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Notes on Parallelism in Leti CAKALELE, VOL. 8 (1997): 1-25 © Aone van Engelenhoven Words and Expressions: Notes on Parallelism in Leti AONE VAN ENGELENHOVEN LEIDEN UNIVERSITY The islands in the extreme southwest of the Indonesian province of Maluku constitute a string that traditionally belongs to a region called Nohpaikra II Raipiatatra 'Guided Islands and Conducted Lands'. Par­ allelism is a well-attested phenomenon in East Indonesian languages. Whereas parallelism seems to be confined to ritual speech in the lan­ guages of the Timor area to the west, it appears to involve the entire language (both lexically and grammatically) in the Southwest Maluku. This study offers preliminary insights into the structure and function of parallelism in lirmarna 'royal speech' and lirasniara 'sung speech' by analyzing text samples from a Leti (Moa) myth, prayers (from Riedel 1886), and a few songs. 1. Introduction The many publications by James J. Fox on ritual languages in East Indo­ nesia have made lexical parallelism-the pairing of words--one of the best known features ofthe languages in the region ofTimor. While many data are available on parallelism in Nusa Tenggara Timur, less is known about this phenomenon in the languages directly east of Timor. This study presents results of ongoing research on parallelism in Westem Leti, a Central Malayo-Polynesian language spoken on the island of Leti off the easternmost tip ofTimor, in Southwest Malukn.' Westem Leti (hereafter simply Leti), is spoken by approximately 4,600 people who mainly live in the domains of Ttttukei, Tomra, and 'This paper was made possible by financial aid from the International Institute ofAsian Studies (IIAS) in Leiden. An earlier version ofthis paper was submitted to the masterclass of Prof. Fox at the IIAS. I also want to thauk Drs. Abraham Norimarna of Pattimura University in Ambon and his family for their suggestions when this paper was presented there at the Fourth International Maluku Research Conference in July 1996. {PAGE} CAKALELE, VOL. 8 Nuwewang on the West Side (Wielwiarta),2 a strip of land located be­ tween Cape Tutukei to the north and Cape Nuwewang to the southwest. Leti speakers distinguish two languages in this area: lirleti 'Leti lan­ guage', the language brought to Leti by the so-called "boat owner" clans (oraspou), and lirnusa 'land-language', which represents the language of the "aboriginal" clans, such as Aalleti (Tutukei) and Peri-Muaniaana (Tomra), who were already there when the ''boat owners" arrived. Two speech styles are distinguished in Leti: (I) lirmetrial7flll 'inside-reef­ language', a secret speech style for fishing purposes on the islet of Luang, which seems to be absent on Leti,3 and (2) literary speech, sub­ divided into spoken speech, called lirmarna 'royal language', and 'sung language', lirasniara. In the following paragraphs, I will discuss the form and function of Leti literary language by analyzing a speech by a Tutukeian official, Isti­ fanus Taluta; a Moa text recorded by J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong; and a Tomra prayer from Riedel (1886). For brevity, I will refer to these three texts as Taluta's speech, the Moa ttui, and the Tomra prayer. 2. Form and meaning of Leti parallelism The pairing of lexical items is the main featore of lir7flllrna. This phe­ nomenon was first observed in the Leti language by Rev. Geerlof Heij­ mering, who represented the Timor division of the Dutch Missionary Society (Nederlandsch Zendeling Genootschap) in Serwaru. He wrote, "Another, to me different, beauty of the language is its diversity of words, with which it can express one and the same thing by alternating words that sound differently" (1846: 41). Although research is still on­ going, some preliminary remarks can be made on the form of these lexi­ cal pairings. 2Batumiau on the East Side and Tutuwaru on the South Side fall within the western dialect group. Traditionally, they are not domains, but "detached properties" of the domain Tutukuei 11 Sondawa (according to Tutukeian and Luhulelian tradition). 31 found some remnants in Tomra, where an old woman belonging to the "aboriginal" clan of Wurwola spontaneously gave me lirmetrialma equivalents of the reef fish that she had caught For many clans-not only the ''boat owners"-limusa is also a secret speech style (not a separate language) that is used for witchcraft. PARELLELLISM IN LET! {PAGE} 2.1 Form: Rules and tendencies The Leti data show many combinations in which both lexical items mean the same thing. However, a closer look at these specific pairs reveals that only one word in the combination is preferred in Leti daily speech. Its counterpart appears to come from an (extra)insular isolect. A similar phenomenon was attested in (Terrnanu) Rotinese by Fox (1974), where he speaks of dialects rather than isolects. In the following examples, Lakor refers to isolects spoken on Lakor Island and in Moain (East Moa), while Moa refers to isolects spoken in East Leti (Luhuleli and Laitotun) and on West Moa (Kaiwatu up to at least Pati toward the east). (The fact that the Leti items occur second in the following pairs is accidental.) r-mesli7flll (Lakor) IIra-saawa (Leti) 'they marry' liola (Moa) IIpuorsa (Leti) 'door' usu (Moa) //lai (Leti) '(sea)bank' na-riwa (Moa4) IIna-kYau (Leti) 'he cherishes' na-doona (Moa) IIn-takra 'he sees' Some of these pairs contain items that are explicitly identified as ex­ clusive to lirmarna. They do not occur in Leti daily speech. In the other dialects I studied, too, they were only attested in lirmarna. Starred items among the following examples are confined to lir7flllrna. *tirka IllIena 'lightning' na-kropna II *na-kreetu 'he limps' *kaperi IIkapansa 'ill' -liiru II *-tawu 'backside' r-wutu II *r-kesa 'they bind' In these combinations, the starred words are all explained as possible lirmarna equivalents ofthe daily speech items (as in the case ofr-wutu II r-kesa) and sometimes even as the only possible lir7flllrna equivalent (as in the case oftirka IllIena). In some cases, both items are identified as lirmarna. Neither member ofthe pair occurs independently in daily speech. 4Tutukei follows the Moa dialects here, according to de Josselin de Jong (n.d.). The form na-riwa meaos 'he keeps in his lap' and na-ksau 'he carries on his back'. In Tomra and Nuwewang, na-ksau has replaced na-riwa and there is no longer any difference between these two meanings. The same happened in Tutukei, where na-riwa has replaced na-ksau. {PAGE} CAKALELE, VOL. 8 *na-wiru II *na-kawi 'he arrangesll orders' ·dupla II ·7fIllwla 'witchcraft' ·n-dutarleta II ·l-leluktani 'he founds a domain's It seems difficult at this stage to establish definite rules for parallel­ ism. However, closer examination shows that some items appear in other combinations, and always in the same position. In other words, the posi­ tioning of the items seem to be lexically fixed. This is shown by - ·tawu 'back', which always occupies second position. lerliiru Illertawu 'in early days' n-rei IIn-tawu 'he withdraws' tukar-nu II taw-nu 'his back' Such fixed combinations seem to imply that lexical items cannot be paired freely. The speaker of lirmama must know the positions of the words if he wants to produce acceptable lirmama. This does not mean, however, that each item has a lexically defined position. In the following example, the suffix -IUru fills the final slot; in the example above, it oc­ cupies the initial position in the pair. R-sopl-ulu IIr-sopal-IUru ... 3pl-sail-head 113pl-sail-back 'They sailed ahead 11 sailed behind .. .' Rules can be detected for those items that also occur in daily speech. Uera 'water', for example, must always be in initial position: uerallwatu 'water 11 stone' uera IIwaresra 'water 11 provision' uera II tali 'water 11 rope'6 A combination where 'water' and 'seawater' (tash) would be linked as ·tash II uera is not acceptable. It must be uera II tash. The word for 'pig' (wawij, on the other hand, must always occupy final position: pipiIIwawi 'goaWpig' siwillwawi 'chicken 11 pig' asullwawi 'dog 11 pig' SLeta and tani mean 'village' and 'soil', respectively. The verbs -dutra and -lelAu are not really understood, but could be interpreted as 'walling the village' (cf. lutru 'stone wall'), and thus 'fencing the soil'. 6Compare ueruera IItaltiali 'watery 11 ropelike', meaning 'bendable'. PARELLELLISM IN LET! {PAGE} Although the arrangement of items seems defined purely on lexical grounds (and as such more or less unplanned), a semantic analysis may provide some hints. It is the task of anthropologists to place the outcome in a cultural framework. The arrangement ofthe paired items seems often to reflect antonymic concepts. For instance, items that name small objects or female objects precede those that name nonsmall or male objects, respectively. SMALL REFERENT 11 NONSMALL REFERENT /wkkoi Illalawna 'child 11 grown-up (lit. 'big')' loi IIspou 'proa 11 (sailing) boat pua IInura 'betel 11 coconut' wesillwooni 'sculllloar' /wni IImoonu 'grasshopper 11 bird' FEMALE REFERENT 11 MALE REFERENT puata IImuani 'woman 11 man' ina IIama 'mother 11 father' nara II ·sial{l 'sister 11 brother' iera IInas 'sister-in-law 11 brother-in-law' ttei IIddalu 'female animal 11 male animal' SEAWARD 11 LANDWARD !iora IIriaa 'seaside l/landside' ueeta Illo/w 'estoary 11 river' tutu l/lowna 'cape 11 plains' nusa IIrai 'island l/land (lit. 'continent')' tioruna II taniarta 'bintangor-tree stem9 11 soil's border' eni llwuura '(beach) sand 11 mountain' IDGH 11 NOT HIGH tul-Iu IIlawan-ne 'his height 11 his bigness' wuwar-nu IInain-ni 'above 11 underlO ' /warn-ne IIuaar-ne 'its [a tree's] crown 11 its root' 7For female speakers, ela IInara.
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