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165 Frequently Cited Sources Have Been Identified by The Notes Frequently cited sources have been identified by the following abbreviations. FBIS Foreign Broadcast Information Service FO/DO Foreign Office Records, Kew, U.K. IKMEWA Indian Tibetan Muslim Evacuees Welfare Association IMEA Ministry of External Affairs IOR India Office Records, British Library, London NAI Foreign and Political Department Proceedings, Indian National Archives SDDX Shisanshi Dalai yang shoji he shisishi Dalai zhuanshi zuochuang dang’an xu- anbian (Selected Files Relating to the Memorial Ceremony on the Demise of the 13th Dalai Lama and the Reincarnation and Installation of the 14th Dalai Lama) SWJN Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru TOHAP Tibetan Oral History Archive Project, digital archive, www.loc.gov/ collections/tibetan-oral-history-project/about-this-collection/ 1. BOUNDARIES OF BELONGING 1. Tibetans referred to the British team simply as Dékyi lingka (Tib. bde skyid gling pa), after the name of the house in which the British Mission was located. 2. Frederick S. Chapman, “Lhasa Mission, 1936: Diary of Events,” pt. VIII, p. 2 (MS 22/03/2006, Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford), cited in “Lhasa United Football Team,” Tibet Album, December 5, 2006, Pitt Rivers Museum, http://tibet.prm.ox.ac.uk/photo_1998.131.385. html. See also Alex McKay, “Kicking the Buddha’s Head: India, Tibet and Footballing Colonialism,” in Soccer in South Asia: Empire, Nation, Diaspora, ed. Paul Dimeo and James Mills (New York: Routledge, 2013), 89–104; Frederick S. Chapman, Lhasa: Holy City (London: Chatto & Windus, 1938), 269. 165 166 Notes 3. Jigme Taring [‘phreng Ring, ‘jig Med Sum Rten Dbang Po Rnam Rgyal], H0203, Tibetan Oral History Archive Project (hereafter cited as TOHAP). 4. TOHAP HO203 Jigme Taring; TOHAP H0215 Shakabpa Wangchug Denden; Archibald T. Steele, “In the Kingdom of the Dalai Lama, Part V: The Priest King and His Councillors,” Chicago Daily News, cited in Foreign Office Records (hereafter cited as FO) 371 46122 (1945). 5. Note that the Ladakhi Muslims on the Lhasa United team wore fezzes, which were an essential marker of Muslim identity in British India. See Dilip M. Menon, Cultural History of Modern India (New Delhi: Social Science Press, 2006), 115. 6. Peter Bishop, The Myth of Shangri-La: Tibet, Travel Writing, and the Western Creation of Sacred Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 7. For a good overview of foreigners in central Tibet, see Hugh Richardson, “Foreigners in Tibet,” in High Peaks, Pure Earth: Collected Writings on Tibetan History and Culture, ed. Michael Aris (London: Serindia Publications, 1998), 409–19. See also R. A. Stein, Tibetan Civilization (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 84; George Bogle, “Political and Ethnographical Notes on Tibet and Other Parts of Asia,” in Bhutan and Tibet: The Travels of George Bogle and Alexander Hamilton, 1774–1777, ed. Alistair Lamb (Hertingfordbury, U.K.: Roxford Books, 2002), 157, 287. For an insightful examination of how this terminology in Chinese followed that of Tibetan, see Matthew W. Mosca, From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy: The Question of India and the Transformation of Geopolitics in Qing China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013), 131–35. 8. Évariste R. Huc, Souvenirs d’un voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet pendant les années 1844, 1845 et 1846 (Pekin: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1924), 2:235. 9. See also Clements R. Markham, George Bogle, and Thomas Manning,Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet: And of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. (London: Trübner and Co., 1879), cxii. 10. Enseng Ho, “Inter-Asian Concepts for Mobile Societies,” Journal of Asian Studies 76.4 (November 2017): 908. 11. Ibid., 922. For examples of transregional studies, see Nile Green, Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean, 1840–1915 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); Eric Tagliacozzo, Secret Trades, Porous Borders: Smuggling and States along a Southeast Asian Frontier, 1865–1915 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009); Enseng Ho, The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006); Rian Thum, The Sacred Routes of Uyghur History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014). 12. Two anonymous reviewers were instrumental in helping me see the forest through the trees and framing so eloquently the significance of this study. 13. David N. Gellner, Monk, Householder, and Tantric Priest: Newar Buddhism and Its Hierarchy of Ritual (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sherry B. Ortner, High Religion: A Cultural and Political History of Sherpa Buddhism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); José Ignacio Cabezón, Tibetan Ritual (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). 14. Geoffrey Samuel, Civilized Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan Societies (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993), 39. 15. Marc Gaborieau and Gh_ulām Muh. ammad, Récit d’un voyageur musulman au Tibet (Paris: Klincksieck, 1973); Anna Akasoy, Charles Burnett, and Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim, Notes 167 eds., Islam and Tibet: Interactions along the Musk Routes (Farnham, U.K.: Ashgate, 2010); Bianca Horlemann, “Tibetans and Muslims in Northwest China: Economic and Political Aspects of a Complex Historical Relationship,” Asian Highlands Perspectives 21 (2012): 141–86; A. M. Fischer, “The Muslim Cook, the Tibetan Client, His Lama, and Their Boycott: Modern Religious Discourses of Anti-Muslim Economic Activism in Amdo,” in Conflict and Social Order in Tibet and Inner Asia, ed. Fernanda Pirie and Toni Hu ber (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 159–92; Abū Bakr Am īruddīn Tibbatī Nadvī and Parmananda Sharma, trans., Tibet and Tibetan Muslims (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2004). 16. Christopher Beckwith, “The Location and Population of Tibet According to Early Islamic Sources,” Acta Orientalia Academiae 43 (1989): 163–70; Levon Khatchikian, “The Ledger of the Merchant Hovhannes Joughayetsi,” in Merchant Networks in the Early Modern World, ed. Sanjay Subrahmanyam (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996), 124–58. 17. Leonard Zwilling, ed., “More than the Promised Land”: Letters and Relations from Tibet by the Jesuit Missionary António de Andrade (1580–1634), trans. Michael J. Sweet (Boston: Institute of Jesuit Sources, Boston College, 2017), 24–30. 18. Sum pa mkhan po ye shes dpal ‘byor (Sumpa Khenpo Yeshe Paljor), Chos ‘byung dpag bsam ljon bzang [The Wish-Fulfilling Tree: A History of Buddhism], (Lanzhou: Kan su’u mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1992), 232; José Ignacio Cabezón, “Islam in the Tibetan Cultural Sphere,” in Islam in Tibet, ed. Gray Henry, Abdul Wahid Radhu, Marco Pallis, and Jane Casewit (Louisville, KY: Fons vitae, 1997), 19; Fengpei Wu and Songyun, Xizang zhi—Weizang tongzhi [Combined edition of Gazetteer of Tibet—General History of Ü- Tsang Tibet] (Lhasa: Xizang renmin chubanshe, [1721] 1982), 32; John Newman, “Islam in the Kālacakra Tantra,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 21.2 (1998): 316. 19. Mollica Dastider, Understanding Nepal: Muslims in a Plural Society (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 2007), 90. 20. Ma Jianye, “Xizang lasa de huimin,” Huijiao Qingnian Yuebao 32 (1947): 8–9. There is some debate over the actual roots of the term khache. Most simply suggest the term is derived from the Tibetan word for Kashmiri (khaché) or Kashmir (khachul), which existed long before the arrival of the Tibetan Muslims (e.g., a chief export of Kashmir was saffron, referring to it as “Kashmiri saffron” khaché[ ‘kyé]. Sarat Chandra Das, Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet (New Delhi: Mañjusri Publishing House, [1902] 1970), 126; Abdul Wahid Radhu, Islam in Tibet: Tibetan Caravans (Louisville, KY: Fons vitae, 1997), 161. Some schol- ars suggest that the term is derived from the Ladakhi term for Kashmiri Muslims, khachur, sometimes Romanized khachad. Ataullah Siddiqui, “Muslims of Tibet,” Tibet Journal 14.4 (1991): 76; Abū Bakr and Sharma, Tibet and Tibetan Muslims, 51. Gaborieau posits that the term is derived from Persian khwâja, see Marc Gaborieau, “Powers and Authority of Sufis among the Kashmiri Muslims in Tibet,” Tibet Journal 20.3 (1995): 21. For an excellent over- view of Ladkahi Muslims, see John Bray, “Readings on Islam in Ladakh: Local, Regional and International Perspectives,” Himalaya: Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himala- yan Studies 32.1 (2012): 13–21. 21. Graham Sandberg, Tibet and the Tibetans (London: Society for Promoting Chris- tian Knowledge, 1906), 174; Chapman, Lhasa, The Holy City, 96; L. Austine Waddell, Lhasa and Its Mysteries with a Record of the Expedition of 1903 to 1904 (London: Methuen & Co., 1905), 346; Wu and Songyun, Xizang zhi—Weizang tongzhi, 329; Ma Jianye, “Xizang Lasa de Huimin.” 168 Notes 22. India Ministry of External Affairs (hereafter cited as IMEA), Notes, Memoranda and Letters Exchanged and Agreements Signed between the Governments of India and China: White Paper (New Delhi: Ministry of External Affairs, 1960), I:85, II:72, III:123. 23. Emily Yeh, “Living Together in Lhasa: Ethnic Relations, Coercive Amity and Subaltern Cosmopolitanism,” in The Other Global City, ed. Shail Mayaram (New York: Routledge, 2009), 54–85; Charles Ramble, “Whither, Indeed, the Tsampa Eaters,” Himāl 6.5 (1993): 21–25; Robert B. Ekvall, “The Tibetan Self-Image,” Pacific Affairs 33.4 (1960): 375–82; Tenzin Dorjee and Howard Giles, “Cultural Identity in Tibetan Diasporas,” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 26.2 (2005): 138–57; Dawa Norbu, “ ‘Otherness’ and the Modern
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