The Clinton Presidency and the Analysis of Political Scandal

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The Clinton Presidency and the Analysis of Political Scandal Durham E-Theses The Clinton presidency and the analysis of political scandal Edmundson, Gareth M. How to cite: Edmundson, Gareth M. (2005) The Clinton presidency and the analysis of political scandal, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2841/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk Gareth M. Edmundson The Clinton Presidency and the Analysis of Political Scandal Abstract This study analyses the usefulness of recent offerings from scholars, such as John Thompson, that have aimed to bring a greater understanding of the subject of political scandal, by applying them to case studies of authentic political scandals during the Clinton Presidency. Academics have attempted to discover a more authoritative definition of a political scandal and have suggested tentative theories to explain the phases of high and low scandal activity that have been experienced throughout history, this is no more evident than in the United States. By applying these offerings to the highly detailed examinations of the Whitewater and Monica Lewinsky scandals, this study argues that the academic theories, thus far, are found to have limitations when faced with complex, modem political scandals in the United States. While this study does not offer a theory on political scandal of its own, it suggests that, although important contributions have been made, that more academic work is required to gain a greater understanding to potentially develop a new theory on political scandal. The Clinton Presidency and the Analysis of Political Scandal Gareth M. Edmunds on M. A. Thesis Department of Government and International Affairs University of Durham 2005 The copyrigM of this thesis rests wtth the author or the unhrerslty to which It was submitted. No quotation from It, or Information derived from tt may be published without the prior written consent of the author or university, and any Information derived from It should be acknowledged. 2 DEC 2006 Contents Acknowled&ments i 1. Introduction pi 2. Whitewater p26 3. Monica Lewinsky D72 4. Conclusion D151 5. Bibliosraohv pl77 Acknowledgements Thank you to my research supervisor Professor Robert Williams for his help and support during the course of this Masters degree. Thank you sparking my interest in American politics. Dr. Welch and Prof Williams, thank you for allowing me to use your unpublished research papers as part of my thesis. Finally, thank you to my family for all their support and help. To Bom and Nin Introduction Political scandals have existed in the United States for as long as the republic itself. Nevertheless, no two scandals are identical. The development of American society and politics has influenced the frequency, nature and consequences of scandals over time. In the last four decades, American public life has experienced an energetic cycle of poUtical scandal. Nixon and Watergate, Reagan and Iran-Contra and investigations into the Whitewater land deal and Monica Lewinsky impacted President Clinton. Major scandals have not been reserved for the Office of the President. Congress has received scrutiny, most notably, Abscam, an FBI sting operation exposed members caught up in bribery and the Keating Five, involved high profile Senators accused of using their influence in return for large campaign contributions. Incidence of scandal is particularly attractive to the mass media. Television, radio talk shows, newspapers and more latterly the internet have all been eager to fiilfil a public desire to debate and gossip as to what may have really been happening behind closed doors. The abiUty of scandals to capture interest often causes major problems for politicians and their staff. In a clamour for information, investigation from journalists, independent counsels, the FBI and Congress can have major and varied ramifications. In the midst of scandal, politicians may require professional assistance to respond to allegations and on occasion, scandals force resignations as criminal investigation disrupts a politician's ability to fiilfil his duties. In the worst cases, scandals can suffocate and temporarily disable the political system. Clearly, with the potential for such a powerfiil impact, political scandal should not be dismissed. Scandals are often exceptionally complex, particularly if they stimulate intrigue in the media and public. They can very quickly develop a 'Ufe and momentum of their own'', becoming less responsive to attempts to extinguish or direct their course. Scandals are given fiirther unpredictabiUty by the fact that the severity of alleged misconduct does not have a direct correlation to the exposure in the media. Individuals can pay a significant price for their involvement in political scandals, careers are ruined as they are forced to resign or face criminal convictions. Yet, others, who may also appear to be more at fault, can escape without any convictions and survive relatively unscathed. The potential impact of a scandal has increasingly been determined by the debate over evidence, particularly as it is often inconclusive or ambiguous. In these instances, teams of lawyers from both sides compete with each other for extended periods. As with most court cases, opposing sides will attempt to buUd facts to either prosecute or defend those involved in the scandal. Consistently, this can reach the public as accusation followed by rebuttal in the media. Where incomplete evidence forms the main basis for the scandal and, during investigation, lawyers and aides are imable to build an agreed factual chronology of events, it is imderstandable that scandal can overwhelm all involved and produce inconsistent reactions and results. Clearly, the liberal democracy of the United States, with a free press, political competition and a porous political system, provides an ideal environment in which to create a political scandal in any branch of government. Other countries, with more ' Robert Williams, Political Scandals in the USA (Edinburgh, Keele University Press, 1998) pi stringent controls over the press and institutions, with fewer democratic checks and controls, allow politicians within the system to misbehave in the knowledge their misdeeds will be suppressed. In such regimes, scandal may only come to light after a coup or revolution allowing previous governments to face investigation. While in this thesis the focus is the United States, most liberal democracies with a free press suffer the consistent presence of scandal. Of course, culture will determine the characteristics of the scandal. For example, the issue of sexual impropriety tends to have a less significant role in French or Italian poUtics compared to Britain or the United States. A variety of reasons have been put forward to explain the recent phase of scandals in contemporary America. Williams suggests three major viewpoints. Firstly, that Watergate was a catalyst in highUghting the extent of corruption in the United States. Secondly, that the media are more vigilant and sensitive to scandal and finally that far from signifying a deterioration in the behaviour of politicians, a new determination to find scandals has developed in recent years.^ Richard Nixon's administration highlighted that politicians should be continuously watched for any signs of suspect behaviour. Politicians, aware of a new sensitivity to misconduct, would be equally cautious. In the years following Watergate, a number of reforms to campaign finance, public financial disclosure and the introduction of new mvestigative bodies such as the Office of the Independent Counsel were created to bring a new level of scrutiny to pubUc officials. But paradoxically, the number of scandals increased in the wake of reforms. If corruption was the sole cause of scandal then an increase in the number of scandals after Watergate would signify a worsening spiral of corruption in the United States and that reforms were ineffective. Williams, Political Scandals in the USA, p4-5 With regard to the media, Larry Sabato's notion of a 'feeding frenzy' describes a fransformation of the press from 'lapdog' to 'watchdog' and ultimately 'junkyard dog' during the 20"" century.^ Li the pursuit for a prized exclusive a competitive press will feed off each other, collectively lower standards and make ill-judged decisions and risk libel suits to get the story. Sabato categorizes 1966-74 as a period of 'watchdog' journalism, but both the Vietnam War and then Watergate stimulated a shift to 'harsh, aggressive and intrusive"* 'junkyard-dog' journalism from 1974 onwards. Rather than an increasingly larger sink of corruption developing in recent years, a larger number of scandals may be a reflection of a concerted effort in the media and all levels of government to draw attention to any suggestion of malpractice. A higher sensitisation to corruption may have shifted norms and values. What may have previously been considered as normal behaviour for a public official suddenly becomes 'scandal worthy'. In contemporary America there may have been an increasing tendency to manufacture a scandal as a political tactic. A successful scandal will detract the media and pubUc from the realities of governing. They can deflect interest away from an individual as a form of protection or can be used to attack or retaUate against an opponent. Garment has asserted that the interaction of press and various investigative arms of government, most notably the Office of hidependent Counsel, since Watergate, has created a scandal 'machine'^.
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