22Puentes.Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

22Puentes.Pdf sumario 4. Genocida de hábito. Por Daniel Badenes y Lucas Miguel. 18. La condena a la catolización y militarización del Estado. Por Fortunato Mallimaci. 20. Entrevista con Daniel Feierstein, especialista en el estudio de los genocidios como prácticas sociales. Por Juan Bautista Duizeide. 30. Políticas de la memoria. Cuando el presente evoca el pasado. Por Sandra Raggio. 34. Chile: las paradojas de la memoria entre el boom y la negación. Por Nancy Nicholls. 40. El ejercicio de la memoria en la escuela. Un desafío múltiple. Por Martín Legarralde. 46. Colombia: la pedagogía social de la memoria histórica. Por Claudia Girón Ortíz. 50. Balance del VI encuentro de Jóvenes y Memoria, Chapadmalal 2007. Por Diego Díaz. 56. Adelanto del informe 2007 del Comité Contra la Tortura. 60. Los censores y la literatura infantil y juvenil. Por Josefina Oliva. 66. Héctor Germán Oesterheld, escritura y memoria. Por Guillermo Saccomanno. 79. De coincidencias y profecías. Por Ana Longoni y Pablo Luzuriaga. 86. Comisión Provincial por la Memoria. 89. Dossier documentos. De lo secreto a lo público. 1965: ¿Dónde está el Che? Las respuestas de los servicios de inteligencia argentinos. Por Patricia Funes. Puentes 22 |Diciembre 2007 3 Por Daniel Badenes y Lucas Miguel Fotografía Alejo Garganta Bermúdez La Justicia condenó a un cuadro operativo e ideológico de la cruzada occidental y cristiana cuyo resultado fue un genocidio reorganizador. Puentes recupera un puñado de las historias que se narraron en un juicio atípico por la diversidad de las víctimas: desde militantes revolucionarios hasta empresarios que manejaron el precio del dólar. El proceso oral también evidenció ciertas matrices ideológicas de la Iglesia que determinaron su compromiso institucional, el antisemitismo de los represores y la coordinación represiva del Plan Cóndor. Opinan: Fortunato Mallimaci, Felix Crous, Carlos Dulau Dumm, Martín Obregón y Guadalupe Godoy, 4 Puentes 22 |Diciembre 2007 Reclusión perpetua para Christian Von Wernich GENOCIDA de hábito Puentes 22 |Diciembre 2007 5 Christian Federico Von Wernich es un torturador y asesi- dos para la represión ilegal de ex funcionarios de gobier- no que formó parte de un comprobado plan criminal y pa- no y empresarios, en el marco de lo que los propios re- ra llevar adelante su tarea utilizó los hábitos sacerdotales presores denominaron actividades de subversión económi- de la Iglesia Católica Apostólica Romana autoatribuyéndose ca, una excusa más del régimen para apropiarse bienes de una misión pastoral, consideraron los miembros del Tribu- personas desaparecidas, perseguir a determinados grupos nal Oral en lo Criminal Federal Nº 1 de La Plata, que le im- de empresas o empresarios a los que se vinculaba a algu- puso la pena de reclusión perpetua por delitos de lesa hu- na organización armada o lisa y llanamente para quitar del manidad cometidos en el marco del genocidio, la misma fór- medio a contratistas o adjudicatarios de licitaciones que pu- mula que había utilizado un año antes al condenar al co- dieran perjudicar los negocios espurios de algunos funcio- misario Miguel Etchecolatz. narios del régimen. El 1 de noviembre se conoció esa sentencia, tras un proceso oral que llevó más de 25 jornadas, entre la inda- Un cuerpo colegiado de la tortura gatoria del acusado, las audiencias testimoniales, las ins- Osvaldo Jorge Papaleo había sido secretario de Prensa pecciones oculares a centros clandestinos y los alegatos. durante el gobierno constitucional y era además cuñado del Declararon 75 testigos, incluyendo a cuatro miembros de la banquero David Graiver, a quien se acusaba de ser financis- institución católica: Rubén Dri, Rubén Capitanio, el obispo ta de Montoneros. Luego del secuestro de su hermana, en emérito Miguel Hesayne (lo hizo por escrito) y Pedro Tra- marzo de 1977, leyó un artículo en la revista Somos que vin- veset (mintió, fue detenido y se le abrió una causa en culaba a Montoneros, al grupo Graiver y a él, como funcio- consecuencia). nario de la Presidencia. Algo similar había publicado el Von Wernich fue condenado en calidad de coautor o par- diario bahiense La Nueva Provincia, ligado a los militares tícipe necesario por 41 casos de privación ilegítima de la li- más reaccionarios. Sorprendido, envió una carta documen- bertad, 31 de aplicación de tormentos y 7 asesinatos. El pro- to a la editorial Atlántida para que rectificaran la informa- ceso oral que comenzó en julio –aunque su origen se re- ción. A la tarde, su amigo Rogelio Frigerio, el líder del Mo- monta al pedido de detención realizado hace más de cuatro vimiento de Integración y Desarrollo, lo visitó para avisar- años– tuvo en el banquillo de los acusados a “un cuadro le que sería detenido por fuerzas conjuntas del Ejército y la ideológico”, como lo caracteriza Guadalupe Godoy, aboga- Policía bonaerense “que estaban actuando en el caso Grai- da integrante de la querella. ver”. “Me dijo que tratase de organizar mi vida a la espera Aunque el debate oral dejó planteadas dudas sobre có- de esa detención, que efectivamente se produjo esa noche mo obtuvo su título, Von Wernich es un sacerdote católico en mi casa”. Tras un largo paseo en auto, con escalas en que se desempeñó como capellán de la Policía bonaerense otros secuestros, Papaleo fue llevado a un calabozo de Pues- entre marzo de 1977 y abril de 1985, cuando fue exonerado to Vasco. Unos días después, el encargado del lugar lo lla- a raíz de declaraciones periodísticas. El tipo de victimario mó para firmar una especie de acta con sus dichos en los constituyó el primer contraste entre este juicio y los ante- interrogatorios. Tenía en sus manos el original de la carta riores: “Se ven las diferencias de clase de los policías de la enviada a Atlántida: “Tus problemas empezaron cuando man- provincia con éste, un tipo que viene de la clase media al- daste esto”. ta, con una formación”, interpreta Godoy. “Además, quedó Luego, supo por su familia que Somos había publicado en claro que ese rol que cumplió de inteligencia lo sigue declaraciones de él y de su hermana tomadas en sesiones cumpliendo: el rol de quebrar”. de tortura. Una y otra vez, aplicándole una picana eléctri- Las características de las víctimas –y en consecuencia, de ca, le habían preguntado por su actividad política, su vincu- los sobrevivientes que testimoniaron– constituyeron otro lación con los Gravier y, lo que más le llamó la atención, si rasgo distintivo del proceso. Había personas mayores, que conocía que Héctor Ricardo García –director del diario Cró- hablaban de los “chicos” con los que compartieron cautive- nica– era judío. “Eran preguntas de ese nivel de informa- rio. Había empresarios y ex funcionarios de gobierno; ya no ción, que yo desconocía”, relató al Tribunal integrado por sólo militantes. “Eso le dio una riqueza política mucho ma- Carlos Rozanski, Horacio Isaurralde y Norberto Lorenzo. En yor. Había gente con distintas elaboraciones ideológicas una ocasión, terminado el interrogatorio, vio que estaba pre- de lo que había sucedido”, comenta Godoy. sente Ramón Camps. La presencia de una clase acomodada entre las víctimas El jefe de la Policía era parte del sector con posiciones tuvo que ver con dos de los cinco centros clandestinos so- más duras entre quienes habían participado del golpe. Se lo bre los que versó el juicio oral: Puesto Vasco, ubicado en la conocía como Grupo La Plata y estaba formado por el sec- localidad quilmeña de Don Bosco, y COTI Martínez. Según tor más inflexible y cavernario del Ejército, según relata Her- se caracteriza en el pedido de elevación a juicio de la cau- nán Brienza en su libro Maldito tú eres: Representado en sa, firmado por el fiscal Sergio Franco en diciembre de 2006, el gabinete nacional por el ministro de Planeamiento, Gena- esos centros tuvieron la singularidad de haber sido utiliza- ro Díaz Bessone, el grupo estaba comandado en la calle por 6 Puentes 22 |Diciembre 2007 Suárez Mason, un hombre que pertenecía junto a Camps a dios términos no corren en esta hora del mundo”. la logia neofascista Propaganda 2.... También pertenecían a “La Iglesia argentina en 1976 era muy conservadora, una ese núcleo duro Ibérico Saint Jean, que ocupaba el cargo de docena de obispos tradicionalistas tenían una fuerte presen- gobernador, y el comisario Miguel Etchecolatz, que secun- cia, y fueron hegemónicos en la coyuntura más crítica, en- daba a Camps en la jerarquía como Director General de In- tre el 73 y el 76”, explica Martín Obregón, autor de Entre vestigaciones. la cruz y la espada. Para este historiador, Tortolo y Bona- “Parecía que había una especie de puja interna entre miem- mín son los nombres emblemáticos de una “política de dis- bros del Ejército, hablaban de un nacionalismo no muy cla- ciplinamiento muy fuerte que toma la jerarquía católica”, ro. Era gente con una estructura mesiánica”, caracteriza Pa- tras la tensión de los años posteriores al Concilio Vaticano paleo quizás sin saber detalles de nombres y cargos, pero II. “Las figuras del tradicionalismo católico más exacerbado con la experiencia vivida en carne propia. Tal es así que un ocupan el centro de la Iglesia nacional. Es el caso de estos día recibió la visita de Christian Von Wernich, uno de los dos personajes, representantes de ese catolicismo integral miembros de la Iglesia que completaban el Grupo La Plata, que levantaba por ejemplo ideas de la Guerra Santa, de la junto a monseñor Antonio Plaza, que además de liderar la lucha contra los enemigos de la patria, etcétera”. diócesis platense era capellán general de la Policía. Entrada la dictadura, Tortolo llegó a defender las torturas “Su presencia era posterior pero coincidía con las tortu- a partir de argumentos teológicos, en plena asamblea ple- ras. Y tenía conocimiento de lo declarado en los interroga- naria, según textos publicados por Emilio Mignone y Hora- torios”, caracterizó Papaleo el modus operandi del impu- cio Verbitsky.
Recommended publications
  • Practising Justice in Argentina: Social Condemnation, Legal Punishment, and the Local Articulations of Genocide
    JOURNAL FÜR ENTWICKLUNGSPOLITIK herausgegeben vom Mattersburger Kreis für Entwicklungspolitik an den österreichischen Universitäten vol. XXVII 3–2011 Beyond Transitional Justice Schwerpunktredaktion: Stefan Khittel Inhaltsverzeichnis 4 Stefan Khittel, Jan Pospisil Beyond Transitional Justice? 21 Sandra Rubli Knowing the Truth – What For? The Contested Politics of Transitional Justice in Burundi 43 Susanne Schmeidl The Quest for Transitional Justice in Afghanistan: Exploring the Untapped Potential of Customary Justice 64 Katja Seidel Practising Justice in Argentina: Social Condemnation, Legal Punishment, and the Local Articulations of Genocide 88 Christian Wlaschütz Transitional Justice in Colombia: Does it Contribute to Reconciliation? 109 Book Review 111 Editor of the Special Issue and Authors 114 Impressum Journal für Entwicklungspolitik XXVII 3-2011, S. 64-87 KATJA SEIDEL Practising Justice in Argentina: Social Condemnation, Legal Punishment, and the Local Articulations of Genocide1 The auditorium of the Federal Court of Buenos Aires is filled with people attending the ESMA trial of the perpetrators of the 1976–1983 military dicta- torship. Today we will hear the testimony of Ricardo. His parents were disap- peared and killed in 1977 and, aged just 14 months, he too was kidnapped and given to a military family. Alongside of me are approximately 40 of Ricar- do’s friends, the majority of whom are the children of disappeared and activ- ists in the association H.I.J.O.S. – Children for Identity and Justice, against Oblivion and Silence. During Ricardo’s moving testimony various people in the audience burst into tears, and an atmosphere of grief and companionship fills the room. Towards the end of his testimony, after more or less two hours, Ricardo becomes increasingly forceful.
    [Show full text]
  • El Caso Timerman, El Establishment Y La Prensa Israelí Titulo Rein, Raanan
    El caso Timerman, el establishment y la prensa israelí Titulo Rein, Raanan - Autor/a; Davidi, Efraim - Autor/a; Autor(es) En: Revista CICLOS en la historia, la economía y la sociedad vol. XIX, no. 38. En: (diciembre 2011). Buenos Aires : FIHES, 2011. Buenos Aires Lugar FIHES Editorial/Editor 2011 Fecha Colección Relaciones exteriores; Dictadura militar 1976-1983; Judíos; Antisemitismo; Argentina; Temas Israel; Artículo Tipo de documento "http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/Argentina/iihes-uba/20141123111744/v19n38a11.pdf" URL Reconocimiento-No Comercial CC BY-NC Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar NOTAS Y COMUNICACIONES El caso Timerman, el establishment y la prensa israelí Raanan Rein y Efraim Davidi* * Universidad de Tel Aviv. Los autores agradecen al Centro Goldstein-Goren para el Estudio de las Diásporas y al Instituto Sverdlin de Historia y Cultura de América Latina, ambos de la Universidad de Tel Aviv, por su beca para la investigación que hizo posible la elaboración de este artículo, así como al Instituto de Estudios Avanzados de la Universidad Hebrea de Jerusalén y al Fox Center for Humanistic Inquiry de la Universidad de Emory (Atlanta, EE.UU.), donde hemos podido concluir la redacción de este artículo. El 25 de mayo de 1977, día en que la Argentina festejaba la formación de su primer gobierno patrio, la dictadura milita gobernante resolvió nombrar a un general como interventor de uno de los periódicos más influyentes del país, La Opinión.
    [Show full text]
  • Genocide, and Its Definition As the "Partial Elimination of a National Group"
    Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 8 Issue 1 Article 5 November 2013 Genocide, and its Definition as the "Partial Elimination of a National Group" Marcelo Ferreira School of Philosophy and Literature, and School of Law, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Ferreira, Marcelo (2013) "Genocide, and its Definition as the "Partial Elimination of a National Group"," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 8: Iss. 1: Article 5. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.8.1.3 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol8/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Genocide, and its Definition as the “Partial Elimination of a National Group” Marcelo Ferreira School of Philosophy and Literature, and School of Law, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina Summary: This paper is primarily about the crimes committed by Argentina’s last military dictatorship and whether these deserve the legal qualification of crimes against humanity or “genocide.” This question has consequences which go beyond the field of law and affect society and collective psychology through the reconstruction of historical memory. From this perspective, this paper argues that the definition of Genocide set forth in international law is directly applicable in Argentine national law. It also examines the different problems with the use of this term.
    [Show full text]
  • Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2018
    History 350L/ LAS 366 Dictatorship, "Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2018 Instructor: Seth Garfield [email protected] Parlin 302 T/Th 3:30-5:00 Unique #39035/ 40095 Office Hours: Thursday, 1:00-3:00, Garrison 2.120, or by appointment Course Description: This course explores the breakdown of democratic governments in South America in the 1960s and 1970s and the emergence of bureaucratic authoritarian regimes committed to economic restructuring, political demobilization, and the abrogation of civil liberties. It examines the use of torture, disappearances, and other counterinsurgency methods by Latin American military officials, as well as various forms of resistance, including guerrilla warfare. Finally, it looks at the transition to democratic rule, efforts to reconstruct civil society and forge political reconciliation, and the struggle for justice among the victims and families of victims of human rights abuses. The course focuses on the histories of the nations of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay) and seeks to address a number of questions. Why did some of the most "developed" nations in Latin America succumb to such repressive governments? How did authoritarian regimes legitimize their rule? How do historians make sense of the atrocities committed? In what ways did citizens resist or acquiesce in the policies of military governments? What role did the United States play in offering economic, political, and military assistance to military dictatorships? Which factors spurred the military
    [Show full text]
  • Genocide As Social Practice Genocide, Political Violence, Human Rights Series
    Genocide as Social Practice Genocide, Political Violence, Human Rights Series Edited by Alexander Laban Hinton, Stephen Eric Bronner, and Nela Navarro Alan W. Clarke, Rendition to Torture Lawrence Davidson, Cultural Genocide Daniel Feierstein, Genocide as Social Practice: Reorganizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas Alexander Laban Hinton, ed., Transitional Justice: Global Mechanisms and Local Realities after Genocide and Mass Violence Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson, eds., Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory Irina Silber, Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence, and Disillusionment in Postwar El Salvador Samuel Totten and Rafiki Ubaldo, eds., We Cannot Forget: Interviews with Survivors of the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda Ronnie Yimsut, Facing the Khmer Rouge: A Cambodian Journey Genocide as Social Practice Reorganizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas DANIEL FEIERSTEIN Translated by Douglas Andrew Town RUTGERS UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY, AND LONDON LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Feierstein, Daniel, 1967– [Genocidio como práctica social. English] Genocide as social practice : reorganizing society under the Nazis and Argentinás military juntas / Daniel Feierstein ; translated Douglas Andrew Town. pages cm. — (Genocide, political violence, human rights series) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–8135–6318–3 (hardcover : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8135–6317–6 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8135–6319–0 (e-book) 1. Genocide. 2. Holocaust, Jewish (1939–1945) 3. Genocide—Argentina. I. Title. HV6322.7.F4213 2014 304.6Ј630943—dc23 2013033862 A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. First published in Spanish as El genocidio como práctica social: Entre el nazismo y la experiencia argentina (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Women Against Dictatorship and Repression
    Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2011 Women against Dictatorship and Repression: A comparative study of the women’s organizations formed in Chile and Argentina respectively between 1973-1990 and 1976-1983 Ariana L. Awad Union College - Schenectady, NY Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the Latin American History Commons, and the Latin American Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Awad, Ariana L., "Women against Dictatorship and Repression: A comparative study of the women’s organizations formed in Chile and Argentina respectively between 1973-1990 and 1976-1983" (2011). Honors Theses. 936. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/936 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women against Dictatorship and Repression: A comparative study of the women’s organizations formed in Chile and Argentina respectively between1973-1990 and 1976-1983. By Ariana L. Awad Senior Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation Department of Latin American and Caribbean Studies Union College Winter, 2010 Title Page i Table of Contents ii Abstract iii Chapter 1: Literature Review 1 Chapter 2: The Chilean Women Come Together 15 Chapter 3: The Argentina Women Come Together 29 Chapter 4: Social and Political Influences
    [Show full text]
  • Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2013
    History 350L Dictatorship, "Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2013 Instructor: Seth Garfield [email protected] Mezes 1.120 T/Th 12:30-2:00 Unique #39510 Office Hours: Tuesday, 2:00-4:00, SRH (LLILAS) 1.304A, or by appointment Course Description: This course explores the breakdown of democratic governments in Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s and the emergence of bureaucratic authoritarian regimes committed to economic restructuring, political demobilization, and the abrogation of civil liberties. It examines the use of torture, disappearances, and other counterinsurgency methods by Latin American military officials, as well as various forms of resistance, including guerrilla warfare. Finally, it looks at the transition to democratic rule, efforts to reconstruct civil society and forge political reconciliation, and the struggle for justice among the victims and families of victims of human rights abuses. The course focuses on the histories of the nations of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay) and seeks to address a number of questions. Why did some of the most "developed" nations in Latin America cede to such repressive governments? How did authoritarian regimes legitimize their rule? How can we make sense of the atrocities committed? In what ways did citizens resist or acquiesce in the policies of military governments? What role did the United States play in offering economic, political, and military assistance to military dictatorships? Which factors spurred the military to relinquish power and what has been the nature of the transition to democratic rule? How can social peace and justice be best achieved in societies that experienced such trauma? How is this period of Latin American history remembered? Flags: Global Cultures: This course carries the Global Cultures flag.
    [Show full text]
  • After Amnesties Are Gone: Latin American National Courts and The
    University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2015 After Amnesties are Gone: Latin American National Courts and the New Contours of the Fight Against Impunity Naomi Roht-Arriaza UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Naomi Roht-Arriaza, After Amnesties are Gone: Latin American National Courts and the New Contours of the Fight Against Impunity, 37 Hum. Rts. Q. 341 (2015). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/1300 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. University of California, Hastings College of Law From the SelectedWorks of Naomi Roht-Arriaza 2015 After Amnesties are Gone: Latin American National Courts and the New Contours of the Fight Against Impunity Naomi Roht-Arriaza Available at: http://works.bepress.com/naomi_roht-arriaza/31/ HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY After Amnesties are Gone: Latin American National Courts and the new Contours of the Fight Against Impunity Naomi Roht-Arriaza* ABstract Latin America is the one region that, in the wake of massive and systematic violations of human rights, has made inroads into trying such crimes in national courts. After decades in which cases were dismissed on grounds of amnesty, statutes of limitations, or other impediments to trial, these barriers have fallen in a majority of countries. This turnaround—while fragile and incomplete—is remarkable.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Watch UPR Submission Argentina November 2007
    Human Rights Watch UPR Submission Argentina November 2007 Argentina has taken important steps to bring to justice former military and police personnel accused of having committed grave human rights violations during the country’s “dirty war.” Since the Supreme Court struck down the “Full Stop” and “Due Obedience” laws in 2005, two former police officers and one Catholic priest have been convicted. Inmates are held in unacceptable conditions in Argentina’s overcrowded prisons. Inmate violence and brutality by guards are a continuing problem. Confronting Past Abuses Since 2003, Argentina has made significant progress in prosecuting military and police personnel responsible for “disappearances,” killings, and torture during its last military dictatorship (1976-1983). President Nestor Kirchner has forcefully encouraged these prosecutions, reinforcing what began as a legal challenge to impunity in the courts. According to the attorney general’s office, there are currently more than 250 people in jail facing charges for these crimes. Several important cases were reopened in 2003 after Congress annulled the 1986 “Full Stop” law, which forced a halt to the prosecution of all such cases, and the 1987 “Due Obedience” law, which granted automatic immunity in such cases to all members of the military except those in positions of command. In June 2005, the Supreme Court declared the laws unconstitutional, and in 2006 two police officers were convicted for “disappearances.” Since 2005 several federal judges have struck down presidential pardons decreed by President Menem in 1989 and 1990 in favor of former officials convicted or facing trial for human rights violations. In July 2007, the Supreme Court declared the unconstitutionality of the pardon in favor of General Santiago Omar Riveros, arguing that such measure cannot be granted when someone is accused of committing crimes against humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2014
    History 350L Dictatorship, "Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2014 Instructor: Seth Garfield [email protected] Mezes 2.102 T/Th 12:30-2:00 Unique #39940 Office Hours: Tuesday, 10:00-12:00, SRH (LLILAS) 1.304A, or by appointment Course Description: This course explores the breakdown of democratic governments in South America in the 1960s and 1970s and the emergence of bureaucratic authoritarian regimes committed to economic restructuring, political demobilization, and the abrogation of civil liberties. It examines the use of torture, disappearances, and other counterinsurgency methods by Latin American military officials, as well as various forms of resistance, including guerrilla warfare. Finally, it looks at the transition to democratic rule, efforts to reconstruct civil society and forge political reconciliation, and the struggle for justice among the victims and families of victims of human rights abuses. The course focuses on the histories of the nations of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay) and seeks to address a number of questions. Why did some of the most "developed" nations in Latin America cede to such repressive governments? How did authoritarian regimes legitimize their rule? How can we make sense of the atrocities committed? In what ways did citizens resist or acquiesce in the policies of military governments? What role did the United States play in offering economic, political, and military assistance to military dictatorships? Which factors spurred the military to relinquish power and what has been the nature of the transition to democratic rule? How can social peace and justice be best achieved in societies that experienced such trauma? How is this period of Latin American history remembered? Flags: Global Cultures: This course carries the Global Cultures flag.
    [Show full text]
  • Disposal and Concealment in Genocide and Mass Violence
    6 When death is not the end: towards a typology of the treatment of corpses of ‘disappeared detainees’1 in Argentina from 1975 to 1983 2 Mario Ranalletti (with the collaboration of Esteban Pontoriero) On 24 March 1976, the Argentine armed forces, with extensive civilian support, carried out a new military coup against President Isabel Perón, claiming the need to combat guerrilla groups. In order to achieve this goal, task forces and clandestine detention centres were created, which launched an intense campaign of repression, reaching far beyond the confines of the guerrilla organizations. For decades, a negative conception of otherness had been constructed in military social circles and training settings – one that threatened Argentina’s Catholic essence. According to this conception, the guerrilla was only the ‘tip of the iceberg’ of a broader and heterogeneous group, referred to as ‘the subversion’. Within this interpretative framework, state repression focused on the guerrilla, but included a much wider population. The personnel assigned to carry out repressive acts and the facilities used for the purpose belonged to the Argentine state in most known cases. Soldiers, members of the security forces (police officers, gendarmes, municipal prison staff, and National Prison Service personnel), and civilians were organized to kidnap, torture, murder, and pillage, and to destroy and/or hide the corpses of an as yet indeterminate number of people accused of belonging to ‘the subversion’. In the terminology used at the time, this was the ‘war on subversion’. The military junta remained in power until 1983, when demo- cratic elections were held. Between 1984 and 1985, an investigation undertaken by a special presidential commission managed to Mario Ranalletti - 9781526125002 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 09/29/2021 03:53:04AM via free access DHR.indb 146 5/15/2014 12:51:18 PM The treatment of corpses in Argentina 147 identify about 9,000 cases of ‘forced disappearance’ at the hands of the aforementioned groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Vatican Dismisses Claims Against Pope Francis During Dictatorship
    Vatican dismisses claims against Pope Francis during dictatorship By Francis X. Rocca Catholic News Service VATICAN CITY – The Vatican dismissed claims that Pope Francis played a direct role in the kidnappings of two Jesuit priests during Argentina’s murderous military dictatorship and described them as part of a campaign by “left-wing anti-clerical elements to attack the church.” Jesuit Father Federico Lombardi, the Vatican spokesman, read a statement to journalists March 15 in response to renewed allegations that the future pope failed to protect two young Jesuit priests — Fathers Orlando Yorio and Francisco Jalics — from kidnapping by Argentina’s military junta in 1976. “This was never a concrete or credible accusation in his regard,” Father Lombardi said. “He was questioned by an Argentine court as someone aware of the situation but never as a defendant. He has, in documented form, denied any accusations. “Instead, there have been many declarations demonstrating how much (the future Pope Francis) did to protect many persons at the time of the military dictatorship,” the spokesman said. Father Lombardi also drew attention to recent statements by a leading Argentine human rights activist that the pope “was not directly complicit” with the regime. “He did not have ties with the dictatorship,” said the statement from Adolfo Perez Esquivel, who won the 1980 Nobel Peace Prize for his work on human rights during Argentina’s “dirty war” from 1976 to 1983. But the activist added that the future pope had “lacked the courage to stand with us in our struggle for human rights.” The Vatican spokesman called the statement a “declaration to be given much attention, because Perez Esquivel is not traditionally favorable to the church.” Then-Father Jorge Mario Bergoglio, the future pope, was head of the Jesuit province in the country from 1973 to 1979, the height of the clandestine war that saw as many as 30,000 Argentines kidnapped, tortured, murder or disappeared, never to be seen again.
    [Show full text]