him. Wallace was beaten Despite his childhood challenges, Wal­ before he was two years old because he of­ lace still managed to finish 80 111 in his class ten soiled himself and his mother wanted of 126 in high school. He participated in him potty-trained more quickly so she could school activities as a cheerleader (the only return to work. She often berated Henry by male cheerleader on the team), a student telling him that she wished that she had council member, and a part-time deejay. Trial never had him, calling him names, and other­ testimony indicated that Wallace had a his­ wise rejecting him through her actions and tory of developing easy friendships with wo­ her words. men. He would charm and impress his dates Along with the physical and psychologi­ and mothers referred to him as helpful, well­ cal abuse, his mother reportedly exposed mannered, and responsible. him to true crime detective magazines and Following high school, Wallace joined the hardcore sexual pornography which, accord­ Navy in 1984 and he served as a weapons ing to some psychiatrists, impacted Wal­ technician aboard the U.S.S. Nimitz. Unfor­ lace's psychological and sexual develop­ tunately, he found himself in trouble in 1987, ment. As a young boy he sometimes served when he was suspected of stealing and was as a sex toy for young girls in the community, given the choice of accepting an honorable and his need for affection was reportedly so discharge or facing criminal charges. Wal­ severe "that he mistook sexual exploitation lace took the honorable discharge. for affection" (Aibarus 1996; Sanford 1996). Henry later began having contact with civil­ Stemming from a background filled with ian police in 1988. Another fairly common physical, psychological and perhaps sexual characteristic of serial killers includes a his­ abuse (Aibarus 1996), Wallace was eventu­ tory of property crimes and/or sexual assault ally overcome with violent urges. His psychia­ violations (Hickey 2002; Egger 2001; Lederer trists, after many hours of intensive interviews, & Delgado 1995). Wallace started to develop were able to diagnose Wallace with sexual a history of arrests for property crimes (mostly disorders, depression, and a personality dis­ burglaries) and he even served four months order. Trial transcripts revealed that Wallace in prison. In 1990, Wallace was arrested for also confessed to his psychiatrist that he had an attempted rape (at gunpoint) of a 16 year committed between 35 and 100 rapes dur­ old female and placed in an intervention pro­ ing his lifetime. As such, his sexual aggres­ gram for non-violent offenders. This was ob­ sion clearly escalated and contributed to his viously an important mistake for the criminal later violence and eventual murders. His dis­ justice system and, in particular, for Wallace. torted psychological development probably After moving to Charlotte in 1991, Wallace equipped Wallace with the rationale for his was also caught shoplifting a rifle on one later rapes and killings, as he perceived his occasion, although his motivation was un­ victims as having abused him. He some­ known as he preferred to use other weap­ times described himself as an avenger for ons during his killings. other male victims who had suffered similar In addition to his criminal involvement, abuse. Wallace also reported, and court officials Serial killer typologies are not mutually were able to verify, that he had a child from a exclusive or exhaustive. However, most se­ previous marriage, was currently estranged rial murderers have experienced some child­ from a previous wife, and up until his final hood trauma, whether it is abuse, neglect, arrest he lived with a girlfriend (Aibarus sexual abuse, or other forms of trauma (Hick­ 1996). Another woman was allegedly having ey 2002; Holmes 2002; Merry 1981 ). As a his baby at the time of his arrest, and he result, they retaliate with anger, aggression, claimed he was having consensual sexual and violence. Norris (1988) claims that homi- relations with about 10 other women. Most Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 149 of these relationships could be independent­ murders nationwide. There is now more de­ ly verified. partmental reliance on the Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (VICAP), which of­ LESSONS LEARNED fers assistance to federal, state, local and The case of Henry Louis Wallace warrants foreign law enforcement in investigating un­ further examination and consideration from usual or repetitive violent crimes. The Wal­ city planners, law enforcement executives, lace case also facilitated the development of victimization groups and scholars among a local forensic/DNA laboratory. others. We also encourage ongoing review In essence, a significant "serial murder of this case as it continues to develop, and case precipitated many departmental, proce­ continued critical assessment of the pro­ dural, and training changes within the local cessing of this case through our criminal jus­ police department. Other police departments tice system. In the meantime, some lessons that are serving rapidly growing populations were learned in Charlotte that may be useful should spend significant time learning and elsewhere. understanding where crime priorities will First, communities that are experiencing likely emerge, how to allocate resources ef­ rapid growth and development should plan fectively, and how to generate local support for and consider crime prevention efforts at for such resources. early stages. Illegitimate as well as legiti­ Victimization services and support net­ mate enterprises develop and thrive when works also expanded in the Charlotte area. an area is experiencing significant business Mother's of Murdered Offspring (MOM-0) was and population expansion, and the growth of created in 1993 by the mother of one of the law enforcement, victimization services, and victims of Henry Louis Wallace. This organi­ other support networks needs to keep pace zation offers public support groups to fami­ with overall community growth. Unfortunately, lies of murder victims. MOM-0 is also a grass the criminal justice system is often an after­ roots group that works in the community to thought for city councils, mayors, and other help reduce crime. They regularly hold meet­ town leaders who tend to operate with tight ings in churches, schools, and community fiscal budgets and other political priorities. centers and are supported by corporate and Ensuring that the police department keeps private sponsors. Such victim-facilitate sup­ pace with population growth is especially im­ port networks should be encouraged in other portant. Every time a serial killer is arrested, cities and towns. local citizens always ask why he or she was Finally, scholars could use this case as a not apprehended sooner. Charlotteans cer­ reminder of some important themes within ta inly asked this question. Prior to the Wal­ the serial murder literature. First, criminal lace case, the Charlotte/Mecklenburg Police profiling is not always the most effective ap­ Department had not encountered a prolific proach for apprehending serial offenders, serial killer before. After Wallace was caught, particularly when such profiles rely on un­ however, the department responded by founded or inaccurate stereotypes. A "typi­ changing many practices, procedures and cal" serial murder simply may not exist. Se­ resource allocations. rial murderers can be old or young, white or During Wallace's killing spree CMPD sim­ black, male or female, single or married. In ply had too few detectives and homicide in­ other words, profiling may be useful in some vestigators managing too many violent situations, but it can also lead detectives crimes. CMPD currently has over 25 homi­ down the wrong path and prolong a serial cide detectives and they have significantly offender's freedom in others. Second, schol­ increased investigator and officer training ars should be encouraged to continue study­ protocols. They established a cold case ing African-American serial murderers. Ignor­ squad which focuses exclusively on stale and ing this particular offender population limits unsolved homicides. CMPD also enhanced our ability to fully comprehend and combat communication between the department and the serial murder phenomenon. families of victims (e .g., keeping families posted about investigations and becoming REFERENCES more sensitive to families of victims). Sever­ Albarus C. 1996. Social and Developmental His­ al task forces were formed which continually tory of Mr. Henry Wallace . NY: CVA Consult­ probe for common clues among unsolved ing. 150 Volume 32 No. 2 November 2004 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

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