Socialist Calculation and Market Socialism
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The Notion of Market Power in the Italian Marginalist School: Vilfredo Pareto and Enrico Barone
This version: July 2005 The notion of market power in the Italian marginalist school: Vilfredo Pareto and Enrico Barone Manuela Mosca* Abstract The paper deals with the notion of market power in the writings of two well-known Italian marginalists: Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923), and Enrico Barone (1859-1924). It brings into focus the two economists’ definition of the sources of market power, the kind of entry barriers the identified, and the role they attributed to potential competition. It shows that even if Pareto and Barone did not provide original analytical contributions to the solution of the models of price determination in imperfectly competitive markets, they should still have a place in the history of the theory of non-competitive markets for their theoretical innovations concerning the causes of market power. Keywords : market power, marginalism. J.E.L. Classification: B13, D4 Address for correspondence: Manuela Mosca University of Lecce, Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche e Matematico-Statistiche, Ecotekne, Via per Monteroni, 73100 Lecce (Italy). E-mail: [email protected] * A previous version of this paper was presented at HES 2005 Conference. 32 nd Annual Meeting. Tacoma 24-27th June, 2005. I am grateful to S. Abu Turab Rizvi for helpful comments and suggestions. The usual disclaimer applies. Any opinions expressed in the papers included into the Quaderni del Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche e Matematico- Statistiche are those of the authors. Citation and use of these papers should consider their provisional character. 1. Introduction This paper analyses the notions of competition and monopoly power in the writings of two well-known Italian marginalists: Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923) and Enrico Barone (1859-1924). -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Oskar Lange and the Impossibility of Economic Calculation
Oskar Lange and the Impossibility of Economic Calculation DW MacKenzie ABSTRACT: While most scholars of the Interwar Debate on Socialism interpret Lange as having offered an answer to the problem of socialist economic calculation, evidence exists to the contrary. Lange’s thinking on calculation was more complex and less settled than commonly recognized. His 1936 and 1937 articles actually admitted to the impossibility of socialist calculation, but also asserted the impossibility of capitalist calculation. Lange’s thinking evolved further on this subject, due in part to Lerner’s influence, but he never answered the challenge posed by Mises and Hayek. UNDER REVIEW AT: Studia Ekonomiczne JEL CODES: B24, B25, P21 KEY WORDS: market socialism, economic calculation, income distribution, capital accumulation. Versions of this paper were presented at the Polish Academy of Sciences on September 30th 2005 and The HES meetings in Puget Sound, June 2005. I thank Tyler Cowen, Jan Toporowski, Pete Boettke, Chris Coyne, and Tadeusz Kowalik for commenting on drafts of this paper. The usual disclaimer applies. Lange and ‘Market Socialism’ Professional opinion concerning Oskar Lange’s analysis of socialism remains divided. Initially, most economists accepted Lange’s solution to the problem of socialist calculation. Socialism might entail incentive problems with bureaucracy, but the trial and error method of simulating markets made socialist calculation possible. Other economists latter claimed that Lange abandoned true socialist aims in an effort to reconcile socialism with market relations, and ignored dynamic issues. Still others claim that he ignored difficulties with capital allocation and innovation and socio-political issues. The general point of this paper is that current opinions regarding Lange’s analysis of socialism are mistaken. -
POLITICAL ECONOMY for SOCIALISM Also by Makoto Itoh
POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR SOCIALISM Also by Makoto Itoh TilE BASIC TIIEORY OF CAPITALISM TilE VALUE CONTROVERSY (co-author with I. Steedman and others) TilE WORLD ECONOMIC CRISIS AND JAPANESE CAPITALISM VALUE AND CRISIS Political Economy for Socialism Makoto ltoh Professor of Economics University of Tokyo M St. Martin's Press © Makoto ltoh 1995 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London WIP 9HE. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published in Great Britain 1995 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-333-55338-1 ISBN 978-1-349-24018-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-24018-0 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 96 95 First published in the United States of America 1995 by Scholarly and Reference Division, ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., 175 Fifth A venue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-12564-6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ltoh, Makoto, 1936-- Political economy for socialism I Makoto Itoh. -
If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them. -
The Freedom of the Prices: Hayek and Jewkes on Labor in a Planned Economy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Munich Personal RePEc Archive MPRA Munich Personal RePEc Archive The Freedom of the Prices: Hayek and Jewkes on Labor in a Planned Economy Michael Makovi 13 May 2016 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/71296/ MPRA Paper No. 71296, posted 15 May 2016 07:43 UTC The Freedom of the Prices: Hayek and Jewkes on Labor in a Planned Economy Michael Makovi* Abstract: Milton Friedman (1962) famously argued there can be no freedom of speech where the government owns the printing presses. According to Friedman, political freedom presupposes economic freedom (cf. Lawson and Clark 2010). Less well-known are F. A. Hayek's and John Jewkes's illustrations of the same principle, both drawing from labor economics. Economic planning – the abandonment of a freely operating price-system – cannot function without resorting to compulsory assignment of labor. Similarly, no state may simultaneously fix “fair” wages and demand a given pattern of productive output and employment. It is impossible to both achieve income equality and accomplish an economic plan. Among Hayek's enduring contributions, therefore, is a demonstration that liberty hangs on the maintenance of the price- system. Keywords1: Hayek; Road to Serfdom; democratic socialism; market socialism; economic * PhD student in Agricultural and Applied Economics at Texas Tech University (TTU) and research assistant for the Free Market Institute (FMI) at TTU. This essay began as a small section of a term paper for a literature course taught by William T. Cotton (Loyola University, New Orleans), whom I thank for his constructive criticisms. -
Market Socialism: a Subjectivist Evaluation
7'he lourno1 of Libem"m Sludier. Vol. V, No. 1 (Winter 1981) Market Socialism: A Subjectivist Evaluation by Robert Bradley, Jr. Department of Economics, University of Houston This essay is an attempt to provide a modern overview of the economic cal- culation debate from the Austrian School perspective. Specifically, the many arguments against market socialism will be consolidated to demon- strate the neglected theoretical strength of the free-market perspective. In this regard, the fact that market socialism never has been implemented or even become a ballot box alternative can be better understood. The seeds of the calculation debate had been planted by a host of economists before Ludwig von Mises posed the central question "in such a form as to make it impossible that it should ever again disappear."' Mises' article, adapted from a lecture of a year earlier, appeared in the spring of 1920 entitled "Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth." The famous challenge of Mises was uncompromising and to the point: "Where there is no free market, there is no pricing mechanism: without a pricing mechanism, there is no economic cal~ulation."~Two years later the argument was enlarged in a wide-ranging critique of socialism, entitled Die Gemeinwirtschaft, after which replies from his critics began.3 Mises defended his position in articles published in 1924 and 1928 against, in Hayek's estimation, "objections [that] were really more quibbling about words caused by the fact that Mises had occasionally used the somewhat loose statement that socialism [economic calculation] was impossible.'" The main effect of Mises' arguments has been best summed up by the renowned socialist economist Oskar Lange: "It was [Mises'] powerful challenge that forced the socialists to recognize the importance of an adequate system of economic accounting in a socialist economy. -
An Anarchist FAQ — Section I Contents
An Anarchist FAQ — Section I Contents Section I: What would an anarchist society look like? 4 I.1 Isn’t libertarian socialism an oxymoron? 12 I.1.1 Is socialism impossible? ................................ 17 I.1.2 Is libertarian communism impossible? ........................ 27 I.1.3 What is wrong with markets anyway? ........................ 39 I.1.4 If capitalism is exploitative, then isn't socialism as well? . 45 I.1.5 Does capitalism efficiently allocate resources? .................... 48 I.2 Is this a blueprint for an anarchist society? 62 I.2.1 Why discuss what an anarchist society would be like at all? . 66 I.2.2 Will it be possible to go straight to an anarchist society from capitalism? . 68 I.2.3 How is the framework of an anarchist society created? . 72 I.3 What could the economic structure of anarchy look like? 79 I.3.1 What is a "syndicate"? ................................. 83 I.3.2 What is workers' self-management? ......................... 90 I.3.3 What does socialisation mean? ............................ 96 I.3.4 What relations would exist between individual syndicates? . 102 I.3.5 What would confederations of syndicates do? . 106 I.3.6 What about competition between syndicates? . 113 I.3.7 What about people who do not want to join a syndicate? . 118 I.3.8 Do anarchists seek "small autonomous communities, devoted to small scale produc- tion"? .......................................... 119 I.4 How would an anarchist economy function? 123 I.4.1 What is the point of economic activity in anarchy? . 127 I.4.2 Why do anarchists desire to abolish work? . 129 I.4.3 How do anarchists intend to abolish work? . -
The Socialist Calculation Debate and New Socialist Models in Light of a Contextual Historical Materialist Interpretation
THE SOCIALIST CALCULATION DEBATE AND NEW SOCIALIST MODELS IN LIGHT OF A CONTEXTUAL HISTORICAL MATERIALIST INTERPRETATION by Adam Balsam BSc [email protected] Supervised by Justin Podur BSc MScF PhD A Major Paper submitted to the Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Environmental Studies York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada December 11, 2020 Table of Contents The Statement of Requirements for the Major Paper ................................................................................. iii Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................ iv Foreword ...................................................................................................................................................... vi Section I: Introduction, Context, Framework and Methodology .................................................................. 1 Preamble ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 4 Context of this Investigation ................................................................................................................. 5 The Possibilities of Socialist Models .................................................................................................. -
Socialism, Economic Calculation And
SOCIALISM, ECONOMIC CALCULATION AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP BY Jesús Huerta de Soto TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 1 1. SOCIALISM AND ECONOMIC ANALYSIS .................................................... 1 The Historic Failure of Socialism ........................................................................ 1 The Subjective Perspective in the Economic Analysis of Socialism ................... 3 Our Definition of Socialism ................................................................................. 4 Entrepreneurship and Socialism ........................................................................... 5 Socialism as an Intellectual Error ......................................................................... 6 2. THE DEBATE ON THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF SOCIALIST ECONOMIC 7 CALCULATION .................................................................................................. Ludwig von Mises and the Start of the Socialism Debate .................................... 7 The Unjustified Shift in the Debate toward Statics .............................................. 8 Oskar Lange and the “Competitive Solution” ...................................................... 9 “Market Socialism” as the Impossible Squaring of the Circle ............................. 9 3. OTHER POSSIBLE LINES OF RESEARCH ..................................................... 10 1. The Analysis of So-called “Self-Management Socialism” ............................. 10 2. “Indicative -
Approaching Socialism
Approaching Socialism HARRY MAGDOFF AND FRED MAGDOFF 1. Can ‘Human Nature’ Change? Among the arguments against socialism is that it goes against human nature. “You can’t change human nature” is the frequently heard refrain. That may be true of basic human instincts such as the urge to obtain food to eat, reproduce, seek shelter, make and wear protective clothing. However, what has usually been referred to as “human nature” has changed a great deal during the long history of humankind. As social systems changed, many habits and behavioral traits also changed as people adapted to new social structures. Anatomically modern humans emerged some 150,000 to 200,000 years ago. Over the tens of thousands of years since, many different kinds of social organizations and societies have developed. Initially, most were based on hunting and gathering, while for about the last 7,000 years many have been based on agriculture. These societies were organized as clans, villages, tribes, city-states, nations, and/or empires. Anthropologists who studied “primitive” societies found very different human relations and human nature than the highly competitive, dog-eat- dog, selfish characteristics that have dominated during the capitalist period. The economics of these early precapitalist societies often took the form of reciprocity and redistribution. Trade existed, of course, but trade between tribes was not for personal gain. Agricultural land was neither privately owned nor could it be bought and sold, instead, it was generally allocated and reallocated by village chiefs. Much of the food collected by the chiefs was redistributed at village ceremonial feasts. There were wars and domi- nation by local tyrants—these were not perfect societies by any means—but they had different values, social mores, and “human natures.” As Karl Polanyi explained in 1944: “The outstanding discovery of recent historical and anthropological research is that man’s economy, as a rule, is submerged in his social relationships. -
Wages, Talents, and Egalitarianism
Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics, Volume 11, Issue 2, Autumn 2018, pp. 34-56. https://doi.org/10.23941/ejpe.v11i2.332 Wages, Talents, and Egalitarianism ANDREW LISTER Queen’s University Abstract: This paper compares Joseph Heath’s critique of the just deserts rationale for markets with an earlier critique due to Frank Knight, Milton Friedman, and Friedrich Hayek. Heath shares their emphasis upon the role of luck in prices based on supply and demand. Yet he avoids their claim that the inheritance of human capital is on a moral par with the inheritance of ordinary capital, as a basis for unequal shares of the social product. Heath prefers to argue that markets do not tend to reward talent as such. The paper raises some doubts about this factual claim, and argues that sweeping the issue of talent under the rug threatens to make our theory of justice less egalitarian than it would otherwise be. The paper also addresses the objection that claims of unfairness based on the arbitrariness of the distribution of innate abilities will undermine self-respect. Keywords: classical liberalism, desert, economic rights, high liberalism, luck, meritocracy, self-respect JEL Classification: A13, B24, B25, J31, P14 I. INTRODUCTION In a recent article in The Guardian, George Monbiot argues that neoliberalism encourages people to think that those who prosper in a competitive economic system do so on the basis of individual merit, while those who fall behind deserve their misfortune (2015). This desert- based justification of capitalism has had its defenders. In The Foundations of Morality, Henry Hazlitt argued that it was “both foolish and unjust” to insist that people who produce different amounts should be paid the same (1964, 263).