Within China's Orbit? Chapter Three: Foreign Policy and 'Identity Stuff': Hu Jintao Addresses the Australian Parliament
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2004000444.Pdf
Copyright of Full Textrests with theoriginal copyright owner and, except as permitted under the CopyrightAct 1968,copyingthiscopyrightmaterial is prohibited without thepennission of theowner or itsexclusive licensee oragent orbywayofa licence 200408342 from Copyright Agency Limited. For information about suchlicences contact Copyright Agency Limitedon (02) 93947600(ph) 0,(02) 93947601 (fax) Stories in distress: Three case studies in Australian media coverage of humanitarian crises Wendy Bacon and Chris Nash Abstract This article reviews three case studies in the Australian media reporting ofinternational humanitarian crises. The case studies cover a six-month period in 1999 and draw on all media over that period. The three case studies are: the violence in East TImor at the time ofthe 1999 independence ballot, the imprisonment in Yugoslavia of Prall and Wallace, two employees of CARE Australia, and the floods in Mozambique. While the three case studies collectively exhibit many ofthe standard characteristics ofmedia coverage ofhumanitarian issues, individually they dif fer significantly in the scale andorientation ofcoverage. Wesug gest that a significantfactor in these differences was the relation ship between the sources for the stories and the journalists, which in turn depended on other factors. We review the adequa cy of the Hall and Ericson positions on the source-journalist relationship in explaining these differences, and suggest that a field analysis derivedfrom Bourdieu is helpful in explaining the involvement ofsources from the political, economic and military fields, which in turn impacted on the relationship ofthe media to the stories. Introduction On December 27, 2003, while many people in the Western world were enjoying their Christmas holidays, more than 40,000 Iranians were killed in an earthquake in the ancient city of Bam. -
Media Locks in the New Narrative
7. Influences on a changed story and the new normal: media locks in the new narrative It was the biggest, most powerful spin campaign in Australian media history—the strategy was to delay action on greenhouse gas emissions until ‘coal was ready’—with geo-sequestration (burying carbon gases) and tax support. Alan Tate, ABC environment reporter 1990s On 23 September 2013 the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) program Media Watch explored a textbook example of why too many Australians and their politicians continue to stumble through a fog of confusion and doubt in regard to climate change. The case under the microscope typified irresponsible journalism. Media Watch host Paul Barry, with trademark irony, announced: ‘Yes it’s official at last … those stupid scientists on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC] got it wrong’, in their latest assessment report. He quoted 2GB breakfast jock Chris Smith from a week earlier saying the IPCC had ‘fessed up’ that its computers had drastically overestimated rising temperatures. ‘That’s a relief,’ said Barry, and how do we know this? ‘Because Chris Smith read it on the front page of last Monday’s Australian newspaper. When it comes to rubbishing the dangers of man-made global warming the shock jocks certainly know who they can trust.’ But wait. The Australian’s story by Environment Editor Graham Lloyd—‘We got it wrong on warming says IPCC’ was not original either. According to Media Watch, Lloyd appeared to have based his story on a News Limited sister publication from the United Kingdom. Said Barry: ‘He’d read all about it in the previous day’s Mail on Sunday,’ which had a story headlined ‘The great green con’. -
Managing Gender: the 2010 Federal Election
21. Managing Gender: The 2010 federal election Marian Sawer1 The 2010 federal election was the first in Australian history in which a woman prime minister was campaigning for the re-election of her government. Paradoxically, her party had no women’s policy—or at least did not launch one publicly. Despite the avoidance of any policy focus on gender issues, gender was a significant undercurrent in the election, as reflected in consistent gender gaps in public opinion and voting intentions. Unusually, the management of gender turned out to be more of a problem for a male than for a female leader. Gender Gaps and Gendered Coverage Gender was expected to feature prominently in the 2010 campaign given the contest between Julia Gillard as Australia’s first woman prime minister and Tony Abbott, a hyper-masculine Opposition leader and ironman triathlete. Abbott’s persona was that of an ‘action man’ always ready to don lycra and a helmet for some strenuous sporting activity; the Coalition campaign slogan was ‘Real action’. Abbott was also known for telling women how to live their lives, criticising them for taking ‘the easy way out’ by having abortions and blocking the importation of abortion drug RU486 while he was Health Minister. While the Abbott action-man persona might have been useful in a contest with Kevin Rudd, who was to be framed as ‘all talk and no action’, it was less useful in a contest with Julia Gillard. It required various forms of softening, particularly through referencing of the women in his life, but also through less-aggressive presentation and promises not to tinker with access to abortion. -
Apo-Nid63005.Pdf
AUSTRALIAN BROADCASTING TRIBUNAL ANNUAL REPORT 1991-92 Australian Broadcasting Tribunal Sydney 1992 ©Commonwealth of Australia ISSN 0728-8883 Design by Media and Public Relations Branch, Australian Broadcasting Tribunal. Printed in Australia by Pirie Printers Sales Pty Ltd, Fyshwick, A.CT. 11 Contents 1. MEMBERSIDP OF THE TRIBUNAL 1 2. THE YEAR IN REVIEW 7 3. POWERS AND FUNCTIONS OF THE TRIBUNAL 13 Responsible Minister 16 4. LICENSING 17 Number and Type of Licences on Issue 19 Grant of Limited Licences 20 Commercial Radio Licence Grant Inquiries 21 Supplementary Radio Grant Inquiries 23 Joined Supplementary /Independent Radio Grant Inquiries 24 Remote Licences 26 Public Radio Licence Grants 26 Renewal of Licences with Conditions or Licensee Undertaking 30 Revocation/Suspension/Conditions Inquiries 32 Allocation of Call Signs 37 5. OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL 39 Applications and Notices Received 41 Most Significant Inquiries 41 Unfinished Inquiries 47 Contraventions Amounting To Offences 49 Licence Transfers 49 Uncompleted Inquiries 50 Operation of Service by Other than Licensee 50 Registered Lender and Loan Interest Inquiries 50 6. PROGRAM AND ADVERTISING STANDARDS 51 Program and Advertising Standards 53 Australian Content 54 Compliance with Australian Content Television Standard 55 Children's Television Standards 55 Compliance with Children's Standards 58 Comments and Complaints 59 Broadcasting of Political Matter 60 Research 61 iii 7. PROGRAMS - PUBLIC INQUIRIES 63 Public Inquiries 65 Classification of Television Programs 65 Foreign Content In Television Advertisements 67 Advertising Time On Television 68 Film And Television Co-productions 70 Australian Documentary Programs 71 Cigarette Advertising During The 1990 Grand Prix 72 Test Market Provisions For Foreign Television Advertisements 72 Public Radio Sponsorship Announcements 73 Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles 74 John Laws - Comments About Aborigines 75 Anti-Discrimination Standards 75 Accuracy & Fairness in Current Affairs 76 Religious Broadcasts 77 Review of Classification Children's Television Programs 78 8. -
The Australian, Argues That “The Cause of Aboriginal Welfare
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to Learning and Scholarship Repository 1 “Black Armband” versus “White Blindfold” History in Australia: A Review Essay Patrick Brantlinger In The Australian for September 18, 2003, Greg Sheridan writes that “the cause of Aboriginal welfare and the quality of Australian political culture have been seriously damaged by the moral and linguistic overkill” of those historians who claim that “genocide” is an accurate term for what happened during the European colonization of that continent. He is seconding the current prime minister, John Howard, who has publicly declared that he wishes the historians would stop “using outrageous words like genocide” (qtd. in Reynolds, Indelible Stain 2). Sheridan thinks that “the past mistreatment of Aborigines is the most serious moral failing in our history,” but that it “never approached genocide or had any relationship to genocide.” Academics of “a certain left-wing cast of mind” engage both in pedantic, “linguistic” hairsplitting over definitions of such loaded words as “genocide” (a “jargon word,” according to Sheridan) and use those same words with gross, hyperbolic inaccuracy. Sheridan knows this is the case because “all dictionaries give [it] the same meaning.” And that meaning, according to his “Penguin dictionary,” is: “the mass murder of a racial, national or religious group.” This, Sheridan believes, never occurred in Australia, even though he also believes that “substantial numbers of Aborigines were killed by white settlers and British authorities in Tasmania and in Australia generally….” Apparently, he spies some clear difference Transnational Seminar, October 15th, 2004, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. -
Howard Government Retrospective II
Howard Government Retrospective II “To the brink: 1997 - 2001” Articles by Professor Tom Frame 14 - 15 November 2017 Howard Government Retrospective II The First and Second Howard Governments Initial appraisals and assessments Professor Tom Frame Introduction I have reviewed two contemporaneous treatments Preamble of the first Howard Government. Unlike other Members of the Coalition parties frequently complain retrospectives, these two works focussed entirely on that academics and journalists write more books about the years 1996-1998. One was published in 1997 the Australian Labor Party (ALP) than about Liberal- and marked the first anniversary of the Coalition’s National governments and their leaders. For instance, election victory. The other was published in early three biographical studies had been written about Mark 2000 when the consequences of some first term Latham who was the Opposition leader for a mere decisions and policies were becoming a little clearer. fourteen months (December 2003 to February 2005) Both books are collections of essays that originated when only one book had appeared about John Howard in university faculties and concentrated on questions and he had been prime minister for nearly a decade. of public administration. The contributions to both Certainly, publishers believe that books about the Labor volumes are notable for the consistency of their tone Party (past and present) are usually more successful and tenor. They are not partisan works although there commercially than works on the Coalition parties. The is more than a hint of suspicion that the Coalition sales figures would seem to suggest that history and was tampering with the institutions that undergirded ideas mean more to some Labor followers than to public authority and democratic government in Coalition supporters or to Australian readers generally. -
The Australian Democrats Andrew Bartlett*
Australian Cultural History Vol. 27, No.2, October 2009, 187-193 The Australian Democrats Andrew Bartlett* The Australian Democrats had maintained a presence in the Senate since 1977, but the 2007 election threatened to end their representation for good. Their efforts to retain seats proved to be in vain. Keywords: 2007 election; Australian Democrats; Senate Following on from the 2004 election, where the Australian Democrats lost four seats (including the Democrat seat Meg Lees had taken with her when she resigned from the party in 2002), plus official parliamentary status and balance of power in the Senate, the Party faced a very difficult task in the 2007 election trying to keep its four remaining Senate seats. Right throughout John Howard's fourth term, opinion polls showed public support for the Democrats consistently scraping along rock bottom levels of 1 or 2 per cent, as they had ever since the Lees resignation and the related public implosion of Natasha Stott Despoja's leadership in 2002. Even though the removal of the Democrats from the balance of power after the 2004 poll led directly to the Coalition government gaining control of the Senate, where it frequently used its majority to stifle scrutiny and bulldoze through some controversial legislation, the Democrats were unable to use this situation to build public support for returning the Party to its traditional Senate watchdog position. The Party had avoided going into debt in its 2004 campaign, so there were sufficient funds to run a basic campaign in priority areas for the 2007 election. However, serious use of paid advertising was not feasible. -
The Life and Adventures of Malcolm Turnbull Pdf, Epub, Ebook
STOP AT NOTHING: THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF MALCOLM TURNBULL PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Annabel Crabb | 208 pages | 18 May 2016 | Black Inc. | 9781863958189 | English | Melbourne, Australia Stop at Nothing: The Life and Adventures of Malcolm Turnbull PDF Book Without that a lot of it wont make sense, and relevance would also be limited. I am now much more inclined towards the Australian Conservatives rather than the Liberals. Quarterly Essay 34 Stop At Nothing. Craig Dowling rated it it was amazing Oct 09, I recommend this to anyone looking for a way to begin understanding the forces at work in Australian politics. Maybe I was looking for something different in the book did not find it enlightening at all first book I have read of Annabelle Crabb. Easy and enjoyable read - even for people who are not naturally liberal fans. Drawing on extensive interviews with Turnbull, Crabb delves into his university exploits — which included co-authoring a musical with Bob Ellis — and his remarkable relationship with Kerry Packer, the man for whom he was first a prized attack dog and then a mortal enemy. Bron rated it it was ok Dec 30, At times, the Turnbull life-story seems almost to have the silvery impermanence of cinema, and you suspect that somewhere behind it all is a haggard old-time Hollywood screenwriter, artfully inserting plot twists and complex little synchronicities for the benefit of the audience. Anyway, I I never really looked into the politics of my own country that much - America is just so much crazier and more sensational. This book, slightly longer than a quarterly essay, is worth an afternoon of your time. -
Work Choices: an Update
The Otemon Journal of AustralianStudies, vol. 33, pp. 201−206, 2007 201 Work Choices: An Update Braham Dabscheck Senior Fellow, Faculty of Law, University of Melbourne In December 2005, the Howard government passed the Workplace Relations Amendment (Work Choices) Act 2005 (Cwlth), which ushered in major changestothe operation of Australian indus- trial relations. The Act came into force on 27 March 2006. Major features of the legislation were presented in the May 2006 issue of Ecodate (see Dabscheck, 2006). Possibly, the most significant change is the Commonwealth government taking over state in- dustrial relations systems (Victoria had ceded such powers to the Commonwealth in 1996). Work Choices contains transition provisions for the movement of state workers to the federal system of three years, and of Commonwealth workers, who fall outside the jurisdiction of Work Choices, moving to the states within five years; in the absence of the states ceding power to the Common- wealth. More generally, movement will occur whenthetermsofexisting agreements expire and/or workers enter into new agreements. It will probably take another three to four years before we will be able to assess the impact of Work Choices. Change, at the moment, is incremental. Is Work Choices Constitutional? Work Choices is based on the corporations power contained in the Australian Constitution. Under this power ‘the parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Commonwealth with respect to (Section 51, placitum xx)...Foreigncorporations,andtradingorfinancialcorporationsformedwithinthelimits of the Commonwealth’. Traditionally, the major industrial relations power that had been relied upon was the concili- ation and arbitration power; Section 51, placitum xxxv, of the Constitution. -
1 Heat Treatment This Is a List of Greenhouse Gas Emitting
Heat treatment This is a list of greenhouse gas emitting companies and peak industry bodies and the firms they employ to lobby government. It is based on data from the federal and state lobbying registers.* Client Industry Lobby Company AGL Energy Oil and Gas Enhance Corporate Lobbyists registered with Enhance Lobbyist Background Limited Pty Ltd Corporate Pty Ltd* James (Jim) Peter Elder Former Labor Deputy Premier and Minister for State Development and Trade (Queensland) Kirsten Wishart - Michael Todd Former adviser to Queensland Premier Peter Beattie Mike Smith Policy adviser to the Queensland Minister for Natural Resources, Mines and Energy, LHMU industrial officer, state secretary to the NT Labor party. Nicholas James Park Former staffer to Federal Coalition MPs and Senators in the portfolios of: Energy and Resources, Land and Property Development, IT and Telecommunications, Gaming and Tourism. Samuel Sydney Doumany Former Queensland Liberal Attorney General and Minister for Justice Terence John Kempnich Former political adviser in the Queensland Labor and ACT Governments AGL Energy Oil and Gas Government Relations Lobbyists registered with Government Lobbyist Background Limited Australia advisory Pty Relations Australia advisory Pty Ltd* Ltd Damian Francis O’Connor Former assistant General Secretary within the NSW Australian Labor Party Elizabeth Waterland Ian Armstrong - Jacqueline Pace - * All lobbyists registered with individual firms do not necessarily work for all of that firm’s clients. Lobby lists are updated regularly. This -
Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests
Order Code RL32187 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests January 7, 2004 name redacted and name redacted Analysts in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests Summary The major U.S. interests in the Southwest Pacific are preventing the rise of terrorist threats, working with and maintaining the region’s U.S. territories, commonwealths, and military bases (American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the Reagan Missile Test Site on Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands), and enhancing U.S.-Australian cooperation in pursuing mutual political, economic, and strategic objectives in the area. The United States and Australia share common interests in countering transnational crime and preventing the infiltration of terrorist organizations in the Southwest Pacific, hedging against the growing influence of China, and promoting political stability and economic development. The United States has supported Australia’s increasingly proactive stance and troop deployment in Pacific Island nations torn by political and civil strife such as East Timor, Papua New Guinea, and the Solomon Islands. Australia may play a greater strategic role in the region as the United States seeks to redeploy its Asia-Pacific force structure. This report will be updated as needed. Contents U.S. Interests in the Southwest Pacific .................................1 The Evolving U.S.-Australian Strategic Relationship......................2 Australia’s Role in the Region........................................5 China’s Growing Regional Influence...................................6 List of Figures Figure 1. Map of the Southwest Pacific ................................7 Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests U.S. -
Reality Check: Australia's China Shift Came Before Trump
Reality check: Australia’s China shift came before Trump James Laurenceson February 9 2017 Note: This article appeared in The Diplomat, February 9 2017. Last year, defense hawks in the United States and Australia were handed a rude shock. A poll by the Sydney- based Lowy Institute revealed that 43 percent of Australians thought the country’s most important relationship was with the United States. The very same proportion said that it was with China. Another poll by the U.S. Studies Center at the University of Sydney found that 48 percent of Australians thought the relationship with China should be stronger, compared with 32 percent who said the same about the United States. It is against this background that new U.S. President Donald Trump spoke to Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull last week. After having had conversations with several other world leaders, including Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Trump reportedly told Turnbull that his was the “worst phone call by far.” As part of a discussion over a U.S.-Australia refugee resettlement plan, Trump accused Turnbull of trying to send the “next Boston bombers” to the United States. Trump counsellor Kellyanne Conway then blamed Australia for leaking details of the conversation, despite the earliest reports citing White House sources, only later confirmed by Australian ones. In any case, Trump himself had fired off a tweet calling the refugee resettlement plan Turnbull had struck with the former Obama administration “a dumb deal.” Many commentators declared China to be the big winner from the episode. But to focus only on the fallout of the phone call would be to miss a shift that was already underway.