Masinde's Dissertation.Pdf

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Humanities Master Dissertations

2012 The status of ethnic community languages: a comparative study between endogamous and exogamous families in Dodoma municipality

Masinde, Yusuph N

The University of Dodoma

Masinde, Y.N. (2012). The status of ethnic community languages: a comparative study between endogamous and exogamous families in Dodoma municipality. Dodoma: The University of Dodoma http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/1387 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository.

THE STATUS OF ETHNIC COMMUNITY LANGUAGES: A

COMPARATIVE STUDY BETWEEN ENDOGAMOUS AND

EXOGAMOUS FAMILIES IN DODOMA MUNICIPALITY

Yusuph Nyandai Masinde

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the

Degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma

The University of Dodoma

October, 2012

CERTIFICATION

The undersigned certifies that she has read and hereby recommends for the acceptance by the University of Dodoma the dissertation entitled: The Status of

Ethnic Community Languages: A Comparative Study between Endogamous and

Exogamous Families in Dodoma Municipality, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Linguistics) of the University of

Dodoma.

……………………………………………………………………

Dr. Rafiki Yohana Sebonde

(Supervisor)

Date…………………………………………………

DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT

I, YUSUPH NYANDAI MASINDE, declare that this dissertation is my own original work and that it has not been and will never be submitted to any other University for a similar or any other degree award.

Signature…………………………………………………..

No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the author or the University of Dodoma.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work would have not been possible in its current form without efforts and dedicated support from many people. Their encouragement and moral support made me confident in all stages of working with this dissertation.

I would like to extend my sincere and heartfelt thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Rafiki

Yohana Sebonde who heartily accepted to be my supervisor. Indeed she spared most of her time going through a number of drafts until the final draft was obtained, which is this work. Her strong criticisms, inputs and her constant guidance from the early stage of this dissertation helped me to enrich this work. I really appreciate the meticulous care she has shown for my academic and personal progress while serving as my supervisor for this dissertation. I deeply thank her for encouraging me to have independent thinking.

Thanks are also due to colleagues who were willing to discuss and comment on this study. Among them I would like to mention Prof. Casmir Rubagumya, Mr. Domician

Ibrahim Rwakakindo, Mr. Sane Eliakimu, and Ms. Shingwa Magashi, for editorial assistance and provision of constructive ideas which helped to shape this work. The questions they posed and the thoughtful comments they made on this work contributed a lot in bringing it to this shape.

I am indebted to my brothers and sisters who persevered with me during the whole period of writing this work. Had they not realized the importance of this work, surely, it could have further, not appeared the way it appears today. Let me record my thanks to my beloved brothers Mustapha Masinde, Berius Masinde and my sisters Nyabwire

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Masinde and Tumaini Mukama, who missed my company all the time when I was studying. I thank them for their tolerance, moral and psychological support.

Special thanks should go to the administration of the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature at the University of Dodoma to express my deep gratitude for organizing and coordinating the M A (Linguistics) programme.

Last but not least I appreciate the cooperation of all my course instructors and classmates, who built a favourable climate for the smooth running of the course and ultimately culminating in this work. Again, I would not wish to be discriminatory by mentioning some of them by names. However, the usual disclaimers apply, and any shortcomings of the present work cannot be attributed to any of the above.

DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my dear parents, Naftal Gamba Masinde and Naomi

Masatu for nursing tenderly, the seed of thirst for education that they sowed in me way back in my childhood and who, from time to time, encouraged me to study hard so as to live an independent life. Also, this work is dedicated to my brothers; Masatu

Gamba, Mustapha Masinde and Berius Masinde together with my sisters Mkwaya

Naftal, Nyabwire Masinde and Asteria Masinde for their immeasurable support, love, encouragement and perseverance during the whole period of my study.

ABSTRACT

The study focused on the status of ECLs by making a comparative study between endogamous and exogamous families found in urban areas of Tanzania, in the

Municipality of Dodoma. The study aimed at finding the truth on the assumptions that people who marry endogamously may maintain their languages since they mutually understand each other while those who marry exogamously might shift to the dominant languages since they do not share the same language. Primarily, the study firstly, addressed the question of language use in daily conversation within the two family groups; secondly, it examined the attitudes of the couples towards ECLs,

Kiswahili and English; and thirdly, the study examined the extent of language shift and maintenance within the families.

Batibo‟s (1992) marked bilingualism model was used to guide this study. Purposive sampling technique was used to obtain the respondents whereby those visited were either endogamous or exogamous families. The target populations were the workers in four higher learning institutions of Dodoma Municipality. Instruments for data collections were questionnaire and interview. The study used both qualitative and quantitative approaches of data elicitation. Qualitative data were subjected to content analysis whereas quantitative data were tabulated, computed and put into percentages.

Findings from the study revealed that, in the context of language use, both endogamous and exogamous families use Kiswahili in their daily conversation and for greeting each other and their children. Only minor exceptions were observed where some respondents use ECLs to speak with their parents and grandparents when they come to visit them in town. vi

The study revealed further that, respondents manifested positive attitudes towards

ECLs, Kiswahili and English, even though Kiswahili seemed to dominate other languages for wider communication. The assumption put forward at the beginning of the chapter that endogamous families whose couples speak the same language might use and maintain their ECLs was found not to be valid. It was found in this study that, endogamous families use Kiswahili almost in all contexts except in few occasions. This signifies then that, as it was for exogamous families who use

Kiswahili as a lingua franca, endogamous families have also shifted to follow them.

Kiswahili was seen to overpower ECLs in all spheres of life in both endogamous and exogamous families.

So the study concluded that, there were no major perceived differences on the status of ECLs between the endogamous and exogamous families in terms of language use and attitudes. It was also noted that, the future of ECLs is in vain because they are not transmitted to children born in these two family groups. The children have nothing to inherit as their future identity and culture preservation. There will be a new generation of children who know nothing about ECLs, rather those who know

Kiswahili and English languages only.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CERTIFICATION ...... i DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii DEDICATION ...... v ABSTRACT ...... vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... viii LIST OF TABLES ...... xii LIST OF MAPS ...... xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS...... xiv

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ...... 1 1.0 Introduction ...... 1 1.1The Problem and its Context ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 5 1.3 Significance of the Study ...... 7 1.4 Objective of the Study ...... 8 1.5 Research Questions ...... 9 1.6 Scope of the Study ...... 9 1.7 Higher Education in Tanzania ...... 10 1.8 Dodoma Region: An Overview ...... 10 1.9 Chapter Summary ...... 12

CHAPTER TWO ...... 14 LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 14 2.0 Introduction ...... 14 2.1 Literature Review ...... 14 2.1.1 Language Profile of Tanzania ...... 14 2.1.1.1 Language Distribution and Function ...... 15 2.1.2 Language Policy of Tanzania ...... 16 2.1.2.1 Language Policy before Independence ...... 17 2.1.2.2 Language Policy after Independence ...... 18 2.1.3 Factors for Language Contact ...... 20 2.1.4 Effects of Language Contact ...... 21 2.1.4.1 Language Shift ...... 21 2.1.4.2 Language Maintenance ...... 22 2.1.5 Minority and Dominant Languages ...... 23 2.1.6 Mother Tongue and Language Transmission to Children ...... 25 viii

2.1.7 Factors for Language Shift and Maintenance ...... 26 2.1.7.1 Urbanization ...... 26 2.1.7.2 Education ...... 27 2.1.7.3 Marriage ...... 29 2.1.7.3.1 Endogamous ...... 29 2.1.7.3.2 Exogamous ...... 31 2.1.7.4 Language Attitude ...... 33 2.2 Theoretical Framework ...... 34 2.2.1 Phase One: Relative Monolingualism ...... 35 2.2.2 Phase Two: Bilingualism with L1 Predominance ...... 35 2.2.3 Phase Three: Bilingualism with L2 Predominance ...... 36 2.2.4 Phase Four: Restricted Use of/ Competence in L1 ...... 37 2.2.5 Phase Five: As a Substratum ...... 38 2.3 The Relevance of the Model to the Urban Situation ...... 39 2.4 Chapter Summary ...... 41

CHAPTER THREE ...... 42 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 42 3.0 Introduction ...... 42 3.1 Research Design ...... 42 3.2 Target Population ...... 43 3.3 Sampling Techniques and Sample Size ...... 43 3.3.2 Respondents Academic Qualifications ...... 45 3.4 Data Collection Techniques ...... 47 3.4.1 Questionnaire ...... 47 3.4.2 Interviews ...... 48 3.5 Data Analysis Techniques ...... 49 3.5.1 Data from Questionnaires ...... 49 3.5.1.1 Statistical Package for Social Sciences Program ...... 50 3.5.2 Data from Interviews ...... 52 3.6 Chapter Summary ...... 52

CHAPTER FOUR ...... 54 DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ...... 54 4.0 Introduction ...... 54 4.1 Respondents Profile ...... 55 4.1.1 Respondents Acquired/Learned Languages ...... 55

4.1.2 The Language(s) Mastered by Respondents ...... 57 4.1.3 Couples‟ Levels of Understanding of ECLs ...... 59 4.1.4 Decision to Teach ECLs and English to Children ...... 60 4.1.5 Children‟s Knowledge of ECLs...... 65 4.1.6 Children‟s Levels of Understanding towards ECLs ...... 66 4.2 Analysis and Discussion of the Findings ...... 68 4.2.1 Language Spoken in the Daily Conversation in the Families ...... 68 4.2.1.1 Language Use between Couples and Couples with their Children ...... 68 4.2.1.2 Language Used between Couples and Parents ...... 71 4.2.1.3 Language Use in Phone Conversation and Tribesmen ...... 73 4.2.1.4 Language Used for Greetings in the Families ...... 75 4.2.2 Respondents Attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English ...... 79 4.2.2.1 Attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English ...... 79 4.2.2.2 Respondents Identification ...... 81 4.2.2.3 Language(s) for Traditions ...... 83 4.2.2.4 Language (s) which Children Should Learn and Master Well ...... 85 4.2.2.5 The Influence of Kiswahili and English on Traditions ...... 86 4.2.2.6 The Use of ECLs in the Media ...... 88 4.2.2.7 Kiswahili and English Bring Development and National Unity and not ECLs ...... 90 4.2.3 Language Shift and Maintenance ...... 93 4.2.3.1 Language Shift ...... 93 4.2.3.2 Language Maintenance ...... 97 4.3 Chapter Summary ...... 100

CHAPTER FIVE ...... 102 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 102 5.0 Introduction ...... 102 5.1 Summary of the Study ...... 102 5.2 Conclusion ...... 107 5.3 Recommendations ...... 108 5.3.1 General Recommendations ...... 108 5.3.2 Recommendation for Further Research ...... 110 REFERENCES ...... 111 LIST OF APPENDICES...... 118 Appendix I: Interview Guide Questions for Couples ...... 118 x

Appendix II: Translation of Appendix I- Maswali ya Usaili kwa Wenzi ...... 119 Appendix III: A Questionnaire for Couples ...... 120 Appendix IV: Translation of Appendix III- Dodoso kwa Wenzi ...... 126

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Respondents Age ...... 44 Table 2: Respondents Academic Qualifications ...... 46 Table 3: Information on Respondents Acquired or Learned Languages ...... 55 Table 4: The Language(s) Mastered by Respondents ...... 58 Table 5: Couples Levels of Understanding Towards ECLs ...... 59 Table 6: Decision of Teaching/Allowing Children to Learn ECLs and English ...... 61 Table 7: Children‟s Knowledge on how to Speak ECLs ...... 65 Table 8: Children‟s Levels of Understanding towards ECLs ...... 66 Table 9: Language(s) Used between Couple to Couple and their Children ...... 69 Table 10: Language(s) Used for Conversation between Couples and their Parents ..... 72 Table 11: Language(s) Use through Phones and Tribesmen ...... 74 Table 12: Language (s) Used for Greetings within the Families ...... 76 Table 13: Attitudes Towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English ...... 80 Table 14: Respondents Identification ...... 82 Table 15: The Language which Carries Ones Traditions ...... 84 Table 16: The Language(s) which Children Should Learn and Master Well ...... 85 Table 17: Influence of Kiswahili and English on Traditions ...... 87 Table 18: The Use of ECLs in the Media ...... 88 Table 19: Kiswahili and English bring Development and National Unity and not ...... 91

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LIST OF MAPS

Map 1: A Map of Tanzania Showing the Location of Dodoma and other Regions ..... 12

xiii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CBE College of Business Education

ECLs Ethnic Community languages

FL Foreign Language

FLL Foreign Language Learning

IRDP Institute of Rural Development Planning

L1 Language one or First Language

L2 Language two or Second language

SJUT Saint John‟s University of Tanzania

SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences

UDOM University of Dodoma

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CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.0 Introduction

This chapter introduces the topic of the study by first, providing the background information, statement of the problem and the significance of this study. Second, it outlines the objectives of the study, the scope and the area of the study.

1.1 The Problem and its Context

The post independence Tanzania has seen a systematic discouragement of the use of

Ethic Community Languages (ECLs). These ECLs of Tanzania survive mainly in the rural homes where they are spoken but in the public domain, they are almost marginalized (Mpehongwa, 2010:7). Batibo (2005:115) puts the language of Africa into three categories, the ex-colonial languages, the dominant indigenous languages and ECLs (also known as minority languages). The first two categories are privileged in that they usually enjoy high social status and prestige, utilitarian functions and considerable socio-political power. In contrast, the languages in the third category, although in the majority (in terms of populations), in most countries, are often ignored, marginalized, or accorded low status. These languages suffer many disadvantages, including, a limited public use and often a history of socio- economic or political domination by a more powerful language group (Derhemi,

2002:150).

The ECLs exist in a hostile political environment because several regulations and policies restrict the domains of their use, for instance, they are not permitted in the

1 schools, in the media, or in politics, they cannot legally be used by any radio or television station. This means broadcasting in a language other than Kiswahili or

English is virtually prohibited (Muzale & Rugemalira, 2008:69). There are no newspapers published in ECLs, and registering a non-Kiswahili or non-English newspaper or magazine is quite impossible. Using ECLs in political campaigns would constitute a sufficient irregularity for the court to nullify an election. This almost comprehensive ban on the ECLs helps the state to maintain a strong grip on the lives of the people and limit the space for divergent ideas. It certainly accelerates the demise of the ECLs in favour of Kiswahili because their use is seen as a retrogressive step undermining national unity and promotes tribal loyalty (Muzale &

Rugemalira, 2008:69).

The challenge which is faced by speakers of minority languages in Tanzania is that, they often find themselves in a dilemma as, on one hand, they wish to maintain their linguistic, cultural and ethnic identity so as to preserve their origins and self identity, but on the other hand, they would like to integrate in the wider community so as to have access to education, highly paying jobs and interaction with wider world via a widely used language and culture. Opting for the first means marginalization and opting for the second leads to loss of identity. The ECLs often suffer from historical legacies of domination by the larger or more widely used languages since speakers tend to have a low estimation of their languages and culture. Rajeshwari (2002: 215) and Batibo (2005:54-55) comment that, ECLs speakers tend to develop negative attitudes towards their mother tongue, not only because of the often painful historical legacies but also because of the lack of socio-economic opportunities, and they may consider it advantageous to adopt the more widely used languages for their

2 children‟s education, job-seeking and wider communication. They also encourage their children to learn the more widely used languages to enhance their future opportunities and skills. So the number of those who speak minority languages as their mother tongue diminishes from generation to generation. This, in turn gives rise to language shift and death. Romaine (1995:39) adds that, where a mixed language community exists, the loss rate is highest and community‟s speed is high in a transition to the new language. The community which was once monolingual becomes transitionally bilingual as a stage on the way to the eventual extinction of its original language.

However, in some new contact situations, the groups in contact do not learn each other‟s languages as it may be the case of exogamous (marriage between spouses of different ethnic group) families, either because they do not want to or because they lack sufficient opportunity to do so, or both. In such a situation, a contact language may emerge, which is a dominant language. One common result is the disappearance of each ones language and shift to another language. This incidence may happen at the family level when a couple who speak different languages may need to communicate with each other, their children or relatives, but they may fail to communicate because each one is having a different language, i.e. in mixed marriages there is usually a shift to the majority languages. This assumption is justified by a comment made by Herodotus (in the Persian Wars 15th c BCE) in the

Old Testament of the Bible, in the book of Nehemiah (13:23-24), as it states that, „In those days also I saw the Jews that had married wives of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of

Moab: And their children spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews‟ language, but according to the language of each people‟ (Thomason,

2001:6-7). This passage certainly seems to refer to language change, and it also refers to a process of language shift within the community, provided that one equates the fathers‟ language with the community‟s language.

Batibo (2005:129) argues that the choice of whether to maintain their language or shift to another remains an exclusive right of the people concerned as it must be free for them to choose whether to shift so as to benefit from the privileges enjoyed by the majority language speakers, or whether to continue using the mother tongue for reasons of both self-identity and self-determination. This might happen in the endogamous marriage (the custom of marrying only within one‟s tribe or similar social unit). This will be elaborated in detail in chapter two.

These arguments have necessitated this study to be conducted to see the status of

ECLs in the endogamous and exogamous families found in urban areas. This study is based on the assumptions that, on the one hand, there is a tendency of language shift when people who do not share the same language come into contact i.e. the minority language speakers tend to shift into the dominant language and abandon completely their languages which then may accelerate to language death. This situation might happen to couple who marry exogamously. On the other hand, when people who speak or share the same language come into contact, they are likely to maintain their languages because of mutual understanding of each other. This situation is likely to happen to the endogamous families. This study has been comparatively undertaken in order to reveal the situation of ECLs in both families.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

If the historical context of ECLs with its prolonged contact with dominant languages in Tanzania, especially Kiswahili is considered, one might assume that language shift takes place in the exogamous families only where couples do not speak the same language. This was justified by Romaine (1995:42) who mentions significant factors contributing to language shift among others; it is the extent of exogamous marriage, social class, educational background, settlement patterns, attitudes of majority and minority, government policy towards language, and patterns of language use. Language shift is now paramount in the urban areas because people no longer speak their ECLs. Since intermarriage is seen as a catalyst for language shift, the study then sought to look at how the situation is in the urban areas by comparing the endogamous and exogamous families to see the extent of language shift and maintenance between them.

Mufwene (2006:479) highlights that, interethnic marriages precipitates the process of favoring the urban vernacular over the ECLs. Newcomers to the city do their best to speak the urban vernacular, at least as lingua franca, outside the home and with relatives who are ignorant of their ECLs. Their children have typically selected their vernaculars in the same ways as those in the city. Currently, the problem is facing even the endogamous group which, superficially one may think they maintain their

ECLs since they all speak the same language.

Studies on language shift and maintenance such as those conducted by Batibo

(1992) and Romaine (1995) have shown that, where attitudes of speakers were lowly attached to their languages, there was a gradual process of language shift, and where

5 speakers have positive attitude in their languages, then there was language maintenance.

In recent years, due to high increase of urbanization, people have been migrating to urban areas to seek for jobs and education. Pantuliano (2011:31) insists that, urbanization has had a major impact on cultural attitudes and practices amongst migrant particularly younger generations who increasingly question traditional values and customs. A case in point is marriage where the role of elders in choosing suitable partners has been eroded and youngsters are being allowed more freedom to choose their partners which ultimately have effects to language. In this case, the person‟s ethnic attachment is determined by looking at whom he decides to marry

(Furtado and Theodoropolous, 2008:2). Inhabitants who have many fellow ethnics in their social circles are more likely to marry endogamously. Also the ethnic preferences of people living far from social circles yet remaining closely attached to their ethnic groups, can still be captured by their marriage to someone of the same ethnicity. This kind of marriage is thought to contribute to language maintenance.

Dribe (2005:2) regards intermarriage as the pattern of social interaction in heterogeneous society and is seen as a factor that potentially weakens the ethnic attachment and increases contacts with potential partners from other groups which at the end has impacts on language change. As it was argued earlier, one may think that, language shift takes place only in the exogamous families while in the endogamous families the language is maintained. Since no scholar has given answers to such differences, particulary in Tanzania, this study thought to seek the

6 answers by making a comparative study within the two family groups to see the status of ECLs.

1.3 Significance of the Study

This study has revealed knowledge about the status of ECLs in urban areas where it was found that ECLs have low status in both endogamous and exogamous families.

The study has also laid a foundation to other researchers who might wish to study language shift and maintenance based on endogamous and exogamous marriage in the rural areas.

Thomason (2001:22) puts it clear that in recent research a great deal of emphasis should be placed on the concept of ethnicity and its implications for language maintenance and shift. Relevant issues here should be language as a symbol of ethnicity and language loyalty, and this has to do with people‟s attitudes toward the languages they speak. It is worth noted in this study that, by preserving and empowering the ECLs alongside the dominant languages will eventually contribute significantly to their development because they are the languages in which the culture of its speakers is preserved and passed down from one generation to the next.

The study also adds the knowledge on the existing body of knowledge concerning the impacts of language contact which leads to language shift and maintenance. The study shows that the language which seem to be inferior or having low status economically, socially and politically compared to other languages, its speakers tend to shift to the dominant language. It is desirable according to Batibo (2005:128) to empower the relevant languages and their speakers through publications in the

7 language, and education in the mother tongue and by raising the social status of the speakers.

The study also reminds the readers that, in order to promote national unity we do not need to reject and suppress the rich linguistic knowledge of our ECLs and to assure the young generation that, issues of technological and scientific development should not imply the rejection of the past. The government through its planners may see how are they going to use the findings obtained from this study, in order to solve the issue of language shift which automatically may lead to language death if no measures which can be taken to rectify the problem early.

1.4 Objective of the Study

The main objective of the study is to examine the status of ECLs by making a comparison between endogamous and exogamous families. Specifically this study is guided by the following objectives;

1. To investigate the language(s) commonly spoken within endogamous and

exogamous families in their daily conversation.

2. To explore the attitudes of the couples towards ECLs, Kiswahili and

English within endogamous and exogamous families.

3. To examine differences in language shift and maintenance within

endogamous and exogamous families.

1.5 Research Questions

In order to achieve the objectives stated above, specifically, the study aimed at finding answers to these questions:

1. What is the kind of language (s) which is being spoken within

endogamous and exogamous families in their daily conversation?

2. What is the attitude of the couples towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English

within endogamous and exogamous families?

3. What are the differences in language shift and maintenance within

endogamous and exogamous families?

1.6 Scope of the Study

The study aimed at finding the status of ECLs by making a comparative study between endogamous and exogamous families covering the higher learning institutions found in urban areas of Tanzania. This study area was selected based on the fact that, there is high interaction of people who go to seek jobs, and that educated elites who get their jobs in higher learning institutions will have the greater chance of meeting potential partners of the same or different ethnic groups. The higher learning institutions studied includes: The University of Dodoma, Saint

John‟s University of Tanzania, College of Business Education and The Institute of

Rural Development Planning found in Dodoma Municipality. Dodoma Municipality was taken as a case study because it represents many Regions where there is a mushrooming growing of universities and therefore it was thought to have many challenges of the interactions of languages which would provide information reasonable to represent many other regions in the country which might be experiencing the same situation.

1.7 Higher Education in Tanzania

The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania established the Ministry of

Higher Education, Science and Technology in November, 1990 with the sole responsibility of coordinating and overseeing policies of Higher Education,

Technical Education, Science and Technology. In a period of fourty six years since independence, the education system in Tanzania has grown from only one institution of higher education (a University College) in 1961 to more than 200 tertiary training institutions by December 2006. However, by December, 2006 the situation was as follows:

(i) Number of Public Universities and University Colleges =11

(ii) Number of Private Universities and University colleges=19

Total=30

The massification of these tertiary institutions catering basically for Ministries and

Parastatals is a manifestation of increasing demands for personnel with higher education background from both the public and private sectors.

1.8 Dodoma Region: An Overview

This is the region which has been taken as a case study having the entire requirement for the study such as: it is an urban area which has got high interaction and migration of people who come to seek for jobs and get education. The region has got five higher learning institutions which offer support to people who study and work there and who are potential for having endogamous or exogamous kind of marriage.

Furthermore, the region is the capital city of Tanzania and is found in the central part of the country. It is argued by scholars for instance that, Nyerere relocated the capital of Tanzania from the coast city of Dar es Salaam to the more centrally- located Dodoma in 1973, an act that clearly demonstrated his larger purpose of moving beyond inherited localized identities (Collier, 2009: 67). It is the 12th largest region in the country and covers an area of 41,311 sq. km equivalent to 5% of the total area of Tanzania Mainland. The capital of the region is the city of Dodoma.

The population of the Region is 1,735,000. The region was established in 1963 consisting of three rural districts and one Township authority. To date, Dodoma region has four rural districts and one urban District namely: Dodoma-Rural,

Kondoa, Mpwapwa, Kongwa and Dodoma Urban.

Dodoma Region lies between 4˚ to 7˚ latitude South and 35˚ – 37˚ longitude East. It is bordered by four regions namely: Manyara in the North, Morogoro in the East,

Iringa in the South and Singida in the West. The region has a savanna type of climate, which is characterized by a long dry season lasting between late April and early December, and a short single wet season occurring during the remaining months. The average rainfall for Dodoma town is 570 mm, and about 85 percent of this falls in the months between December and April. Temperature in the region varies according to altitude but generally the average maximum and minimum is 31˚

C and 18˚ C respectively. The characteristic vegetation of the region is of bush or thicket type, which is widespread throughout the area wherever the natural plant cover has been altered by biotic factors.

Map 1: A Map of Tanzania Showing the Location of Dodoma and other

Regions

Source: Tanzania National Website, quoted in Sane (2011)

1.9 Chapter Summary

This chapter has introduced the background of the study by telling the history of the problem of ECLs that exists among Tanzanians on the choice of which language to use when confronted with the dominant and minority languages (also ECLs). It was noted in the statement of the problem that endogamous and endogamous families might either shift or maintain their ECLs depending on the attitude invested upon them. The significance of the study to Tanzanians was that, the study has revealed knowledge about the status of ECLs in urban areas where it was found that ECLs have low status in both endogamous and exogamous families. It has also laid a foundation to other researchers who might wish to continue with this study looking

12 the status of ECLs based on the endogamous and exogamous marriage at the rural areas. The chapter further highlighted the main and specific objectives of the study which aims to look at the status of ECLs within the endogamous and exogamous families. The findings obtained by these objectives will be elaborated in chapter four. The scope of the study is confined to the workers of higher learning institutions found in urban areas, and Dodoma Municipality was taken as a case study. Lastly, the chapter concluded by showing brief information on higher education in Tanzania and an overview of Dodoma region. The following chapter will review literature done by different scholars which have got connection with the present study. The marked bilingualism model which guides this study as a theoretical framework will also be elaborated in chapter two.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 Introduction

This chapter presents some literature relevant to the present study. The chapter also describes the theoretical framework of marked bilingualism adopted from Batibo

(1992) which has guided this study.

2.1 Literature Review

This section reviews in detail what others have contributed to the study of ECLs.

The literature touches the studies conducted on issues related to marriage

(endogamous and exogamous), factors for language contact and its effects covering issues of language shift and maitenenace, urbanization, language attitudes, education, minority and dominant languages. The chapter starts by the review of language profile of Tanzania looking at language distribution and functions, and the

Tanzanian language policy.

2.1.1 Language Profile of Tanzania

This section presents the language profile of Tanzania with the focus on the status of

ECLs. Green‟s (2011:13) ascertains that, Tanzania is one of the world‟s most ethnically fractionalized countries. The 1967 census, which was the last census to have questions about ethnicity, counted a total of 125 ethnic groups. Today,

Tanzania is said to have more than 128 languages. This section also presents the most complex linguistic portrait, owing to the number of languages and the functions assigned to various languages. Being a multilingual society, language use

14 in Tanzania extends from ECLs through Kiswahili, the national and official language, to English, the official and international language.

2.1.1.1 Language Distribution and Function

In Tanzania languages are assigned roles in complementary distribution. Thomason

(2001:393) asserts that, often each language or variety in a multilingual community serves a specialized function and is used for particular purposes. The ECLs are acquired and used at homes and in informal domains. ECLs are acquired by the rural inhabitants and some individuals who try to maintain their vernaculars in the urban areas. Main users of ECLs remain in villages and it is mainly elders in the villages, women and those who do not know how to read and write, who still respect these languages very much not only to themselves but also to their children (Msanjila,

2003:303). Majority of urban dwellers, ECLs have no communicative status, especially in the families where intertribal marriages have taken place (Sebonde,

2009:26).

Kiswahili is the first language of some coastal people and residents of Zanzibar, as well as the younger generations of the urban inhabitants. It is a second language to more than 30 million rural Tanzanians (Lewis, 2009) in Sebonde (2009:23). It is the language which is prescribed by law for use in most governmental business; it is used as the medium of instruction in all government primary schools and a subject in secondary and tertiary education. So it has a high status compared to ECLs. It is the first learnt in primary schools and used by the majority of people. It thus fosters unity and has become a symbol that expresses and mobilizes national pride. It is used in official day-to-day administration to ensure the smooth functioning of the

15 political, social and economic systems of the nation. It also guarantees access to these systems to different social groups and equal opportunity to participate in them at the national level. Kiswahili is perceived to cut across all individuals in the community. The Tanzania national educational website states that, the main feature of Tanzania‟s education system is the bilingual policy1, which requires children to learn both Kiswahili and English.

English is not widely used as a language of communication for the majority of

Tanzanians. English is essential as it is the language which links Tanzania and the rest of the world through technology, commerce and also administration. The

English language is highly used for higher education, in diplomatic matters, foreign and other international business matters which go beyond national levels (Sebonde,

2009: 25). English is only used at the higher learning institutions, which is accessed by only few people who get chance of joining universities and colleges. Kiswahili and English were declared compulsory subjects in pre-primary, primary and secondary education levels and were to be encouraged in higher education as subjects and medium of instructions.

2.1.2 Language Policy of Tanzania

Language policy of Tanzania recognizes the functional and distribution of different languages based on their status. This section presents an overview of the language policy of Tanzania with regard to the historical and ideologies attached to Kiswahili and the ECLs before and after independence. The cultural policy does not clearly state the functions of ECLs in Tanzania, they are only assumed to be used in the homes (or within families). The ECLs are specifically used in rural communities for

1 http://www.tanzania.tz/educationf.html 16 daily communication and other informal domains of language use. In this context,

ECLs mean tribal languages, native languages, ethnic languages, small languages or kinship languages. Abdulaziz-Mkilifi (1972) in Msanjila (2003:296) categorizes

Tanzanian languages into three main groups, ECLs, Kiswahili and English.

2.1.2.1 Language Policy before Independence

Tanzania‟s ECLs were highly preferred and being promoted for communicative use by colonialists before independence. The history of language policy of Tanzania can be traced from German colonialism, to British colonialism and finally during the struggle for independence.

Before Tanganyika got its independence in 1961, ECLs had high status and were much respected in the society (Msanjila, 2003:299). This was because of the reality that the system of colonial government of that time allowed ECLs to be used in local government administration communication so that it could reach to all people of all tribes. ECLs were used in meetings or rallies, councils of mediation, in churches, in adult education etc. The local languages had been used as the medium of instruction in early primary schools Roy-Campbell (2001:21) and Roy-Campbell and Qorro

(1997:1). Because ECLs were allowed to be spoken at the lower level of administration in the villages, many ECLs were researched by the missionaries to the extent of being put into writings. Some of the books were the bibles, catechism, church hymns, and simple story books in order to learn how to read, write and count.

Kiswahili was used as a language of communication by the central government leaders i.e. in districts and regions (known as constituents at that time), either

English language was used to communicate with national leaders.

2.1.2.2 Language Policy after Independence

However, after independence, ECLs were denied freedom to be used in local village government administration (Msanjila, 2003:300). It was thought that continuing using ECLs in village administration could accelerate building tribalism and threaten national unity.

Though the language debate in Tanzania has been portrayed as being between

African languages and English, in fact the debate is actually between Kiswahili and

English. This has been primarily due to the strong support of government language policy over the years, particularly early in its nationhood. Upon Tanzania independence, Kiswahili was promoted as both a national symbol and a regional language of Africa. Wright (2004: 77) notes that, Kiswahili was promoted on several accounts: its African pedigree, its role as the medium of mobilization against colonialism, its indexical function as the language of freedom, socialism and the nation. So at independence, support for Kiswahili was prioritized over either English or local languages. Based on that sense, Kiswahili was given high priority, developed and strengthened by the government itself. It was given high status in society and put under the management of BAKITA2 in order to facilitate the need of science and technology.

Legѐre (2002:169) provides a positive attitude which inspires to note. He argues that, recently, probably as a result of democratization and advent of multi-partism, the political climate of Tanzania has changed with regard to ECLs compared to

1960s when ECLs were regarded as a threat to national unity. The change of official

2 BAKITA (Baraza la Kiswahili Tanzania) is an organ instituted by the government to run and develop Kiswahili in order to reach the highest level . 18 attitude took place in the 1990s where they were given a chance to develop and being allowed to exist, and BAKITA was involved in the discussion of language policy issues to be included in the policy document of Tanzanian culture. The document was published as “Sera ya Utamaduni” (Cultural Policy of Tanzania of

1997) as the following extract from the policy illustrates;

The following is an extract from the language policy statement:

The Cultural Policy (The Policy Statement)

1. Language

1.2 Vernacular Languages

1.2.1 Our people shall continue to use and be proud of their

vernacular languages

1.2.2 Communities, private and public organisations shall be

encouraged to research, write, preserve and translate vernacular

languages into other languages

1.2.3 The writings of vernacular language dictionaries and grammar

books shall be encouraged

1.2.4 Public and private organizations shall be encouraged to publish

and disseminate vernacular language materials.

The policy statement shows that, the communities concerned with those languages are encouraged to use and be proud of their vernacular languages. The policy also left the room for communities, private and public organizations to research, write, preserve and translate vernacular languages into other languages. It also allowed people to write vernacular language dictionaries, and to publish and disseminate vernacular language materials something which Legѐre (2002:169) comments shows

19 that, was not the case for many years after independence of 1961 where they were feared that they may promote tribalism and ethnic divisions.

2.1.3 Factors for Language Contact

This section deals with the factors for language contact and its effects. There are several factors for language contact such as trade, education, immigration, and intermarriages, among many, which seem to have great impact on language change such as Language shift and maintenance. Thomason (2001:20) reports that, language contact was a result of intermarriage among Australian Aborigines who practiced institutionalized exogamy. She saw that, on a less organized scale, language contact among individuals resulted from scattered instances of intermarriage like those between Vietnamese women and American soldiers during the Vietnam War, or those between students who met through travel or study abroad. Dribe (2005:5) claims that, immigrants benefit from intermarriage because they are married to a native, which increases the immigrants‟ language proficiency and gives access to informal host country-specific knowledge. Furthermore, it also gives access to native networks, which facilitates job search and occupational career of the immigrant.

Education was also seen as something closely tied to migration, as Joseph (2005:18) asserts, as individuals relocate from rural to urban areas, they may achieve higher levels of education and their children are raised in social regimes which expose them to more schooling which in turn changes their attitudes towards their ECLs, something which stimulates bilingualism is contact between persons who do not share an L1. Myer-Scotton (2006:3) provides the example of an American student

20 whose mother came from Brazil and who spoke Portuguese in addition to English.

Even though English was the only language she used with her own children, but she spoke to her own brother in Portuguese. Then the student called using of Portuguese by his mother as speaking another language.

2.1.4 Effects of Language Contact

This section provides the effects of language contact. It concentrates on language contact which happens when people shift to a dominant language. On the other side of the coin, the section will show what happens if people maintain their languages, even though this may depend much on the attitudes invested between the languages in contact as it will be explained below. The section will further highlight the issue of minority (ECLs) and dominant languages which come as a result of language contact and different attitudes manifested upon them which automatically may signify which of the languages should be transmitted as a mother tongue to children.

2.1.4.1 Language Shift

Batibo (2005:94) analyzes common causes of language shift and death in Africa, among others, inter-marriages between groups which favor the use of a common lingua franca, the rapid urbanization and growth of commercial centers which favor the use of widely used languages. (These will be elaborated in details in the following sections). Usually, national or regional lingua francas that are being used as inter-ethnic languages for trade, education, administration, mass media or urban communication tend to attract speakers from other more localized languages.

Baker (2006:75) and Batibo (2005:87) assert that, language shift results when speakers abandon their language, willingly or under pressure, in favor of another 21 language, which then takes over as their means of communication and socialization.

They argue that most parents wish their children to have proficiency in the ex- colonial languages to improve their chances of social promotion and economic advancement even at the expense of their mother tongues. However, in many

African communities the ex-colonial languages like English in Tanzania are restricted to a small proportion of the elites. The only prestigious language would therefore be the prominent lingua franca or L2 as it is for Kiswahili. It has been argued by many scholars that in many cases, parents want their children to be proficient in L2 instead of ECLs; such an attitude contributes greatly to the language shift process.

2.1.4.2 Language Maintenance

Language maintenance is a situation in which a language maintains its vitality, even under pressure. It implies according to Batibo (2005:102) and Baker (2006:75) that, the degree of resistance is strong enough to contain any pressure that may be coming from a dominant language. The stability should be in a number and distribution of its speakers, its proficient usage by children and adults, and its retention in specific domains (e.g. home, school, religion e.t.c). It is expected, in a situation of language maintenance, that the domains of ECLs remain largely the same and transmission of the language to the children should be active and as perfect as possible.

In order to maintain the language, speakers must find some value in the language so that continuing to transmit it to the younger generations was felt to be worthwhile.

Batibo (2005:101) identifies that, where a language was felt to have little socio- economic value or social prestige, speakers would put up little resistance and were

22 more inclined to abandon it in favor of one with greater prestige. So the most vulnerable languages were the small, marginalized ones as they lack demographic power, economic attractions or social status of dominant languages.

The speaker‟s attitude in language maintenance is something of great importance because the speakers of a language hold the key to either abandonment of their language, or transmission of the language to their children and the expansion or reduction of the domains in which it was used. However, Smieja (2000:63) says that, the speakers‟ attitudes depend heavily on the status and prestige of their language and that language maintenance is difficult where there is a substantial influence from a dominant language.

2.1.5 Minority and Dominant Languages

The process of language contact facilitates the minority and dominant languages to meet. Mpehongwa (2010:6) defines the term ECLs as those languages spoken by various ethnic groups or tribes. The term was borrowed from both Mekacha (1993) and Rubagumya (2011:44) who argue that tribe or vernacular languages have a negative connotation of being uncivilized and they are distinguished from standard languages. ECLs therefore, have remained unofficial languages spoken by each ethnic group. Minority languages and their speakers were seen as decisive, even dangerous, and a threat to political, social or economic stability. Nyerere was once heard calling such languages as for tribal rituals alone.

Rubagumya (2011:79) argues that, in order to raise the status of a language and its range of uses to be broadened, people must perceive the potential benefits of their

23 language, in terms of strengthening community identity and culture. Mufwene

(2002:172) and Thomason (2001:386) suggest that, people may leave out their own personal attitudes of giving up their indigenous languages instead they may decide to serve links with their ancestral customs. They should preserve competence in the ancestral languages in order to continue interacting with relatives in the rural areas.

The other benefit is observed in linguistic choices made by members which play an important role in constructing meaning and social identity and that language in general embodies the intellectual wealth of the people who use it. The insistence on the loss of local languages and the cultural systems they express has meant irretrievable loss of diverse and interesting intellectual wealth (Thomason,

2001:141).

The post independence Tanzania has seen systematic discouragement of the use of

ECLs (Mpehongwa, 2010:7). They only survive mainly in the rural homes where they are spoken but in the public domain, they are almost marginalized. Many of

ECLs were threatened by extinction, particularly as a result of the expansion of

Kiswahili, the national language and lingua franca, as well as the fast rate of urbanization in the country. Mtesigwa (2009:70) contends that, Kiswahili was increasingly becoming the first language of the young generation in urban areas and among the working class population.

However, indigenous languages of Tanzania do not escape this negativity either, and are seen not only as threatening but as inferior and neglected. In order to face the challenges that may arise when one confronted by the issue of dominant and

24 minority languages will depend on the attitude which people or speakers may decide to invest on either of them.

2.1.6 Mother Tongue and Language Transmission to Children

The term mother tongue refers to the first language acquired by a child. The origin of the term is based on the assumption that, first language would be the one spoken by the primary caregiver and this was assumed to be the mother. The parents‟ choice of a language with their children has direct implications for intergenerational language maintenance and shift. Languages are transmitted culturally i.e. human children acquire their language(s) by interacting with the speech community which is constituted primarily by the child‟s parents or by others speaking the same language as the child‟s parents (Comrie, 2006:3). The assumption is that, there might be some parents who may be more successful at transmitting their language to the next generation as it would be assumed to happen in the endogamous families.

On the other hand, some parents may fail to transmit their languages to their children as it may be assumed to happen in the exogamous families.

Comrie (2006:2) claims that where two parents speak different languages, the situation becomes more complicated. The child may grow up bilingual, speaking the languages of both parents, or may grow up speaking only one of those languages, as well as varying intermediate degrees of dominance of one language over the other. If the speech community as a whole has other languages in addition to the child's parents, the child may grow up also speaking other languages in addition to his or her parents. This could be accelerated by significantly less intense use of their ECLs with their children, which is a reflective of a higher rate of language shift.

Thomason (2001:24) provides a striking example from the state of Assam in northeastern India, one mother from an academic family in Shillong spoke seven languages but she was most fluent in English (the language she uses at work) and in

Manipuri (the main lingua franca of the province she grew up in) in Tangkul (which was her mother tongue) and to a lesser extent Khesa (her husband‟s language). Of all these languages, she had chosen English as the language to teach her two years old son. The reason of choosing English was rooted in her culture. She and her husband both belonged to patrilineal tribe, which means that their son belonged to his father‟s tribe. They felt that their son should learn his father‟s language first because she does not know Khesa well enough to use it exclusively with her son, and her husband‟s family would not find use of her own mother tongue an acceptable substitute, using English instead offered a way out of the dilemma, as

English was culturally neutral in this setting.

2.1.7 Factors for Language Shift and Maintenance

This section presents the factors that may contribute to language shift and maintenance. Urbanization was noted to be among them, followed by education and marriage which within marriage endogamous and exogamous were found to be prominent in explaining language shift and maintenance as they are elaborated here below.

2.1.7.1 Urbanization

Urbanization is the shift from a rural to an urban society, and involves an increase in the number of people in urban areas. It is increasing in both the developed and developing countries and today issues of immigration, business travel and education are major forces bringing peoples together. Urbanization is the outcome of social,

26 economic and political developments that lead to urban concentration and growth of large cities (Pantuliano, 2011:10).

In many developing countries, of Africa in particular, it is rural poverty that drives people from the rural areas into the city (Pantuliano, 2011:12). People are pushed out by factors such as poverty, environmental degradation, food insecurity and lack of basic infrastructures and services in the rural areas. They are pulled into the urban areas by the advantages and opportunities of the city including search of employment, food, shelter, education, electricity and water. In turn, all this movement have got impact on language change.

Several studies have shown that the growth of population in towns and cities was largely the result of migration. Joseph (2005:2) and Pantuliano (2011:33) report that in West Africa people are leaving the farms and other rural economic engagements in a larger number of family units in search of jobs in the towns and cities which automatically affects the system of language which they had before.

2.1.7.2 Education

Dribe (2005:4) talks about education as something that could be expected to have a positive effect on intermarriage as the propensity to marry across ethnic lines could be expected to increase with higher education due to individuals‟ exposure to people of different ethnic origins. Educated elites who move out of ethnic boundaries for further education or to get jobs are likely to possess better language skills which may expose them to prospective partners of various ethnic backgrounds. Colleges and universities were seen to provide an integrated local marriage market where

27 young men and women of different ethnic groups meet and who possess particular values, and exposure of different lifestyles that may influence the propensity of intermarriage which in turn affects languages.

Furtado and Theodoropoulos (2008:3) suggest that, educated people are able to better adapt to different customs and cultures hence are more likely to marry outside their ethnic groups. Therefore, regardless of their ethnic groups, more education decreases the probability of marrying within ethnicity. An increase in education results in moving away from ethnic enclaves which means the educated immigrants are more likely to move out of their ethnic enclaves because they have larger geographic labor markets and therefore, less likely to meet potential spouses of their own ethnicity and so, naturally, they are less likely to marry them. This happens because, if there are fewer co-ethnics within close geographic proximity, the probability of encountering an acceptable same-ethnicity spouse decreases and thus the cost of meeting someone with the same ethnic background increases. This could be a reason why the educated are less likely to marry endogamously (Furtado and

Theodoropolous, 2008:7).

Van-Aswegen (2008:94) gives the example of Asian immigrants whose fathers were a university graduates as reference group. Immigrants with fathers who had less than high school education were less likely to choose exogamy and those with a father who was a high school graduate were more likely to choose exogamy. The second generation of Asian immigrants were more likely to choose a spouse born outside of

Canada for endogamy.

2.1.7.3 Marriage

Anderson (2010:247) define marriage as the union of a man and a woman who make a permanent and exclusive commitment to each other of the type that is naturally fulfilled by bearing and rearing children together. It can also be seen as a social contract between two individuals who unite their lives legally, economically, and emotionally. Dribe (2005:2) portraits marriage as an intimate and long-term relationship that does not only concern the married spouses and children but also relatives.

Thornhill (1993:2) categorizes marriage into two; exogamy, marriage between spouses of different ethnic groups and endogamy, i.e. marriage within a social group. Different marriage patterns have different implications for married women and their social interactions (Desai, 2006:8-9). Exogamous marriage generally uproots women from their natal home after the marriage, while under endogamous marriage, women remain in contacts with their natal home and other social networks developed before the marriage. Therefore, women under endogamous marriage may have more social and moral support than their counterparts under exogamous marriage.

2.1.7.3.1 Endogamous

Van-Aswegen (2008:4) sees endogamy as a practice of marrying within a specific ethnic group, class, or social group, rejecting others on such basis as being unsuitable for marriage or other close personal relationships. Endogamy is common in many cultures and ethnic groups. Marriage is considered endogamous if spouses

29 share a common ancestry and several ethnic religious groups are traditionally more endogamous.

Marriage to someone with the same country of origin remains an important measure of ethnic attachment since it is not only a result of having many fellow ethnics in one‟s social circle, but also a cause. Furtado and Theodoropoulos (2008:10) see intermarriage as a final step in the immigrant assimilation process and that veterans were less likely to marry endogamously whereas older people were more likely to be in endogamous marriages.

People have a tendency to marry within their social group or to marry someone who is close to them in social status (Sharon and Barron, 2005:4). Intermarriage rates tend to increase with education which is just one of many characteristics including social class, ethnicity, religion that affect the choice of a spouse. Social norms governing marriage play critical roles in preserving the ethnic status quo in ethnically stratified societies. When individuals marry someone of the same ethnic group, they guarantee ethnic similarities within families across generations and the stability of ethnic groups in society.

Sitalaxim (2003:674-75) reports that, Indian human population structure was defined by numerous endogamous castes and tribes. Endogamy was more likely to happen between immigrants rather than between an immigrant and a native-born hence immigrants would still choose endogamy even when they did not have the same religion with their spouse. Education showed no significant effects because educated people were seen to be able to adapt to different cultures, making them more likely

30 to marry outside of their ethnicity (cultural adaptability effect), and since were less likely to reside in ethnic enclaves, meeting potential spouses of the same ethnicity could be difficult.

Joseph (2005:3) on the other hand reports that, more than 90% of marriages in West

Africa have been within or between ethnic units in order to maintain their ethnic status and identity. It was a common practice for migrants to return to their home communities to obtain a mate. Social pressure for ethnic endogamy has thus been strong and it persists among all social groups, even at the elite level.

2.1.7.3.2 Exogamous

Exogamy is a social arrangement where marriage is allowed only outside of a social group (Thornhill, 1993:3). The social groups define the scope and extent of exogamy, and the rules and enforcement mechanisms that ensure its continuity. In social studies, exogamy is viewed as a combination of two related aspects: biological and cultural. Biological exogamy is marriage of non blood-related beings, regulated by forms of incest law. Cultural exogamy is the marrying outside of a specific cultural group. On the other hand, Pei-Hua (2011:5) regards exogamy as an indicator predicting whether immigrants and native-born have crossed the ethnic boundaries in the host country.

Dorian (2006:445) asserts that, extreme multilingualism was a well-recognized phenomenon where obligatory exogamous marriage practices prevailed, members of any one of a number of language communities in a particular region could contract marriages only with members of a different language community. Thomason

(2001:23) provides the example of a more permanent contact situation where a 31 systematic exogamy was practiced by groups like the Dhuwal of Australia who produced multilingual children and then adults, and continued to do so as long as exogamy was dictated by the group‟s norms. The intergroup marriages unite people who speak different languages. The Navajos of southwestern United States practice a form of exogamy, but the intergroup marriage forbid marrying within clans, and all the clans speak Navajo.

Van-Aswegen (2008:94) conducted a study on language maintenance and shifts in

Maale people of Ethiopia and discovered that, the levels of education of Asian immigrants‟ fathers‟ showed significant effects on exogamy. For example, immigrants whose fathers have a high school graduate education were about twice more likely than those with a father of college or university graduate to choose exogamy. Asian immigrants of both generations who chose exogamy were more likely to have a spouse born outside of Canada, which meant the spouse could be an immigrant as well.

Another study was conducted by Romaine (1995:42) in Wales-England and discovered the incidence of language group exogamy has increased to the point where there are almost as many marriages where only one spouse speaks Welsh and there are those who both speak Welsh. She (ibid) saw that mothers in mixed marriages have a better chance of passing Welsh on to their children than Welsh speaking-fathers.

However, it was noted from the literature that, most of the works done on the study of ECLs do not reveal anything about the status of ECLs at the family level. In the

32 case of endogamous and exogamous families, very little has been done or given much emphasis in Tanzania. The studies which seem to have dealt with endogamous and exogamous issues include those done by Dorian (2006) and Sitalaxim (2003) mostly have been conducted largely outside Tanzania. In Tanzania, only some generalizations have been made by researchers who just studied ECLs in comparison to other languages such as Kiswahili and English, mainly looking at the society in general. The current study has sought to fill that gap by narrowed down to the family level by doing a comparative study on ECLs within endogamous and exogamous families.

2.1.7.4 Language Attitude

The question of attitude also depends on the way the speakers view their language in relation to other languages. The language attitudes of the speakers play an important role as strong resistance to language shift and this is usually only possible if speakers have a positive attitude to their language and hold it in high regard. Batibo

(2005:97) comments that, monolingual speakers usually have only one attitude towards their language because they have no other languages to compare it with.

Such an attitude would normally be positive as they see their language as a central means for communication, socialization and ethnic identity. The more prestigious a language, the more positive the speakers‟ attitude is towards it and the less prestigious a language, the more negative the attitude is, hence speakers easily cultivate negative attitudes towards them and encourage their children to learn the more prestigious language.

However, according to Batibo (2005:97) where speakers become bilingual, there were tendencies to develop different attitudes to each of the languages used. These

33 attitudes, whether positive or negative, would normally depend on the degree of symbolic or socio-economic value manifested by each language. Usually L1 would have symbolic value as a mother tongue and language of ethnic identity but will usually have little or no socio-economic prestige, and L2 as the second language, might have socio-economic value as the inter-ethnic language and might be associated with trade, education, employment or administration.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

A number of theoretical approaches have been proposed to capture the process whereby an endangered language is progressively reduced to extinction or how its speakers shift to another language. The „marked bilingualism model‟, propounded by (Batibo 1992) and (1997:89-92), following his language surveys in Tanzania and

Botswana, has guided this study.

This model is based on the following assumptions that;

i. Language shift can only take place when there is a state of bilingualism

as, clearly, no community can afford to abandon its language and become

mute.

ii. In order for the speakers of one language to be attracted to another, there

must be significant differences of prestige and status between the two

languages (hence the term „marked‟)

iii. The rate of language shift depends to a large degree on the amount of

pressure (or attraction) from the dominant language on the one hand, and

the degree of resistance from the minority language on the other.

The model can be applied synchronically by categorizing a set of languages according to their degree of language shift, or diachronically by looking at how the language shift process evolves over time or how the different age groups shift progressively to another language. The model postulates five phases that a language goes through on its way to extinction as its speakers shift progressively to the other language. These phases, which are described below, should be seen as arbitrary points in a continuum from one end of the process to the other.

2.2.1 Phase One: Relative Monolingualism

The phase of relative monolingualism involves a situation in which the speakers of a language (referred to as L1) are relatively monolingual. They may be in casual contact with other languages and some speakers may be bilingual, but the bulk of the speakers remain monolingual and use their language in all or most domains. The majority of the speakers are rural, conservative and not much exposed to education, urban life, migration or inter-ethnic activity. Many of the major languages or those spoken in remote or isolated areas would fall into this category.

2.2.2 Phase Two: Bilingualism with L1 Predominance

This is a situation in which a dominant or more prestigious language, denoted by L2, encroaches on L1. Usually L2 is used as a lingua Franca or second language in secondary domains. A diglossic situation arises in which L2 is used in the higher public functions or for wider communication, such as inter-ethnic interaction, trade and local administration, while L1 remains the language used in most village communication, intra-ethnic interaction and family life. It assumes the lower status.

At this stage, L1 is the more frequently used language as it is the medium used in most domains. Hence, it is the primary medium (Whiteley, 1971) in Batibo

(2005:90), while L2 is the secondary medium as it is used only in specific situations.

Thus, each language has its own defined domains of use. Instances of code- switching, interference and borrowing from L2 are minimal at this stage. This is the situation that prevails when a language is in contact with a dominant language but is only used it for wider communication. Many of the relatively safe languages are in this phase.

2.2.3 Phase Three: Bilingualism with L2 Predominance

The stage of bilingualism with L2 predominance is reached when L2 becomes the primary language. This happens because the L1/L2 relationship is asymmetrical, that is, one of unequal partners and is therefore unstable. Due to the great prestige and more extensive use elsewhere of L2, it is increasingly used in the other domains of

L1 until it assumes most of the domains that previously belonged to L1. At this stage, L2 becomes the most frequently used language and the form with which the speakers are more at ease. L2 is now used even in village activities and some family interactions, while L1 is restricted mostly to family and cultural activities. In this case L2 has become the primary medium and L1 the secondary medium.

At this stage, we expect to see extensive code-switching and borrowing from L2 when members of the community speak L1 as observed by Myers-Scotton (1992) and Smieja (2000) in (Batibo, 2005:91). Code switching to a massive extent is a sign that a language shift is imminent. A good proportion of the African languages are in this category-particularly the relatively small ones and those heavily influenced by dominant languages-and therefore highly endangered.

2.2.4 Phase Four: Restricted Use of/ Competence in L1

This is a stage in which the use and even competence in L1 have become highly restricted. Such a stage is reached when the functions of L1 are so reduced that people use L1 forms only in specific situations such as initiation ceremonies, rituals or folkloric performances. Such communities have lost the ability to use L1 in its original form and, by implication, their stylistic competence in the language. In most cases they will not have learnt it properly, and so their structural competence is also greatly reduced. Only few old men and women might still be familiar with the linguistic forms as originally used. Members of the community, however, might nevertheless assume that the language remains vibrant as part of their ethnic identity.

At this stage, the language which would now be considered as dying, has suffered not only a reduction in its stylistic expression but also significant simplification of its phonological system and heavy contraction in its morphology (Dressler, 1972 and

Dimmendaal, 1998) in Batibo (2005:91). Moreover, all the irregular forms tend to be regularized and simplified. Syntactic rules are reduced or made more general.

The lexicon is also heavily reduced and may suffer many intrusions from L2

(Williamson, 2003) in (Batibo, 2005:91). This stage has been referred to elsewhere as Pidginisation (Dimmendaal, 1998) or creolisation (Thomason & Kaufman, 1988) in (Batibo, 2005:91). There seems to be a clear correspondence between the pidginisation process that affects languages in this category and the process of cultural erosion. Usually, autonymic (personal names) and ethnonymic (ethnic name) forms are the last to be abandoned, except where the speakers develop some

37 stigma about their identity, as has happened with many Khoesan communities in southern Africa.

2.2.5 Phase Five: As a Substratum

The predominance of L2 may become so great that it replaces L1 completely. This is the stage at which L1 can be described as dead as it is no longer used in the community. However, the community may have kept its ethnonym and some of its traditions. Some of the linguistic characteristics of L1 often remain as residual features in L2. Such phenomenon, known as substratum features, may involve prosodic, phonetic, phonological, semantic or lexical elements. A typical example is the clicks that are abundant in the Nguni and Sotho languages of southern Africa and which are remnants of extinct Khoesan languages. In some cases L1 may disappear without leaving any linguistic traces.

According to the marked bilingualism model, there are two types of language contact situations: horizontal also termed coordinate language contact and vertical, termed superordinate language contact (Batibo, 2003b) in (Batibo, 2005:92).

Coordinate language contact usually involves two languages of the same status such that neither language is able to dominate the other. The speakers of the two languages may learn each other‟s language mainly to interact but are not attracted to shifting. Thus, they can be bilingual without abandoning their language. This situation is referred as unmarked bilingualism.

In contrast, superordinate language contact refers to the situation in which two languages with significantly different status and prestige come into contact. A

38 vertical relationship results with the more powerful language on top, giving rise to a diglossic structure. In most cases, L1 will be overpowered by L2 gradually giving way until language shift takes place. Where bilingualism offers the speakers of L1 the potential for promotion in both the interactions open to them and their status or prestige, it is referred to as marked bilingualism.

2.3 The Relevance of the Model to the Urban Situation

The model was looking at issues related to language shift and death on communities found in rural areas. The model is then applied to suit the environments in urban areas where the research was conducted. Based on the model the researcher has decided to consider L1 as ECLs and L2 as Kiswahili.

The relevance of the model to urban situation stems from the fact that they capture the three aspects of language shift that are common in the continent; the causes that trigger the phenomenon, the effects which follow, and the processes involved in language shift and maintenance.

Phase one of the model of relative monolingualism was not applied in this study since the model is applied accurately in the rural areas. The model indicates that the majority of speakers in phase one are still in the rural areas. This study concentrates on studying the people who have already migrated in urban areas, and who are already exposed to education, urban life and inter-ethnic activities.

Phase two of the model was also not applied in the study because it looks on L2 encroaching L1 something which might happen in the rural areas where Kiswahili

39 might be penetrating to ECLs. Phases three, four and five were vividly employed in this study based on the following observations: ECLs have been experiencing pressure from powerful or prestigious languages which are Kiswahili and English.

This pressure is caused by superiority (minority speakers want to identify themselves with the majority language speakers) and socio-economic attractions

(Kiswahili and English are seen as associated with socio-economic opportunities while ECLs are seen as having little socio-economic power), political pressure

(Kiswahili and English are seen as associated with power or political influence, and

ECLs are seen as having no such influence and respondents wanted to be identified with the more powerful language (Kiswahili), cultural pressure (whereby some respondents admitted that their culture is embodied in Kiswahili).

Batibo (2005:95) argues that, where the pressure from L2 is greater than the degree of resisitance from L1, it must be concluded that the process of language shift is in progress. The lower the resistance, the more rapid the process will be. As it will be elaborated in the findings in chapter four, ECLs are progressively facing pressures from Kiswahili and English, and therefore they (ECLs) are gradually giving up their domains and they are almost reached a stage where they become redundant as

Kiswahili has taken over all the domains of language use in the families. So, the lack of enough resistance has caused a diglossic situation not to be maintained hence language shift has taken place with a little language maintanance.

2.4 Chapter Summary

This chapter has presented different studies conducted by different scholars and researchers within and outside Tanzania. The chapter began by introducing the language profile of Tanzania where it was noted that languages of Tanzania are categorized into: the minority and dominant languages. The chapter highlighted the distribution and function of languages where, ECLs were seen to be distributed largely in the rural areas where they function as main languages of communication;

Kiswahili and English are mostly distributed in the urban areas where Kiswahili functions as a lingua franca, national language and official language, being in the assistance of English which also function as official and international language.

The chapter further highlighted that ECLs were given a chance to be used by speakers concerned with those languages. The ECLs were also allowed to be published by private and public companies. The literature visited were those largely conducted outside Tanzania and the few were found within Tanzania. Issues of effects of language contact were elaborated with the emphasis on language shift and maintenance, language attitude, minority and dominant languages and language transmission to children. The factors for language shift and maintenance such as urbanization, education and marriage (endogamous and exogamous) were also discussed in details. The chapter ended with the theoretical framework of bilingualism model with its relevance to the present study. The following chapter presents the research methodology.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

This chapter describes the methodology used in this study. Specifically, the chapter explains research design, area of the study, target population, sample size and sampling techniques; data collection techniques and data presentation and analysis procedures used in the study.

3.1 Research Design

The purpose of this study was to investigate the status of ECLs with respect to the families where couples speak the same language and those who speak different languages. The focus was largely on daily language use in the families, attitudes towards languages and the extent of use of ECLs. The study was conducted in higher learning institutions found around Dodoma Municipality.

A pilot study was done before the actual data collection was carried out. The main purpose of the pilot study was to test the tools used in the study see if they could produce suitable data for this study. The researcher selected two respondents from each of the four universities used in this study to participate in the pilot study.

Having undertaken the pilots study, some weaknesses and strengths of the instruments were noticed and improvement were made accordingly. For instance, during the pilot study the researcher discovered that some questions were redundant and hence they were removed from the list of either interview guide or questionnaire. It was also discovered that some questions were more obvious giving

42 direct answers and they were restructured in order to provide the desired responses worth for the study. Some new questions were seen very potential in producing suitable data for this study hence they were added in the research tools. Indeed, the pilot study was validity in this study as it brought very substantial improvement in the research tools.

3.2 Target Population

The target population was the families of workers from higher learning institutions residing in Dodoma Municipality. The informants were couples who were born and raised in the rural areas, but later on migrated to urban areas for their jobs or were married to either husband or wife who is a worker of higher learning institutions. It was thought that this research sample would represent the other population elsewhere as it is likely that the nature of endogamous and exogamous families would be the same everywhere regarding that they live in urban areas.

3.3 Sampling Techniques and Sample Size

The study employed purposive sampling in getting the informants for this study. The researcher knew at first the status of respondents whom he was going to visit i.e. either endogamous or exogamous families. The researcher surveyed the few respondents from each institution who were already known as either endogamous or exogamous couples to identify other respondents of the same status. The sample size comprised a total of 10 couples from the endogamous and another 10 couples from exogamous families respectively which made a total of 20 couples. The study purposely selected five endogamous couples at UDOM for interviews and five exogamous couples at SJUT for survey, and five endogamous families at IRDP for survey and five exogamous couples at CBE for interviews.

In order to get genuine information from the respondents, the respondents were asked to fill the questionnaires him/herself. They were encouraged not to look at their spouses responses. As for the interviews, each couple was interviewed separately from the other; they were asked to suggest for a separate place where only the interviewee and the interviewer would sit for an interview. The researcher asked for their concern in order to tape record the responses for easy review in data analysis before each interview began.

3.3.1 Respondents Age

The following table presents different age ranges of respondents who participated in this study.

Table 1: Respondents Age

Age Percentages Ranges Endogamous Exogamous N % N % 20-25 1 5 1 5 26-30 2 10 6 30 31-35 7 35 7 35 36-40 4 20 5 25 41-50 4 20 1 5 50-Above 2 10 0 0 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 1 shows the ages of informants who participated in the study, starting with endogamous family, one (5%) respondent ranked between 20-25 years; two (10%) respondents ranked between 26-30 years; Seven (35%) respondents ranked between

31-35 years; Four (20%) respondents ranked between 36-40 years; another 4 (20%) respondents ranked between 41-50 years; and 2 (10%) respondents ranked between

50 years and above.

In the exogamous families, on the other hand, one (5%) respondent ranked between

20-25 years; six (30%) ranked between 26-30 years; seven (35%) respondents ranked between 31-35 years; five (25%) respondents ranked between 36-40 years; and 1 (5%) respondent ranked between 41-50.

There were some differences and similarities on the age ranges between the two families. Fortunately, both families got an equal number of respondents who were aged between 20-25 and 31-35 years respectively. Other remaining groups differed significantly between the families; but, while in endogamous families there were two respondents aged 50 years and above, no one was found from the exogamous families.

3.3.2 Respondents Academic Qualifications

The table below shows the academic qualification of respondents who participated in the study starting with the lower level of qualification (primary level) to the upper level (PhD).

Table 2: Respondents Academic Qualifications

Education Percentages Levels Endogamous Exogamous N % N % Standard Seven 2 10 0 0 Form Four 1 5 4 20 Certificate 1 5 2 10 Form Six 1 5 0 0 Diploma 0 0 2 10 Bachelor Degree 8 40 7 35 Masters Degree 6 30 5 25 PhD 1 5 0 0 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 2 presents the levels of respondents‟ education. In endogamous families, two

(10%) respondents were primary school leavers; one (5%) respondent was a form four leaver; one (5%) respondent had a certificate and 1 (5%) respondent was a form six leaver. However, no one held a diploma. Another 8 (40%) respondents had a bachelor degree; six (30%) respondents were master degree holders and 1 (5%) respondent was a PhD holder.

In the exogamous families, no one was a standard seven leaver; four (20%) respondents were form four leavers; and 2 (10%) respondents were certificate holders. However, no one was a form six leaver. Another 2 (10%) respondents were diploma holders; seven (35%) respondents were bachelor degree holders; 5 (25%) respondents were master‟s degree holders and no one in this group held a PhD degree.

The levels of academic qualifications of informants employed in this study differed significantly between the two families. For instance, no one was a standard seven in the exogamous families while there were two from the endogamous. No one also was a form six leaver from the exogamous families while there was one from the endogamous family. The number of respondents who had a bachelor and masters degrees were differentiated for just one person.

3.4 Data Collection Techniques

The study was a descriptive survey that used face to face interviews and questionnaires to collect qualitative and quantitative data. The following are the techniques which were used together with their elaborations.

3.4.1 Questionnaire

The questionnaire was the major instrument of data collection. The questionnaires were structured and used closed-ended questions. A total of 40 questionnaires were administered to 40 respondents whom were obtained by splitting the couples into a single respondent i.e. husband and wife were supposed to fill his/her own questionnaire. This total number of 40 respondents is obtained when looking at 10 endogamous couples which make a total of 20 respondents when looked as a separate husband and wife. This the same applies to the 10 exogamous couples which also comprise a total of 20 respondents whereby a grand total is 40 respondents.

The researcher visited the couples in their home places and were given the questionnaires to fill each one filling it in his/her own privacy while the researcher was waiting for all of them to finish and collected the same. There were some

47 instances where some questionnaire were not filled instantly hence the researcher required to collect them on another day or were returned by the respondents themselves to the researcher.

The 40 (100%) questionnaire were all collected and found suitable for analysis The couples were required to fill the questionnaires with relevant information to the questions concerning the study (please find the attached appendix III). In order to obtain genuine information and give respondents freedom of expressing themselves to the best of their knowledge, the questionnaires were translated into Kiswahili which is the first language of the respondents, though most of them speak English.

The other reason is that there were some few respondents who were standard seven leavers (see table 2 above) who probably could not be able to answer the questionnaire in English.

3.4.2 Interviews

The guided interview was used as a support to the questionnaires. The interview schedule was a structured and had open-ended questions to allow the researcher to follow points which needed elaboration and to clarify questions the respondents misunderstood. In each family group, i.e. endogamous families 10 respondents were selected out of 20 respondents for interview. Likewise from exogamous group 10 respondents were selected out of 20 who were interviewed. The method of obtaining ten respondents for interview in each family was that within each family group in both endogamous and exogamous families, one of the couple was taken for interview.

The researcher selected in a random sampling five women and five men from endogamous and exogamous families respectively for interview. This was done so because the researcher believed that each one of either husband or wife would represent the whole family. It was also done so because of the easiness of conducting interview since each one was supposed to be interviewed separately.

Hence interviewing all couples in a family could require a lot time more importantly it could create disturbances in the families due to go and return until each one is interviewed. The researcher asked questions and at the same time tape recorded the answers which later on were analyzed in the form of statements. (Please find the attached appendix I of the interview guiding questions). For the same reasons explained earlier, the interviews were held in Kiswahili language, though most interviewees speak English language.

3.5 Data Analysis Techniques

The researcher interpreted the data qualitatively through providing detailed explanation about the findings obtained from the interview technique and quantitatively through numeral presentation such as percentages by using SPSS program on the findings obtained from the questionnaires. The following are the clarifications on how every analysis was conducted.

3.5.1 Data from Questionnaires

Data from questionnaires were analyzed through numeral presentation to compute frequencies, and percentages (quantitatively) and the information was put in tabular form using SPSS program. This program assisted in the analysis of data in the following ways:

3.5.1.1 Statistical Package for Social Sciences Program

SPSS is one of the most popular comprehensive statistical software packages used in the social sciences. It encompasses a variety of routines which perform statistical analysis of large amounts of data. It makes complex statistical computations simple and fast. It is used to calculate a great many statistics and to create charts and tables for presentations (Gilman, 2007:1). There are four (4) major areas in statistical analysis with which SPSS is concerned. These areas are: Data entry, Data modification, Data selection, and Statistical analysis.

The process starts by opening the SPSS data editor window. This screen is where data to be analyzed are entered or data files that have already been created (datasets) are loaded. The data view in the data editor consist columns represents a different variable and their names are at the top; and rows represents one case or observation.

The variable view screen contains a list of all the variables included in the dataset and their characteristics which are indicated at the top of each column while each row corresponds to a single variable. When in the variable view mode, one can create, edit, or view variable information. The names of the variables are listed across the top of the screen. When any variable is clicked in the resulting window one can see the details that show how it was coded but the easiest way is to switch from the data view to the variable view screen by clicking on the tab in the lower left.

One can tell what some variables are just by their SPSS variable names, like Sex.

However, many variables are responses to specific questions and we cannot tell just

50 what they are on the basis of the shorthand variable name. Instead, we can inspect the variable label in the label column corresponding to that variable in the variable view screen (you may need to widen the Label column by dragging the separator line at the top of the column with your mouse).

SPSS can analyze numbers much better than text. So, all the answers to each question should be coded. This means that, for every variable, each response category has been assigned a numerical value each number corresponds to a particular response category.

For example, the variable view screen show the values cell in the row corresponding to the variable sex if it is clicked on the box in that cell one can see the labels for specific codes which show that men are coded 1 and women are coded 2. Values that stand in for missing data are indicated in the missing column as it is seen in

Table 9 of the findings in chapter four. SPSS ignores missing values and calculates the statistic based on the responses of the respondents who answered the question.

Frequency distribution is a table that displays how many and what percentage of observations fall into given categories for a variable of interest (Gilman, 2007:4). In this analysis, a frequency distribution helped to tell how many people said yes, how many said no, and so on. The purpose of obtaining a frequency distribution is to summarize the data so that they are easy to understand.

After SPSS has processed the command, the results appear in a new window titled

Output 1 SPSS Viewer. The window has got a left pane known as the output

51 navigator which contains an outline of everything asked to SPSS to do from the beginning of the session. This allows easily referring back to any given table or graphing and goes to a specific table. One clicks on the table he wants, and it will be displayed in the right pane which contains the actual output for the commands one gave SPSS. It is often referred to as the output or the results. It is these results which have been analyzed as the findings in chapter four.

The tables from SPSS programme was modified into new drawn tables formulated through excel programme. The tables from the SPSS programme look as follows; first column shows responses to the question from question one to the last; the second column shows the percentages obtained from the responses; the third column shows frequencies of occurrences of the responses; the fourth column shows cumulative frequencies and the last column shows the total percentage.

3.5.2 Data from Interviews

Since the collected data were conventional in nature in the soft copy, data analysis was handled by transcribing them and establishing the theme in the form of statement. The explanations and elaborations were given based on the research objectives and making sure that they answer the research questions and meet the requirements of the study.

3.6 Chapter Summary

The chapter concentrated on the research methodology; specifically it dealt with research design, by elaborating how and where the research was conducted. It was noted that the study started by conducting pilot study which paved the way for the actual field work. The study used purposive sampling whereby the researcher knew

52 beforehand if respondents are either endogamous or exogamous families. The sample sizes comprised of 40 respondents who filled the questionnaire and among them 20 respondents were interviewed. The targeted population was the workers of higher learning institutions specifically of Dodoma Municipality where four institutions were visited to obtain the data. A total of 40 questionnaires were administered to 40 respondents and all them were collected for analysis.

The data from the interview which were in the soft copy were transcribed into statements and were analyzed qualitatively. The data from the questionnaires were analyzed quantitatively by using SPSS program and the findings obtained were put into new drawn tables through excel programme for easy of analysis. Elaboration on how SPSS programme works in the analysis of the data was also presented in this chapter showing how the data are analyzed through SPSS and how the findings obtained from the programme were analyzed.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.0 Introduction

This chapter presents the analysis and discussion of the research findings in reflection to the purpose of the study as it was hinted in chapter one. The findings are analyzed in relation to the research objectives which were shown in chapter one and the analysis process explained in chapter three. The study examined the status of

ECLs by making a comparative study within endogamous and exogamous families.

As stated in chapter one the assumption was that, the endogamous families may maintain their ECLs because fathers and mothers of the families speak the same language i.e. they are from the same ethnic community, while the exogamous families who do not speak the same language may opt to shift to the dominant language(s) in order to communicate to each other.

The chapter begins by presenting the preliminary information based on the respondents‟ profile and background knowledge on ECLs, Kiswahili and English.

This aims at giving the picture of the status of languages which respondents together with their children had acquired. The chapter will also be followed by presentation of the findings based on the three research objectives.

4.1 Respondents Profile

This section presents the preliminaries on the respondents‟ information towards the languages acquired/learned, the languages mastered by respondents, the levels of understanding towards ECLs, decision on teaching ECLs to children, and children‟s levels of understanding towards ECLs.

4.1.1 Respondents Acquired/Learned Languages

The following table presents the background information on which language the respondents acquired or learned as their mother tongue, second and third languages.

The aim of this question (which was asked in the questionnaire) was to know the status of the three languages among the respondents in order to justify the other findings as explained below.

Table 3: Information on Respondents Acquired or Learned Languages

Languages Languages

Mother Tongue Second Language Third Language Endog Exog Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % N % N % Kiswahili 2 10 2 10 17 85 18 90 0 0 0 0 English Language 0 0 0 0 3 15 1 5 13 65 18 90 Mixed Languages 3 15 1 5 0 0 0 0 2 10 0 0 Other Languages 15 75 17 85 0 0 1 5 1 5 2 10 I do not have 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 20 0 0 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 3 above shows that, from endogamous families, two (10%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili as their mother tongue, three (15%) respondents mentioned a combination of ECLs and Kiswahili, and 15 (75%) respondents mentioned ECLs. In the exogamous families, two (10%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili as their mother tongue, one (5%) respondent mentioned a combination of Kiswahili and

ECLs, and 17 (85%) respondents mentioned ECLs.

The status shows that the majority of respondents from both family groups mentioned ECLs as their mother tongues. The picture revealed from this study concurs with what other scholars found that since 80% of Tanzanians live in rural areas, most children start learning about the world around them in the mother tongue, which is the African tribal language (for example, see O-saki, 2005:50).

The table further reveals that, from the endogamous families, seventeen (85%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili as their second language, and 3 (15%) respondents mentioned English. In the exogamous families, eighteen (90%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili as their second language, one (5%) respondent mentioned

English, and 1 (5%) respondent mentioned Hispaniola as his second language.

The results in both families show that the majority of Tanzanians use Kiswahili as their second language. This concurs with Rubagumya (2011:80) who asserts that,

Tanzania citizens have access to Kiswahili and one or more ECLs. This is the largest group accounting for more than 90% of the population. Kiswahili is a second language for many, but also the mother tongue in a considerable area of the country,

56 in particular along the coast and for many children growing up in the cities, towns and other cosmopolitan settings.

Regarding the third language, the table shows that, thirteen (65%) respondents from endogamous families mentioned English as their third language; two (10%) respondents mentioned a combination of English and ECLs, one (5%) respondent mentioned an ECL as his third language, and 4 (20%) respondents claimed not to have a third language. From exogamous families as well, eighteen (90%) respondents mentioned English as their third languages, and only 2 (10%) respondents mentioned other ECLs to be their third languages.

Results show slight differences between the two families. In the exogamous families the number was higher by 90% compared to that of the endogamous families of

65%. It was also noted that in endogamous families some respondents claimed not to have a third language by 20% while nobody was noted from the exogamous families.

4.1.2 The Language(s) Mastered by Respondents

The following table presents the question which was asked in the questionnaire for the aim of knowing which, among the three languages acquired or learned, were mastered by the respondents. The aim was to see if respondents have enough knowledge in only one, some or of all the three languages which ultimately would have impacts on the other findings.

Table 4: The Language(s) Mastered by Respondents

Languages Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % Mother Tongue (ECLs) 5 25 6 30 Mother Tongue and Second Languages (ECLs and Kiswahili) 3 15 1 5 Second Language (Kiswahili) 3 15 7 35 Third Language (English) 0 0 0 0 None of the Above 0 0 0 0 All Languages Above 9 45 6 30 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 4 shows that, in the endogamous families, five (25%) respondents said they master well their ECLs, three (15%) respondents said they master their mother tongue (ECLs) and second languages (Kiswahili), three (15%) respondents claimed that they only mastered Kiswahili, and 9 (45%) respondents claimed that they master all the three languages i.e. ECLs, Kiswahili, and English. In the exogamous group on the other hand, six (30%) said to master ECLs, one (5%) respondent said to master Kiswahili and ECLs, seven (35%) respondents said they master second language (Kiswahili), and 6 (30%) respondents claimed to master all the three languages.

Results from both families show slight similarities of language mastery in the aspect of mother tongue. There is also a slight difference within the two families on the

58 claim made on the mastery of all languages i.e. mother tongue, second and third languages.

4.1.3 Couples’ Levels of Understanding of ECLs

The following table presents the question asked in the questionnaire for the aim of knowing the couples‟ level of understanding of ECLs. The aim was to see if respondents had a good or poor knowledge on ECLs which ultimately would affect the use of the language and even transmitting it to children. Kiswahili and English were not included in this table by the assumption that, most Tanzanians comprehend well Kiswahili, and it is clear that English is a language of few elites but to most

Tanzanians English is a foreign language.

Table 5: Couples’ Levels of Understanding Towards ECLs

Levels Languages

ECLs Endogamous Exogamous N % N % Very Good 9 45 3 15 Good 7 35 9 45 Moderate 4 20 6 30 Not Good 0 0 2 10 Total 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 5 shows that, in endogamous families, nine (45%) respondents regarded their level of understanding of their ECLs to be very good, seven (35%) respondents said it to be good, and 4 (20%) respondents regarded it to be moderate. In exogamous families on the other hand, three (15%) respondents regarded their level of 59 understanding towards ECLs as a very good, nine (45%) respondents regarded it as good, six (30%) respondents claimed it to be moderate, and only 2 (10%) respondents claimed it not to be good.

The findings show differences within the two families. The difference is large between them on the aspect of the level of very good. The good and moderate levels also differ significantly. It was also noted that, two respondents from exogamous families claimed not to have a good knowledge of ECLs while no one claimed so in the endogamous families. This implies that couples may fail to speak their ECLs as well as teaching the languages to their children because they lack enough knowledge on their ECLs.

4.1.4 Decision to Teach ECLs and English to Children

The following table presents the responses to the question asked in the questionnaire and in the interview which wanted to know if respondents decided for their children to learn ECLs and English. This came about due to the argument put forward by

Comrie (2006:2) that, languages are transmitted culturally by interacting with the speech community which is constituted primarily by the child‟s parents or by others speaking the same language.

This question was asked because respondents live in urban areas where ECLs are not spoken. So, the question was asked in order to know if parents do some efforts to allow or teach ECLs to their children regardless of the environment they are in.

English was included in this aspect because there are some parents who intentionally send their children to the English medium schools, among other advantages is to

60 understand English, while some parents might not do that even though they are financially able to send their children to schools. Kiswhili was not included in this aspect because it is clearly known that children will automatically acquire or learn

Kiswahili because of the environment they are living in.

Table 6: Decision to Teach/Allow Children to Learn ECLs and English

Responses Languages

ECLs English Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % YES 13 65 9 45 16 80 18 90 NO 7 35 11 55 4 20 2 10 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 6 shows that, in endogamous families, thirteen (65%) respondents showed the desire of teaching their ECLs to children, while 7 (35%) respondents said no. In the exogamous families, nine (45%) respondents showed the desire of allowing their children to learn their ECLs, while 11 (55%) respondents said no.

There are significant differences within the two families on respondents who are willing to teach their children the ECLs and those who are not willing to do so. The respondents who said no, claimed that, ECLs are not used anywhere in formal or official contexts. The languages do not help their children get job or be employed anywhere. Respondents insisted that ECLs are not even used at home because of the nature of the extended families which include people such as house girls/boys and other relatives who might be non-native speakers of ECLs. It was also noted that

61 children are surrounded by peers who speak Kiswahili all the time, hence teaching them ECLs will be wastage of time.

One respondent had the following to say:

Mazingira waliyokulia si rahisi kujifunza kwa sababu muda mwingi wanakuwa na watoto wenzao mitaani na mashuleni na wanatumia zaidi Kiswahili.

The environment where they grew up is not easy to learn ECLs because most of the time they are together with their fellow children in the streets and in schools, and they use Kiswahili (Researcher‟s translation)

The same question was asked in the interview and some respondents from endogamous families suggested that children need to be sent to the villages to learn

ECLs even though the process according to some of them seem to be difficult because during the holidays children stay in town for tuition3. Moreover, financial issues also seem to be a problem especially transport for all children to the villages.

On the other side, almost all respondents showed their interest on sending their children in the English medium4 schools where they pay a lot of money. This is so probably because English, as explained in the literature and in the theoretical framework, has got high status compared to ECLs.

Dorian (1981:105) fears if parents fail to transmit ECLs to their children, no replacement generation will be available when the parent generation dies away.

As a solution to tackle the problem one respondent was of the view that;

3 Tuition in Tanzania are extra studies after those in the regular classroom 4 English academia schools are run mostly by private organizations whose syllabi are in English, and they are believed by most parents to being proving a good and qualitable education. They are also believed to build a good foundation for children base in spoken and written English compared to public schools. 62

Suala hilo linawezekana hasa kwa wale wanaoishi vijijini kwa kuwa wazazi wa watoto na jamii ya huko hutumia lugha ya asili kwa kiasi kikubwa.

The issue of speaking ECLs is possible for people who live in the villages because parents of children and their society use mainly ECLs (Researcher‟s translation).

Another respondent from the exogamous family who completely disliked the idea had the following to say;

Kwa sababu haitawasaidia kwa mawasiliano kwa kuwa wanaishi sehemu ambayo lugha mama yangu haizungumzwi. Pia hawataweza kuwasiliana na mama yao kwa ufasaha kwa sababu lugha hiyo ni ngeni kwake.

Because it will not help them for communication because they live in the environment where ECLs are not spoken. Also they may fail to communicate with their mother fluently because that language will be strange to her. (Researcher‟s translation).

Those who said yes had the view that it is their desire that their children learn ECLs but the environment hampers them due to the influence and dominance of Kiswahili.

One respondent had the following comments;

Mazingira yanakuwa kipingamizi, kwa jinsi ya kutokuwa na muda wa kuweza kufanikisha zoezi hilo.

The situation in town does not allow the exercise of teaching ECLs to children due to lack of enough time. (Researcher‟s translation)

Baker (2006:44) warns that, since 50% of the world‟s languages are no longer being reproduced among children, many of these languages could die in the next 100 years unless there are conservation measures.

On the side of English language, sixteen (80%) respondents in the endogamous families wanted their children to learn English and 4 (20%) respondents said no. In

63 exogamous families, eighteen (90%) respondents showed the desire for their children to learn English and only 2 (10%) respondents said no.

The findings show no big difference between the two families. The majority showed the need for their children to learn English while the remaining number is insignificant. Those who favored English when interviewed gave reasons that,

English is almost spoken worldwide. Some said that, it is a language used at work

(official language) which helps them to earn a living. The parents clearly indicated that, English is positively evaluated due to its function in the future of children.

One respondent was of the view that;

Dunia inapiga hatua kuu kimaendeleo ya sayansi na teknolojia, kila kitu sasa kinafanywa kwa lugha ya Kiingereza na elimu inatolewa kwa lugha ya Kiingereza hivyo lugha za kienyeji hazitumiki mahali popote.

The world progresses faster in terms of development of science and technology, everything now is done through English even the education itself, ECLs are no longer used anywhere. (Researcher‟s translation).

They further argued that English should be learnt by children so that when they go in secondary schools, they do not face difficulties in learning subjects. It is termed as the language which can give children opportunities in employment and which carries their professions because it is an official and international language. This attitude manifested by respondents is partly caused by the language policy of the country which favours English and Kiswahili than ECLs as it was explained in chapter two. Ndamba (2008:178) adds that, English is viewed as performing high functions than the mother tongues because it renders a person employment. Hence parents tend to negatively evaluate indigenous languages because they do not perform such high functions.

4.1.5 Children’s Knowledge of ECLs

The following table presents the question which was asked in the questionnaire if respondents‟ children know how to speak ECLs. This question aimed to confirm if children speak ECLs regarding to the parents who have decided to teach them, or send them to villages or those respondents who left the villages having older children who were already speaking ECLs.

Table 7: Children’s Knowledge of ECLs

Responses Languages

ECLs Endogamous Exogamous N % N % YES 9 45 1 5 NO 11 55 19 95 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 7 shows that, nine (45%) respondents from endogamous families admitted that their children can speak ECLs while 11 (55%) respondents said no. In exogamous families on the other hand, one (5%) respondent admitted that his children know how to speak ECLs while 19 (95%) respondents said no. The difference between the two families is that, majority children from the exogamous families do not speak

ECLs except one. The situation in the exogamous families is justifiable as it was explained in the previous chapters that couples do not speak the same language hence the process of teaching their languages to children might be difficult. In the endogamous families there is a significant number of children who speak ECLs.

4.1.6 Children’s Levels of Understanding towards ECLs

The following table presents the question asked in the questionnaire which intended to explore the levels of children‟s understanding of ECLs. The aim was to check the status and see if children learn the languages and reach to a certain level. The assumption was that, one may find some people admitting to know the language but at the level of greetings only. Others may say that, they only can speak few words in

ECLs.

Table 8: Children’s Levels of Understanding towards ECLs

Levels Languages

ECLs Endogamous Exogamous N % N % Very Good 2 10 0 0 Good 1 5 1 5 Moderate 5 25 0 0 Not Good 2 10 0 0 Missing Sytem 10 50 19 95 Total 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 8 shows that, two (10%) children in the endogamous families were said to have a very good understanding of their parent‟s ECLs, one (5%) respondent said to have a good level, five (25%) respondents mentioned the level of their children as moderate, and 2 (10) respondents showed that their children‟s level on ECLs is not good. In the exogamous families, one 1 (5%) respondent admitted that his child has

66 a good level of understanding of ECLs while 19 (95%) respondents said that children do not understand at all their ECLs.

The findings show that, the levels of understanding towards ECLs in both families were not good. In the endogamous families the highest number of respondents was seen in the moderate level. This shows that, most endogamous families are in phase three of bilingualism with L2 predominance. The situation in the exogamous families was worse because they are almost in phase four and five of restricted use of L2 and that it has dominated all spheres of life in the families. It is only one child who have a good level of understanding, the rest do not even speak the language.

This situation is justifiable as stated earlier in the previous chapters that exogamous couples do not speak the same language hence it is also difficult for their children to know either of their languages as one respondent remarked that;

Kwa sababu mimi na mke wangu tunazungumza lugha tofauti. Hivyo, kuwafundisha watoto lugha ya kila mzazi inaweza kuwa kazi ngumu, na hata kama wakifundishwa uelewa wao unaweza kuwa mdogo sana.

Because I and my wife speak different languages, it will be difficult to teach children each ones language. Even if we do, their competence will be limited (Researcher‟s translation)

The Missing system which is shown in the table represents 10 (50%) of respondents from the endogamous families who did not answer anything on the levels set as options signifying that the situation is worse in those families to the extent that children do not know anything concerning ECLs. The same situation was revealed in the exogamous families where the number is big compared to those from endogamous families.

4.2 Analysis and Discussion of the Findings

This section presents an analysis and discussion of the study findings. It is divided into three sections; each section of the findings is presented based on the research objectives; to investigate the kind of language(s) commonly spoken within endogamous and exogamous families in their daily conversation, to explore the attitudes of the couples towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English within endogamous and exogamous families, and to examine differences in language shift and maintenance within endogamous and exogamous families.

4.2.1 Language Spoken in the Daily Conversation in the Families

This section presents the analysis of the findings based on the first research objective which investigates the kind of language(s) commonly spoken within endogamous and exogamous families in their daily conversation. In order to get the required information to satisfy the objective, the section is broken into several sub sections such as language used to talk between couples, couples to children, parents, grandparents, through phones, and tribesmen. The last section of this objective is the language used for greetings in the families between couples, couples to children and couples to their parents when the parents visit the couples in town.

4.2.1.1 Language Use between Couples and Couples with their Children

The following table presents the findings which show the languages used for daily conversation between couples to couples and couples to their children.

Table 9: Language(s) Used between Couples and Couples with their Children

Respondents

Languages Languages used to talk to:

Couples to Couples Couples to Children Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % Kiswahili 4 20 18 90 9 45 18 90 English 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mixed 13 65 2 10 10 50 2 10 Other(ECLs) 3 15 0 0 1 5 0 0 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 9 shows that, in the endogamous families, four (20%) couples use completely

Kiswahili to communicate to each other, thirteen (65%) couples use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 3 (15%) couples use their ECLs. In the exogamous families on the other hand, eighteen (90%) couples use Kiswahili to communicate to each other, and only 2 (10%) couples use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs.

The findings show differences on the use of languages between spouses in both family groups. The majority of couples of about 90% in the exogamous families use

Kiswahili in their daily conversation while in the endogamous families the number is low by 20%. It was expected in the exogamous families to use Kiswahili as the lingua franca because couples do not have a common language. On the side of endogamous families, majority of respondents use a combination of ECLs and

Kiswahili for conversation. This shows that these languages are in the state of superordinate contact whereby languages of different status and prestige meet and 69 establish vertical relationships which ultimately create a diglossic situation as it is explained in phase five of bilingualism model.

The study findings further reveal that in the endogamous families, for instance, nine

(45%) couples use Kiswahili to talk to their children, ten (50%) respondents switch between Kiswahili and ECLs, and only 1 (5%) respondent said to use ECLs. In exogamous families, eighteen (90%) couples use Kiswahili to talk to their children, and only 2 (10%) couples said they use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs to talk to children.

Results show differences on the use of languages to children in both family groups.

For instance, in the endogamous families, it is only one respondent among the sampled population who uses ECLs to talk to children. The majority of respondents from exogamous families use Kiswahili to talk to children, while their counterpart

(endogamous) use the same though in a small number compared to that of the exogamous. The majority from the endogamous families use a combination of ECLs and Kiswahili. This shows that the endogamous families are in state of superordinate relationship while the exogamous families are in phases four and five of language shift.

The arguments put forward by most respondents for not using ECLs to talk to their children is that, talking to their children in ECLs is useless since retention of the languages would be difficult because when they meet their peers in the neighbourhoods, in the playgrounds and in the school environment, they use

Kiswahili. Another reason is that parents have little time to talk to their children due to lots of work.

One respondent from endogamous suggested that;

Watoto wangu wawili niliwazalia kijijini kwa hiyo wanafahamu lugha yangu vizuri, lakini huyu mmoja nimemzalia hapa mjini hivyo hajui kabisa lugha yangu, hivyo hawa wenzake wanalazimika kuzungumza naye kwa Kiswahili. Pia kwa ajili ya kutomtenga huyu binti wa kazi tunalazimika kuzitumia Kiswahili kuzungumza.

My two children were born at the village so they understand well my language, but this one was born here in town so he does not understand my language at all. Hence his colleagues are forced to talk with him in Kiswahili. Also, for the need of not isolating the house girl, we are forced to speak in Kiswahili (Researcher‟s translation).

Another respondent from the exogamous added that;

Tukisema kila mmoja awafundishe watoto lugha yake tutakuwa tunawachanganya na isitoshe mwisho wa siku hakuna watackachoambulia kwani kila wakifundishwa na wakishaenda kucheza nje na wenzao wanafuta yote.

If we claim every one of us decide to teach his/her own language to children, we will be confusing them and at the end of the day they will achieve nothing because soon after they have been taught and go to play outside with their peers, they delete all (Researcher‟s translation).

4.2.1.2 Language Used between Couples and Parents

The following table presents the findings which shows language use when parents and grandparents visit their children in town. The aim was to check if respondents use ECLs to talk to them or if they just employ Kiswahili.

Table 10: Language(s) Used for Conversation between Couples and their

Parents

Respondents

Languages Used to talk to:

Languages Couples to Parents Grandfather/Mother Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % Kiswahili 3 15 11 55 2 10 6 30 English 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mixed 6 30 6 30 4 20 1 5 Other (ECLs) 11 55 3 15 14 70 13 65 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 10 shows that, in endogamous families, three (15%) respondents said they use completely Kiswahili to talk to their parents when they come to town, six (30%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 11 (55%) respondents use ECLs. The exogamous couples on the other hand, eleven (55%) respondents use

Kiswahili to talk to their parents when they visit them in town, six 6 (30%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and only 3 (15%) respondents said to use their ECLs.

The findings from the two families differ significantly. The number of respondents who use Kiswahili to talk to their parents from the exogamous families is larger compared to those from the endogamous families. On the other side, the endogamous families showed higher percentage of using ECLs compared to their

72 counterpart from exogamous families. This use of ECLs in the endogamous families is obvious because the couples and their parents in both sides mutually understand each other. This is impossible in the exogamous families because of language differences between the couples and parents of both sides. It was noted further that, both families manifested the same number on the use of a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs.

On the other side, it was observed that, two (10%) respondents use Kiswahili to talk to their grandfathers/mothers when they visit them in town, four (20%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 14 (70%) respondents use ECLs. In exogamous families, six (30%) respondents use Kiswahili to talk to their grandfathers/mothers when they come to visit them in town, only 1 (5%) respondent use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 13 (65%) respondents use ECLs.

The findings in the aspect of speaking to parents and grandparents show that respondents in both families maintain the use of ECLs. This proves that, respondents know the importance of using ECLs to talk to older people like their parents who do not understand Kiswahili or to be precise; they do not want to be troubled by town languages.

4.2.1.3 Language Use in Phone Conversation and Tribesmen

The following table presents the status of language use in the families. This time the question addressed the language which couples use in phones conversation and to talk by people of the same tribe when they meet in town. This question still explored the status of language use within the families.

Table 11: Language(s) Use through Phones and Tribesmen

Respondents

Languages Languages used to talk to:

Relatives through phones People of the same tribe Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % Kiswahili 2 10 9 45 1 5 11 55 English 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mixed 14 70 10 50 14 70 7 35 Other 4 20 1 5 5 25 2 10 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Processed Field Data, 2012

Table 11 shows that, in the endogamous families, 2 (10%) respondents use

Kiswahili to talk to relatives through the phones, fourteen (70%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 4 (20%) respondents use ECLs. In exogamous families on the other hand, nine (45%) respondents use Kiswahili, ten

(50%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and only 1 (5%) respondent use ECLs.

Findings show some differences between the two families. The majority of respondents from both families show somehow similar number of the use of a combination of ECLs and Kiswahili. The findings differed on the use of Kiswahili where the exogamous families show a large number compared to endogamous families.

It was observed further that, in endogamous families, one (5%) respondent use

Kiswahili to talk to people of the same tribe when they meet in town; fourteen

(70%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 5 (25%) respondents use ECLs. In exogamous families, on the other hand, eleven (55%) respondents said they use Kiswahili to talk to people of the same tribe, seven (35%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and only 2 (10%) use ECLs to talk to people of the same tribe.

This same findings show differences between the two families. The exogamous families manifested a large number on the use of Kiswahili compared to those from the endogamous families. The other difference is shown by the number of those who use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs from the endogamous families which is greater than those from the exogamous families. The last slight difference is on the use of ECLs whereby the endogamous families lead even though the number is not significant, while exogamous families follow with the same insignificant number.

4.2.1.4 Language Used for Greetings in the Families

The following table presents the findings concerning the languages used for greetings in the homes. The aim of this question was to explore the status of language use in the families. This question was very important in determining the real situation since greetings is a sensitive criterion in determining if people have shifted or they still maintain their languages.

Table 12: Language (s) Used for Greetings within the Families

Languages Respondents

Greeting the Greeting the Greeting the Spouse Children Parents Endog Exog Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % N % N % Kiswahili 4 20 19 95 6 30 18 90 2 10 8 40 English 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mixed 6 30 1 5 9 45 2 10 6 30 5 25 Other 10 50 0 0 5 25 0 0 12 60 7 35 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 12 shows that, four (20%) couples in endogamous families use Kiswahili to greet each other; six (30%) couples use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs; and

10 (50%) respondents use their ECLs. In exogamous families, the situation is different whereby nineteen (95%) respondents use Kiswahili; and only 1 (5%) respondent use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs.

Results show a big difference on the aspect of greetings in the two families. Almost all couples from the exogamous families use Kiswahili to greet each other. This is obvious because couples do not speak the same language. The endogamous families showed a significant number on the use of ECLs to greet each other compared to exogamous families which did not show any user. The endogamous families also manifested the use of a combination of ECLs and Kiswahili to greet each other, while only 1 respondent said to do so in the exogamous families. All the results from both families are significant because it is expected that the endogamous use ECLs

76 because they speak the same language while exogamous families use Kiswahili because they do not mutually understand each other.

In greeting their children, six (30%) respondents from endogamous families use

Kiswahili, nine (45%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 5

(25%) respondents use ECLs. In exogamous families, 18 (90%) respondents use

Kiswahili to greet their children, and 2 (10%) use a combination of Kiswahili and

ECLs.

These results show that most respondents in the endogamous families use a combination of ECLs and Kiswahili. This is probably so because respondents admitted in the previous sections that their children do not know how to speak

ECLs, and some showed that it is difficult to teach them due to the environment they are living in. This also show that respondents are in phase three and four of bilingualism model where Kiswahili struggles to take over all domains which previously was taken by ECLs. It was also noted further that in the endogamous families, few number of couples (not significant) use ECLs to greet children while counterpart exogamous families nobody use ECLs.

The findings further reveal that, two (10%) respondents from endogamous families use Kiswahili in greeting their parents when they come to visit them in town, six

(30%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 12 (60%) couples use ECLs. In exogamous families, eight (40%) respondents use Kiswahili, five

(25%) respondents use a combination of Kiswahili and ECLs, and 7 (35%) respondents use ECLs.

The number of respondents who use ECLs from the endogamous families is significant compared to that of the exogamous families. There is slight difference between the two families in the use of a combination of ECLs and Kiswahili. The exogamous families show the use of Kiswahili largely in greetings compared to endogamous families. These findings in both families still show the large extent of language shift because greetings cannot be impended by environment. The expectation was that in endogamous families all respondents could use ECLs to greet their parents. The exogamous families though do not comprehend each others‟ language, still can learn the way of greetings from his/her spouse and greet the parents. This also justifies that exogamous families are in phase five of restricted use of L2 i.e. Kiswahili have taken all domains of language use in the families.

The dominance of Kiswahili over ECLs manifested in the urban places of Tanzania specifically Dodoma reveals a different picture which is contrary to people in urban places of Northern Ireland in Ireland who have English as a second language.

Morgan (2002:4) report that many members of minority ethnic groups do not use

English in the home because they wish to preserve their own languages and that issues linked to language is a major priority for minority ethnic groups.

Some respondents justified their arguments on using Kiswahili that, even now days

Kiswahili has penetrated largely in the rural areas to the extent that ECLs are overpowered. Some respondents even claimed that they did not acquire ECLs from their parents, they grew up speaking Kiswahili. The implication here is that, it affects even their children who in turn will experience the same situation and the next generation will not speak ECLs at all.

4.2.2 Respondents Attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English

The following section presents the second objective of the study which aimed at exploring the attitudes of the couples towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English within endogamous and exogamous families. The section will show the findings obtained through questionnaires and interview responses.

Issues addressed in this section are such as: attitudes towards different languages, language used for ethnic identification and the language which carries ones tradition.

Also the section will further explore the attitudes of the couples by asking if they decided to teach their ECLs to children and if not so, which language then do they want their children to learn and master. The attitude was also measured by asking whether the use of Kiswahili and English make people abandon their traditions, and if they would accept the idea of making ECLs be used in the media; and the belief that Kiswahili and English are the only languages which can bring development and national unity and lastly which language do they view as important in ones life.

4.2.2.1 Attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English

The following table presents respondents attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and

English. Questionnaire and interviews were used to find out whether there were different perceptions on the value of the three languages.

Table 13: Attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English

Attitudes Languages

ECLs Kiswahili English Endog Exog Endog Exog Endog Exog N % N % N % N % N % N % Positive 15 75 14 70 17 85 18 90 12 60 18 90 Negative 1 5 0 0 1 5 0 0 8 40 2 10 Moderate 4 20 6 30 2 10 2 10 0 0 0 0 Indifferent 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 13 shows that, fifteen (75%) respondents from endogamous families showed a positive attitude towards ECLs, one (5%) respondent showed a negative attitude, and

4 (20%) respondents showed a moderate attitude. In exogamous families, fourteen

(70%) showed positive attitude toward ECLs, and 6 (30%) showed moderate attitude. Results show that there is significant similarities between the two families since almost the equal number of respondents showed positive attitude towards

ECLs. This shows that respondents still acknowledge the importance of ECLs that is why they view it positively. Language attitudes of speakers play an important role as strong resistance to language shift especially when speakers have a positive attitude to their language and hold it in high regard (Chinen, 2005:28-29).

On the side of Kiswahili, seventeen (85%) respondents from endogamous families showed positive attitude, one (5%) respondent showed negative attitude, and 2

(10%) respondents showed moderate attitude. In the exogamous families, eighteen

(90%) respondents showed positive attitude and 2 (10%) showed moderate attitude.

The findings in both families are significant. The majority showed positive attitude towards Kiswahili which was the expectation because Kiswahili is the official and national language as it was stipulated in the language policy of the country and explained in chapter two of this study. It is also a lingua franca of the urban areas. It is noted here further that, speaker‟s attitudes depend heavily on the status and prestige of the language and such prestige results from their perception of its symbolic or utilitarian value (Smieja, 2000:63).

As regard to English language, the study revealed that in the endogamous families, twelve (60%) respondents showed positive attitude, and 8 (40%) respondents showed negative attitude. On the other hand, eighteen (90%) respondents from the exogamous families showed positive attitude, and only 2 (10%) respondents showed negative attitude. Results are significant in the exogamous families followed by endogamous families though with some differences. The other difference between them is seen on the negative attitude manifested by endogamous families in a number larger than those from the exogamous families. The last remark in all the three host languages is that many respondents have shown the positive attitude because of the policy of language distribution and function invested upon each language as it was explained in chapter two.

4.2.2.2 Respondents Identification

The following table presents the question which wanted to know how respondents want to be identified. This is rooted from Chinen (2005:28-29), who says that ethnic identity appears to influence language development and it is an important component of self-concept if one feels positively about his/her ethnic group.

Table 14: Respondents Identification

Identity Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % A Swahili Person 0 0 0 0 A Tanzanian 17 85 16 80 An African 0 0 0 0 Another identity (ECLs) 3 15 4 20 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 14 above shows that, in endogamous family, seventeen (85%) respondents wanted to be identified as Tanzanians, and 3 (15%) respondents identified themselves based on their ECLs, i.e. each respondent mentioned his/her tribal identification like Msubi, Mjita, Mkurya and so on. In the exogamous families on the other hand, sixteen (80%) respondents identified themselves as Tanzanians, and 4

(20%) respondents mentioned their tribal identification.

Results are significant because almost all respondents from both families preferred national identity rather than their ethnic identity. Results from other respondents who mentioned their identity based on their ethnic attachment are not significant.

This is obvious because people have reached there due to the history of our country.

During the struggle for independence for instance, the former father of the nation, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere urged people to identify themselves based on the nationality. The intention was to break the tribal attachments for the fear of bringing tribal conflicts. Many scholars have argued that Nyerere‟s commitment to fight tribalism automatically forcefully downplayed the role of ethnic affiliation in public

82 life and instead emphasized a single Tanzanian national identity (see for example,

Miguel, 2004:337).

Thomason (2001:241) and Baker (2006:45) on the other hand assert that, language is a fundamental aspect to cultural identity which is for all people everywhere. Their unique world is expressed in their language, and that people should keep their own language alive because it is always present in identity formation and identity display. It is an index, symbol and marker of identity.

4.2.2.3 Language(s) for Traditions

The following table presents the question asked in the questionnaire and interview in order to see which language people regard to carry ones traditions. There are debates among people that tradition is embodied within ECLs, while others see traditions as a separate entity which includes things like food, clothes, shelter, marriage among many. Hence, any language one speaks can still exercise and maintain his/her tradition. The question then, wanted to see how respondents view the arguments which ultimately show their stand and attitude.

Table 15: The Language which Carries Ones Traditions

Languages Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % Kiswahili 1 5 7 35 English 0 0 0 0 Kiswahili and English 0 0 0 0 ECLs 9 45 10 50 ECLs and Kiswahili 10 50 3 15 All Languages above 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 15 above shows that one (5%) respondent from endogamous families mentioned Kiswahili; nine (45%) respondents mentioned ECLs, and 10 (50%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili and ECLs. In exogamous families, seven (35%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili, ten (50%) respondents mentioned ECLs for traditions, and 3 (15%) respondents mentioned ECLs and Kiswahili. The findings show that the preference on ECLs as languages for traditions was shown almost equally by all family groups. The differences were shown where the exogamous families mentioned Kiswahili in a large percent compared to endogamous families.

The endogamous families also manifested a large number of respondents compared to exogamous families by mentioning ECLs and Kiswahili. The same question was also asked in the interview and respondents insisted that, tradition is not only embodied in languages rather there are many other factors such as dressing styles, eating manners and so forth.

4.2.2.4 Language (s) which Children Should Learn and Master Well

The following table presents the question which was asked in the questionnaire for the aim of exploring the respondent‟s attitudes towards the language which their children should learn and master. The aim was to see, among the three languages, which one is preferred most by parents for the benefit of their children in future. The question has got basis from the marked bilingualism model whereby coordinate language contact speakers learn each other‟s language mainly to interact and are not attracted to shifting.

Table 16: The Language(s) which Children Should Learn and Master Well

Languages Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % Kiswahili 0 0 2 10 English 1 5 0 0 Kiswahili and English 5 25 8 40 Kiswahili and ECLs 0 0 0 0 Other Languages if any (ECLs) 0 0 0 0 All Languages Above 14 70 10 50 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 16 shows that, in endogamous families, one (5%) respondent mentioned

English; five (25%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili and English languages, and 14

(70%) respondents wanted their children to learn all languages i.e. Kiswahili,

English and ECLs. In exogamous families on the other hand, two (10%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili; eight (40%) respondents mentioned Kiswahili and English

85 languages, and 10 (50%) respondents wanted their children to learn and master all languages, i.e. Kiswahili, English and ECLs.

The findings show variations in the choice of languages between the two groups.

But the majorities in both families want their children to learn all languages, i.e.

ECLs, Kiswahili and English. Based on marked bilingualism model respondents intend to justify that, they are in horizontal language contact where they regard all the three languages having the same status such that neither language is able to dominate the other. The findings show that, Kiswahili and English received a reasonable number of respondents in both families. The findings further show that no one from both families who mentioned ECLs as separate language or even in a combination with other languages such as Kiswahili.

4.2.2.5 The Influence of Kiswahili and English on Traditions

The following table presents the respondents views on whether the use of Kiswahili and English make people abandon their traditions. This comes about due to different complaints made by most people that nowadays the morals to children have deteriorated due to the interference of languages such as English. This question wanted to justify this, for example learning a language means learning the culture of that language.

Table 17: The Influence of Kiswahili and English on Traditions

Responses Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % YES 11 55 10 50 NO 9 45 10 50 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 17 shows that, in endogamous families, eleven (55%) respondents admitted that Kiswahili and English make people abandon their tradition, and 9 (45%) said no. In exogamous families on the other hand, ten (50%) respondents agreed that the use of English and Kiswahili make people abandon their traditions, and another 10

(50%) respondents said no.

The findings are almost similar in both families. The same question was asked in the interviews and produced the same results. The arguments put forward by those who disagreed to the question was that Kiswahili contains the culture of Tanzanians and they insisted that the culture found within ECLs has passed with time; it cannot be applied in this growing world of science and technology. They termed it as barbaric in which (if embraced) may make people go back to primitive life. They contended further that they do not see any problem with the culture found within

English language and that it is a good culture for their children to learn.

Supporting the arguments put forward by those who see English and Kiswahili as a threat to culture, Mufwene (2002:177) suggests that native speakers will maintain or preserve their cultures if they continue speaking their language, in the first place 87 they would not stop speaking it if they valued its association with their ancestral culture over their necessary adaptation to the current world order.

4.2.2.6 The Use of ECLs in the Media

The following table presents the question which aimed at taping the attitudes of respondents on the use of their languages in the media. This question grounds from

Muzale & Rugemalira (2008:69) argument that ECLs live in a hostile political environment since several regulations and policies restrict their use in the media, i.e. they cannot legally be used by any radio or television station. Moreover, the government banned tribal unions because they might bring tribalism and the mention of ethnic groups in newspapers was prohibited (Tripp, 1999) in Green

(2011:15).

Table 18: The Use of ECLs in the Media

Responses Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % YES 11 55 12 60 NO 9 45 8 40 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 18 shows that, endogamous families, eleven (55%) respondents accepted the idea of using ECLs in the media, and 9 (45%) respondents said no. From the exogamous families, twelve (60%) respondents agreed to use ECLs in the media, and 8 (40%) respondents said no.

In this aspect also respondents from both families manifested almost the same number of those who agreed or disagreed to the question. The respondents who disagreed to the question gave reasons that, ECLs are so many to the extent that, it is impossible for everybody to listen on radio, read a newspaper or view the television in his/her language. They insisted especially in the interview that, we have got our two main languages Kiswahili (official and national language) and English (official and international language) which should be used. These results came about due to the distribution and function of languages which has been adopted in this country for many years, whereby English and Kiswahili have been given high priority in all official and wide communication.

The following extract from the “Sera ya Habari na Utangazaji ya Mwaka 1977” pg

9 and 15 directs that;

2.3.2 Maelekezo ya Sera (Policy Statement)

2.3.2.1 Chombo cha habari kisitangaze habari kwa misingi ya ubaguzi

wa rangi, kabila, dini, jinsia au ulemavu au kuchochea

uhasama;

Media should not advertise news based on colour discrimination,

tribalism, religion, sex or disability or enforcing hatred

(Researcher‟s translation).

2.3.2.2 Lugha zitakazotumiwa na vyombo vya habari hapa nchini ni

Kiswahili na Kiingereza.

Languages which should be used in the media in this country

should be Kiswahili and English (Researcher‟s translation).

Redio, Televisheni na Intaneti (Radio, Television and Internet)

2.7.3 Maelekezo ya Sera (Policy Statement)

2.7.3.1 Maudhui ya vipindi vya redio na televisheni yaimarishe amani,

umoja, mshikamano na usalama wa taifa;

The main aim of radio and television programmes should aim at

strengthening peace, unity, equality and keep the national peace

(Researcher‟s translation).

2.7.3.2 Lugha za kurushia matangazo ya redio na televisheni nchini ni

Kiswahili na Kiingereza;

Languages for radio and television broadcasting should be

Kiswahili and English (Researcher‟s translation).

The policy shows that ECLs are almost neglected to be used in the media for fear of causing chaos and bring tribalism, discrimination and the like. In order to avoid all these, the government decided to set only two languages which may not propagate all those problems.

4.2.2.7 Kiswahili and English Bring Development and National Unity and not

ECLs

The following table presents the question which explores the attitudes of the couples towards the belief that Kiswahili and English help to bring development and national unity. This is so because most people believe that Kiswahili brings national unity and English brings development, or to be precise, the combination of two languages keeps us developed and united. This idea excludes ECLs since they cannot unite

90 people at the national level which ultimately is thought not to bring development.

The aim then was to see how the respondents view it.

Table 19: Kiswahili and English bring Development and National Unity and

not ECLs

Responses Percentages

Endogamous Exogamous N % N % YES 7 35 8 40 NO 13 65 12 60 TOTAL 20 100 20 100

Source: Field Data, 2012

Table 19 shows that seven (35%) respondents from endogamous families said that

Kiswahili and English are the only languages which can bring development and national unity and not ECLs, and 13 (65%) respondents said that it is not only

Kiswahili and English but even the ECLs can do. From the exogamous families, eighty (40%) respondents admitted that it is only Kiswahili and English which may bring national unity and development, and 12 (60%) respondents said that it is not only Kiswahili and English but also ECLs.

Results show no big difference between the two family groups. Almost the same number of respondents from both families admitted that Kiswahili and English are the only languages which can bring development and national unity. The difference was made by only 1 (5%) respondent. The same question was asked in the interviews and respondents insisted that, the ECLs also help to unite people and

91 bring development at the level of communities which in turn expands to the level of the nation.

On the other side, almost the same number from the endogamous and exogamous families disagreed to the question that, not only Kiswahili and English languages bring development and unity but also ECLs. In this aspect also the difference between the two families was made by 1 (5%) respondent. They argued that ECLs are many and may bring chaos and ultimately tribalism. However, they insisted that

ECLs erode national unity and may not in any way unite people and bring development.

However, empirical evidence elsewhere in the world shows that using multiple languages is not the only source of tribal conflicts (Mpehongwa, 2010:7). South

Africa, for instance has more than ten ECLs used as official languages, yet the society is not engulfed in tribal conflicts. The experiences from Somalia, Rwanda and Burundi where nationals speak one language, but deeply embedded in tribalism and conflicts, calls for critical examination on this premise (Mpehongwa, 2010:11).

One parent was of the view that:

Kwa sababu lugha za kienyeji ni nyingi sana na hutofautiana kulingana na maeneo, si rahisi kuweza kuwaunganisha watu kwa pamoja.

The reason is that ECLs are too many and which differ depending on the environment, hence is not easy to unite people together (Researcher‟s translation).

Probably, this is what Muzale & Rugemalira (2008:69) noted that, the general political context in Tanzania discourages the use of ECLs in favour of Kiswahili because their use is seen as a retrogressive step undermining national unity and may

92 promote tribal loyalty. This kind of attitude which was created by Tanzanian government certainly accelerates the demise of ECLs. Orao (2009:79) also reports the same incidence in Kenya, where it has been argued, especially by the government that, the use of indigenous languages is likely to emphasize ethnic divisions and thus increase national disunity.

4.2.3 Language Shift and Maintenance

The following section presents the third objective which aimed at examining the differences in language shift and maintenance within endogamous and exogamous families.This section takes the data from all the sections of language use and attitudes of the couples towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English which showed the signs of language shift and maintenance.

4.2.3.1 Language Shift

This section presents all features observed in the study which signifies the process of language shift. Based on the assumptions put forward on the marked bilingualism model in the theoretical framework, phase three, four and five, progression of language shift seems to exist largely in both families. Kiswahili (L2) has become the primary language due to the great prestige and more extensive use of it. Kiswahili has assumed most of the domains that previously belonged to L1 such as informal daily home conversation and greetings. Hatoss (2005:2) argues that, the family domain must be the most significant for the use of ECLs. Hence, if this fails then it is the sign that people have already shifted to the dominant language. Fishman

(2006:414) adds that, parents and communities must constantly justify themselves by doing what is normal all over the world, namely, making sure that their children are following in the ethnolinguistic and ethnocultural footsteps of their parents and

93 grandparents. This situation was not observed in both families by just claiming that environment hinders them.

The following observations were found in the study worth mentioned to prove or show features of language shift. In both endogamous and exogamous families couples use Kiswahili in their daily conversation and that they are almost shifted from using their ECLs. They claim that the environments are not suitable for them to use ECLs or even teach it to children. Thomason (2001:227) looks at this sharp break in transmission of languages to children and suddenly stopping learning them as their first languages which puts the younger generation at a great distance from the pre-decline language state. If the situation persists, then the future of their children will be worse. This proves that people have been attracted to the dominant languages or have failed to resist the influences of Kiswahili which automatically signifies language shift. Dorian (1981:105) states that, the home is the last bastion of a subordinate language in competition with a dominant official language of a wider currency.

In the exogamous families, the situation was that worse compared to the endogamous families where somewhat somewhere ECLs are mentioned. Results show that, respondents in the exogamous families have already shifted from mentioning any ECLs or have failed to resist the influence of dominant language to the extent of dominating every spheres of their lives at home. The same picture is happening in urban areas of India that, a majority of tribal languages speakers are shifting to the dominant language in almost every functional domain which at first

94 the domains of these languages were restricted to home and intra-group communication (Rajeshwari, 2002:221).

Another sign of language shift was noted on the aspect of greetings. It was revealed in the study that, people do not use ECLs to greet each other. In the endogamous families where couples speak the same language this situation was also revealed.

The number of couples who use ECLs to greet each other, their children and parents was not significant. It was expected that almost all couples use their ECLs for greetings because they comprehend each other.

The problem of language shift in the families is seen to be paramount to the extent of affecting the children born in these families. The findings show that parents are not transmitting their ECLs to children because they do not speak them within the families. Since children are not inheriting anything from their parents, Muranga

(2006:121) predicts that, in 20 years from (2006), a considerable fraction of urban population, which was born in the cities twenty years ago and have a halting knowledge of the languages of their parents, will themselves already be parents. It is unlikely that they will be able to speak to their children in the ECLs, apart from

Kiswahili and English.

It was also noted from the findings that, respondents shift from the ECLs because they do not see any necessity of using ECLs in this growing world of science and technology especially in the urban areas where there is high interaction with different people from different places. Mufwene (2002:175) gave a story of slaves of the new world and Australia who gave up their languages because they often had

95 nobody else to speak with them, an important reason why their children never bothered to learn their parents‟ languages (just like children in African cities today) is that, they had everything to gain in speaking the colonial languages as fluently as they could.

Another sign of language shift was manifested from the identification which almost all respondents from both families wanted to be identified as Tanzanians and not based on their ECLs. In the interview, respondents admitted that Kiswahili is the major language of communication, employment and socio-economic aspects.

English is official and international language hence respondents did not see where to place ECLs in this aspect. This then proves that, respondents have shifted in attitudes from ECLs to dominant and prestigious languages. This incident resembles to what Mufwene (2002:175) reports as a story of the immigrants of the New World and Australia who shifted to the dominant languages because they had emerged as the only languages of the colonies economic systems and they had something to gain from the shift, or at least they avoided the danger of not being able to compete at all in the new labour markets. This is possible because, often knowledge and use of one language is an economic necessity (Romaine, 2006:393).

Muranga (2006:121) justifies that, with time urbanization may catch up with what is a now still rural area, and frequent intermarriage and intermixing of different people who are now still ethnically homogeneous rural populations will necessitate the use of Kiswahili and English. The other languages known as mother tongues, which at first were treated virtually like important languages, might be treated as one‟s step- mother, and become in the danger of getting neglected and dying.

4.2.3.2 Language Maintenance

This section presents all signs of language maintenance manifested within the endogamous and exogamous families. Even though the findings reveal to a large extent the signs of language shift, there were other instances where people show maintenance of their ECLs. On the aspect of conversation, it was noted that, in endogamous families 11 respondents use ECLs to talk to their parents while they are in town; and 14 respondents also use ECLs to talk to their grandparents. At least, this shows that respondents know the importance of using ECLs to talk to their parents who could not want to be bothered with the town languages.

On the exogamous families, language maintenance were also revealed in the aspect of conversation, for instance 8 respondents use ECLs to talk to parents; and 13 respondents use ECLs to talk to their grandfather/mother (s) when they visit them in town. So it was revealed in the findings that, respondents acknowledge well that, they need to use ECLs to talk to grandparents because they do not know Kiswahili.

The findings reveal further that, almost all respondents from both families showed positive attitudes towards their ECLs, this then signifies language maintenance.

They only advised during the interview that, their languages should be preserved by being put into writings so that, their children will learn them in the future. This is ilke what Baker (2006:80) says that, where people are determined to keep a language alive, it may be impossible to destroy a language.

In order to support the findings obtained in this study. Another similar study was conducted by Hatoss (2005:2) in order to check the Hungarian immigrant families in

Australia. The respondents were first generation migrants who migrated to Australia at an adult age; questions in the family were limited to language use with spouse and children who had the choice of English, Hungarian or both. The findings revealed that, 76% used only Hungarian with their spouse, while 17% used Hungarian and

English, but they did not seem to use Hungarian as much with their children: only

48% reported using solely Hungarian, 41% reported using both English and

Hungarian and 11% reported using only English.

The findings in that study further revealed that, the family domain was the most significant domain for the use of Hungarian. Outside the family domain, the activation of Hungarian language was significant with fellow countrymen, 59% used only Hungarian in the street and 39% used only Hungarian at church. The general results showed that in endogamous relations the rate of intergenerational shift was

64.2%, while in exogamous relations the figure was 89.4%. According to the results language use showed some variation across the family, as well as in public and intimate domains (Hatoss, 2005:5).

Finally, the findings have given much light to the theoretical framework which guided this study. Based on the three assumptions put forward by Batibo (1992) in his theory of marked bilingualism model. It was found that in the urban areas where there is a state of bilingualism, language shift has taken place and people have shifted form using ECLs to Kiswahili. The findings reveal that people have been attracted to Kiswahili and English due to their prestigious status hence the term

„marked‟. It was noted further that language shift has taken place because

98 respondents have failed to resist the pressure or attractions from the dominant languages (Kiswahili and English).

The five phases postulated by the model which language goes through on its way to extinction as its speakers shift progresively to the other language were not all manifested in this study. Phase one, for instance of relative monolingualism is not applied in the urban areas since the majority of speakers are still in rural areas. Phase two of bilingualism with L1 predominance was also seen to be applicable mostly in rural areas especially the areas where Kiswahili has started to penetrate into and meet with ECLs while ECLs may still be dominant. Phase three of bilingualism with

L2 predominance were largely observed in the urban areas where L2 has become the primary language and it is increasingly used in the other domains of L1. The findings revealed that Kiswahili has assumed most of the domains that previously belonged to ECLs such as daily home conversation and greetings.

There was observed the extensive code-switching between ECLs and Kiswahili.

Phase four was also manifested in the findings where some families especially exogamous have reached to a stage in which the use and competence in L1 have become highly restricted. This also goes together with phase five whereby in some families L2 predominance have become so great and replaced ECLs completely. It is clear seen in the study that Kiswahili and ECLs are in a relationship of superordinate language contact because of different status and prestige attached to each other. This is due to the reason that ECLs are overpowered by Kiswahili and gradually giving way to language shift to take place.

Looking the relationship between literatures visited which were elaborated in chapter two and the findings obtained from this study. It is clear that urbanization, education and marriage are closely connected and accelerate greately to language shift. People who migrate to urban areas to find job or education are the ones who either marry endogamously or exogamously. It is not true that endogamous families maintain their ECLs because they speak the same language but issues of the environment (system of urban life) and prestigious status of languages (Kiswahili and English) were seen as determinant factors for language shift or maintenance.

Kiswahili is seen as a language widely used in town for wider communication with other community members and which have socio-economic and political value. So endogamous and exogamous families find it easy to use Kiswahili for daily communication and it is the same language transmitted to their children for future use and identity formation. The language policy of Tanzania and the history of the country which favours the use of Kiswahili and English over ECLs seemed also to have contributed much to language shift.

4.3 Chapter Summary

This chapter has presented the findings obtained from this study which was conducted in Dodoma Municipality to represent other places of urban areas. The study aimed at investigating the status of ECLs by looking within endogamous and exogamous families. The study concentrated on looking at the language use in daily conversation, attitudes attached towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English and examined the extent of language shift and maintenance within the families. It was observed that respondents in both families do not use ECLs in their daily conversation but

100 rather they use Kiswahili. This is the sign that they have already shifted to the dominant language.

The study also revealed that respondents in both families showed positive attitudes towards the three host languages in this study even though Kiswahili was seen to dominate ECLs in the aspect of use. The findings further showed that language shift was paramount in the endogamous families which were expected to maintain their

ECLs since the couples speak the same language. It was noted further that, in exogamous families Kiswahili is largely used since couples speak different languages hence opt for the use of a lingua franca. Language maintenance was also observed to some instances, for instance, most respondents use ECLs to talk to their parents and grandparents when they come to visit them in town. This concludes what is commonly known that, ECLs is for the rural people.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 Introduction

This chapter presents summary and concluding remarks of the study and recommendations for further research.

5.1 Summary of the Study

This was a comparative study between endogamous and exogamous families in urban areas of Tanzania on the status of ECLs. The primary informants featured in this study are the workers in higher learning institutions in Dodoma Municipality. In the endogamous families, spouses speak the same language. In the exogamous families spouse speak different languages. The study aimed to see how the situation of language shift and maintenance is within these families.

The primary objective was to examine the status of ECLs used in the two family groups, by specifically investigating the kind of language(s) commonly spoken within endogamous and exogamous families in their daily conversation among couples, couples and children, couples and their parents, and couples and people of the same tribe. Another objective was to explore the attitudes of the couples towards

ECLs, Kiswahili and English within endogamous and exogamous families; and lastly to examine differences in language shift and maintenance within endogamous and exogamous families. In order to achieve these objectives, the researcher used questionnaire and interview techniques to collect the data. SPSS program was used to analyze the findings obtained through the questionnaires.

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The findings of this study revealed that parents in both endogamous and exogamous families use Kiswahili for their daily home conversation. Couples use Kiswahili to talk to themselves and talk with their children. Some few couples from endogamous families were noted to use ECLs to talk to themselves and to their children. It was also noted that even the greetings is done in Kiswahili in both families. Some few respondents from endogamous families were said to use ECLs to greet each other and greet their children. It was also noted that when respondent‟s parents visit their children in town, couples talk to them in Kiswahili except few respondents who were seen using ECLs.

However, it was observed that, almost all respondents showed a positive attitude towards Kiswahili, English and ECLs. But practically they use Kiswahili for wider communication. It was noted also that some respondents send their children in the

English medium schools to get the “benefit of English”. On the other hand, parents fail to send children in the villages to learn ECLs due to financial constraints. This proves that, respondents have been so linguistically colonized to have more faith in

Kiswahili and English than they do in their ECLs for their identity formation and culture preservation.

In order to assist the exercise of teaching the ECLs to children, one respondent suggested that:

Lugha za Asili ziwe lugha za kufundishia katika miaka ya awali ya shule ya msingi sambamba na Kiswahili walau hadi darasa la nne.

We suggest these ECLs to be the language of instruction in the elementary level or primary level together with Kiswahili up to at least standard four (Researcher‟s translation).

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This trend indicates that the urban populations seldom consider to speak their mother tongues hence a drastic reduction in their use. Most respondents insisted that

ECLs are of no use in the developing world of science and technology. Kiswahili and English are admired because, the former is a lingua franca, official and national language, and the latter is official and international language. So they hope their children to be integrated into the wider world and have access in employment opportunities. Batibo (2005:129) supports them by saying that the choice of whether to maintain their language or shift to another remains an exclusive right of the people concerned as it must be free for them to choose whether to shift so as to benefit from the privileges enjoyed by the majority language speakers, or whether to continue using the mother tongue for reasons of both self-identity and self- determination.

The status of ECLs in exogamous families was so worse. If no measures to be taken to rectify the problem it means that children born in these families will have nothing to inherit for their future ethnic identification. It is suggested that, even though husband and wife speak different languages, they can still establish strategies to orient their children to their ECLs.

It has been noted in the study that respondents do not want to be identified based on their ECLs, rather most of them wanted national identity. Most parents readily admitted the retention of their own ECLs would hamper their socio-economic success in the rapidly urbanizing society of Tanzania and Dodoma in particular.

However, they did not think that the loss of their code would result in the loss of their cultural identity. In fact, they thought that they could easily be identified based

104 on their nationality forgetting that this will have impacts for the future of their children. This signifies that, in some few years to come, children born in these families will not be able even to name their parents‟ ECLs. Children will also never be identified ethnically. They will rather be known as merely Tanzanians (refer the identity which the parents wanted to be identified with) with half knowledge of

Kiswahili and English languages. This half knowledge of Kiswahili and English comes about because the fight has now turned towards Kiswahili. Kiswahili is now perceived by most parents as a problem for children to understand subjects taught in

English language in the schools. Parents now insist more for their children to learn

English, which is not even that much comprehended easily by children.

In short, the majority of respondents in this study indicated that they favored English and Kiswahili as the languages of instruction to their children because they are the gateways to success in schools and subsequent employment opportunities. Thus, if there could be some selected ECLs which could be accorded national and official status, then the community would rather consider them as important because they would enable one to access vocational training and to rise economically, socially and politically. Mufwene (2002:171) supports the idea by arguing that, it is not a shock by the fact that indigenous languages survived the most in exploitation colonies but today when we are free, the languages suffer or are in the danger of death, not because of European colonial languages like English, but it is from other indigenous languages that have been favoured by the new socio-economic ecologies implemented by the government like Kiswahili in Tanzania.

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It was noted from the findings that, some respondents thought and/or sometimes fear that the use of ECLs in wherever contexts in the urban areas, such as being used in media, used for ethnic identification and so on, would bring tribalism and divisions among themselves. However, experiences from Somalia, Rwanda and Burundi where nationals speak one language, but deeply embedded in tribalism and conflicts, calls for critical examination of this premise. Empirical evidence elsewhere in the world shows that using multiple languages is not the only source of tribal conflicts.

South Africa, on the other hand, has more than ten ECLs used as official languages, yet the society is not engulfed in tribal conflicts (Mpehongwa, 2010:7).

As a final analysis in this aspect, Derhemi (2002:151) and Mufwene (2002:164) see language endangerment as one of the outcomes of language contact and also subject to patterns of interaction among the populations in contact. They argue that, a neglected minority language will become endangered which will soon vanish, or cease to be used as a vehicle of communication, which in due time may accelerate language death, perhaps even disappearing completely from human history. Many

African languages have recently lost the competition not to languages of economic and/or political power but to peers that have guaranteed a surer economic survival

(Mufwene, 2002:167).

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5.2 Conclusion

The study has discovered that both groups use Kiswahili in almost all contexts. It was proved beyond doubt that most parents and their children have almost shifted from their ECLs to the dominant language which is Kiswahili and that the future of

ECLs is in vain.

The findings further revealed that in few decades to come there will be a new generation of children born in these families who will be speaking only Kiswahili and English. Even though parents still show positive attitudes towards ECLs.

Children born in these families will never show that attitude. They will be a new generation without ECLs since their mother tongue for most children born in urban areas will be Kiswahili.

As a final remark, it is now the time we Tanzanians to ask ourselves why are we focusing on the use of English and Kiswahili as languages of communications and medium of instructions while ignoring our true ECLs for identity formation and culture preservation? Is the idea which says that, English is the language of technology and the language which links Tanzania and the rest of the world still valid in this century where other countries such as China have a good and developed science and technology, political and economic status without the English language?

(Sane, 2011:95). Why should we ignore our languages while at the same time embrace languages which belong to the owners who enhance their culture and identity? The best answer would be that we need to focus on our ECLs which are our true identity; let us use other languages as supplements and make use of them whenever appropriate, and use their benefits they offer without losing our ECLs.

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5.3 Recommendations

Owing to the findings and conclusion of the study, the following are the recommendations made on how to deal with the issue of language shift and maintenance in the society.

5.3.1 General Recommendations

First, there is a need for further research on how to solve the current problem on implementing mother tongue policy to children born in urban places of Tanzania. It seems that there is no imminent solution in sight, because fifty years after independence, parents still do not see the importance of ECLs to the extent that they do not care teaching or transmitting these languages to their children. The best alternative would be for parents to do their efforts at the initial stage of imparting positive attitudes towards ECLs to their children who later might develop the interest of learning them at their own pace.

Second, research should be conducted especially on the ECLs and advice the government on the benefits and richness found within these languages. For example the language policy of Guinea5 which was among the very few policies in African continent insisted on the importance of developing the ECLs for wide usage. Among

20 community languages of Guinea6, eight were developed to the extent of

5 The official languages of Papua New Guinea are Tok Pisin, English, and Hiri Motu. In addition, there are 841 indigenous languages.) English is the language spoken within the government and the education system, but is used by only around 1-2% of the people. Tok Pisin, also known as New Guinea Pidgin or Melanesian Pidgin, is a creole langauage and the most widely used. Hiri Motu is spoken by less than 2% of the population, and is most common in the southern region. The indigenous languages are grouped into Austronesian languages and non- Austronesian (or Papuan languages).

6 http://wiki.answers.com/Q/How_many_languages_are_spoken_in_Papua_New_Guinea # ixzz1ljCm9bXH

108 becoming national languages (Msanjila, 2003:305). This concurs with Reyes7 that children who attend schools in areas where their language is not valued and validated tend to learn early that the language of school is the one that holds power; as a result they typically become dominant in their second language, since most of their spoken and written instruction occurs in that language.

Third, there should be campaigns to educate people on the rationale for using ECLs in learning second languages and even to assist in comprehending to subjects taught in schools. This would help to create a new generation of Tanzanians who are proud of their languages and values, cultures and heritage. There must be committed intellectuals of various disciplines who can design and produce a de-colonizing media, so people can start to love and respect their ECLs. Mufwene (2002:175) urges for linguists to help some languages to thrive by encouraging their speakers to have pride in their ancestral heritage and to control over situations that have led them to give up their languages.

Fourth, if no concrete steps are taken now, most of ECLs would disappear without any preserved records within the next few generations. A lot of people have written more on ECLs but it seems that the government does not see any importance attached to them and has just remained in papers. Researchers should now stress on the recognizing the various challenges posed to its national development. It is now the time for Tanzanian government to give priority to research on Tanzanian languages rather than ignoring them and left in the hands of ethnic communities without assistance of making them develop.

7 http://www.u.arizona.edu/~ireyes/bibDoc/Reyes_Bilingualism%283%29.pdf

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Fifth, the study of language endangerment is now so challenging that need to call the attention of different scholars to join hands in the matter. There is still a need for the strong participation of sociolinguists in research and projects connected to single communities for the study of ECLs. In recent research a great deal of emphasis should be placed on the concept of ethnicity and its implications for language maintenance and shift (Thomason, 2001:22). Relevant issues here should be language as a symbol of ethnicity and language loyalty and this has to do with people‟s attitudes toward the languages they speak.

5.3.2 Recommendation for Further Research

This study was based on the status of ECLs within the endogamous and exogamous families found in urban areas of Tanzania. It is recommended that further research should be done to see the status of ECLs within the endogamous and exogamous families found in the rural areas where exactly the ECLs are spoken.

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LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix I: Interview Guide Questions for Couples

1. What is your Attitude towards your Mother Tongue or ECLs?

2. How do you measure your level of understanding in your Mother Tongue?

3. Did you decide to teach your ECLs to your children?

4. Do you Accept the idea of making ECLs (especially yours) to be used in the Media like News papers, Radio and Television?

5. What is your Attitude towards Kiswahili?

6. What is your Attitude towards English?

7. Did you decide for your children to learn English?

8. Which Language (s) would you like your Children to Learn and Master well?

9. Do you think speaking Kiswahili and English make people abandon their traditions?

10. Which language (s) do you think carries your tradition?

11. How do you want to be identified?

12. Do you believe that Kiswahili and English are the only Languages which can bring Development and National Unity and not ECLs?

13. What do you think should be done to revive our ECLs and transmit them to our

Children?

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Appendix II: Translation of Appendix I- Maswali ya Usaili kwa Wenzi

1. Unamtizamo gani kuhusu Lugha yako ya Asili?

2. Unaupimaje uelewa wako wa Lugha ya Asili?

3. Je, uliamua/umeamua kuwafundisha watoto wako Lugha yako ya Asili?

4. Je, unakubaliana na wazo la kuzifanya Lugha za Asili (hasa yako) kutumika katika vyombo vya habari kama Magazeti, Radio na Television?

5. Unamtizamo gani kuhusu Lugha ya Kiswahili?

6. Je, unamtizamo gani kuhusu Kiingereza?

7. Je, umeamua/uliamua Watoto wako wajifunze Kiingereza?

8. Ni Lugha ipi/zipi ungependa Watoto wako wajifunze na kuiweza kabisa?

9. Je, unafikiri kuzungumza Kiswahili na Kiingereza kunawafanya watu kutelekeza

utamaduni wao?

10. Lugha ipi unafikiri inabeba utamaduni wako?

11. Je, unataka utambulikeje?

12. Je, unaamini kuwa Kiswahili na Kingereza ndo Lugha pekee zinazoweza kusaidia kuleta Maendeleo na Mshikamano wa Kitaifa na si Lugha za Asili?

13. Unafikiri nini kifanyike ili kukuza Lugha zetu za Asili na kuzirithisha kwa Watoto wetu?

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Appendix III: A Questionnaire for Couples

A. Introduction

Research Title: The Status of Ethnic Community Languages: A Comparative

Study between Endogamous and Exogamous Families in Dodoma Municipality.

Before answering anything in this questionnaire, please, use few minutes to read the information below:

I am Mr Yusuph Nyandai Masinde a student pursuing a master‟s degree at the

University of Dodoma. The information you will provide here will help me accomplish this study and will only be used for the purpose of this study.

Note: I assure you that any information that you will provide in this study will remain confidential. Nowhere in this questionnaire will you be asked to mention your name. Also you have the right not to proceed answering any question which you are not willing to answer.

Thanks in advance for your readiness to assist me in this research.

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B Personal Information

(Choose the right answer and put a tick (√) in the appropriate box)

B.1 Your Age:

Years 20-25 [ ] Years 26-30 [ ] Years 31-35 [ ]

Years 36-40 [ ] Years 41-50 [ ] More than 50 years [ ]

B.2 Sex:

Male [ ] Female [ ]

B.3 Education Level:

Standard Seven [ ] Form Four [ ] Form Six [ ]

Certificate [ ] Diploma [ ] Degree [ ] Masters [ ] PhD [ ]

B.4 Place of birth…………………………………………….…….….. (Mention)

B.5 Tribe...... (Mention)

B.6 Occupation……………...... ………………....……………….(Mention)

B.7 Place of present domicile...... (Mention)

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Answer the following questions by putting a tick (√) in the box with a correct answer or mention wherever necessary.

Note: Code-Switching here refers to the switch between Kiswahili and your ECLs

Other means your ECLs

C. Information about Different Languages

C.1 What is your Mother tongue or ECLs?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other ………………… (Mention)

C.2 What is your second Language?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] I do not have [ ]

Other……..….…………….……………………… (Mention)

C.3 What is your third Language?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] I don‟t have [ ]

Other……………………………………………...….. (Mention)

C.4 Which one of these Languages do you master well?

Mother tongue [ ] Mother tongue and Second language [ ]

Second language [ ] Third Language [ ] None [ ] All [ ]

D. Language Used for Daily Conversation in the Homes

D.1 Which Language (s) do you use when speaking to your Spouse?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other……………...... (Mention)

D.2 Which Language (s) do you use when greeting your Spouse?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ]

Other...... (Mention)

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D.3 Which Language (s) do you use when speaking to your Children?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ]

Other...... (Mention)

D.4 Which Language (s) do you use when greeting your children?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other ………...... ……… (Mention)

D.5 Which Language (s) do you use when speaking to your Father/Mother when

they visit you in town?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other...... (Mention)

D.6 Which Language (s) do you use when greeting your parents i.e. Father/Mother

when they visit you in town?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ]

Other...... (Mention)

D.7 Which Language (s) do you use to talk to your Grandfather/Mother when they

visit you in town?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other...... (Mention)

D.8 Which Language (s) do you use when speaking to your relatives through

phones, i.e. your parents and other relatives?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other...... (Mention

D.9 Which Language (s) do you use when speaking to people who come from the

same area with you?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Mixed [ ] Other………...... … (Mention)

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E. Information about Mother Tongue

E.1 What is your Attitude towards your Mother tongue or ECLs?

Positive [ ] Negative [ ] Normal [ ] Indifferent [ ]

E.2 How do you measure your level of understanding in your Mother tongue?

Very good [ ] Good [ ] Moderate [ ] Not good [ ]

E.3 Do your Children know how to speak your Mother tongue?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

E.4 If the answer is yes, how do you measure their level of understanding?

Very good [ ] Good [ ] Moderate [ ] Not good [ ]

E.5 Would you like your Children to learn and master well your ECLs?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

E.6 Did you decide to teach your ECLs to your Children?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

E.7 Do you agree with the idea of making ECLs (especially yours) to be used in the

media like News papers, Radio and Television?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

F. Attitudes Towards Kiswahili and English

F.1 What is your Attitude towards Kiswahili?

Positive [ ] Negative [ ] Normal [ ] Indifferent [ ]

F.2 What is your Attitude towards English?

Positive [ ] Negative [ ]

F.3 Did you decide for your Children to learn English?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

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H. General Attitudes towards ECLs, Kiswahili and English

H.1 Which Language(s) would you like your Children to learn and master well?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Kiswahili and English [ ]

Kiswahili and ECLs [ ] Other...... (Mention)

All the Above [ ]

H.2 Do you think the use of Kiswahili and English make people abandon their

traditions?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

H.3 Which Language (s) carries your tradition?

Kiswahili [ ] English [ ] Kiswahili and English [ ]

ECLs [ ] ECLs and Kiswahili [ ] All the Above [ ]

H.4 How do you want to be identified?

A Swahili person [ ] Tanzanian [ ] An African [ ]

Another...... (Mention)

H.5 Do you believe that Kiswahili and English are the only Languages which can

bring Development and National Unity and not ECLs?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

Thank you for your good cooperation.

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Appendix IV: Translation of Appendix III- Dodoso kwa Wenzi

A. Utangulizi

Mada ya Utafiti: Hali ya Lugha za Jamii: Ulinganifu baina ya Familia waliooana wenye kuzungumza Lugha moja na wale wenye kuzungumza Lugha mbili tofauti katika Manispaa ya Dodoma. Kabla ya kujibu chochote katika dodoso hili tafadhali tumia dakika chache kusoma habari hii hapa chini:

Mimi naitwa Yusuph Nyandai Masinde, ambaye ni mwanafunzi wa shahada ya Uzamili katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dodoma ambaye ninafanya utafiti wa kitaaluma wenye mada ya utafiti tajwa hapo juu. Nakuhakikishia kuwa taarifa zozote utakazotoa katika utafiti huu zitabakia kuwa ni siri. Hakuna mahali popote utakapoulizwa utaje jina lako na data zako hazitatumika pengine zaidi ya kusudio la utafiti huu.

Kumbuka unayo haki ya kutoendelea kujibu swali lolote ambalo hauko tayari kulijibu unaweza kuliacha na kuendelea na jingine. Hata hivyo, mchango wako ni muhimu katika kufanikisha utafiti huu.

Natanguliza shukrani zangu za dhati kwa kukubali kwako kushirikiana nami katika utafiti huu.

Asante sana.

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B Taarifa binafsi

(Chagua jibu linalofaa na weka alama ya vema ( √ ) katika kisanduku kinachohusika)

B.1 Umri wako:

Miaka 20-25 [ ] Miaka 26-30 [ ] Miaka 31-35 [ ]

Miaka 36-40 [ ] Miaka 41-50 [ ] Zaidi ya miaka 50 [ ]

B.2 Jinsia:

Mwanaume [ ] Mwanamke [ ]

B.3 Elimu yako:

Darasa la Saba [ ] Kidato cha Nne [ ] Kidato cha Sita [ ]

Stashahada [ ] Shahada [ ] Shahada ya Uzamili [ ] Shahada ya Uzamivu [ ]

B.4 Mahali unapotoka au ulipozaliwa………………………………….……… (Taja)

B.5 Kabila lako...... (Taja)

B.6 Kazi yako……………...... ……………………………....……..…….(Taja)

B.7 Mahali unapoishi kwa sasa...... (Taja)

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Jibu maswali yafuatayo kwa kuweka alama ya vema ( √ ) katika kisanduku chenye jibu sahihi, au taja pale unapotakiwa kufanya hivyo.

NB: Mchanganyiko hapa humaanisha Kiswahili na Lugha yako ya Asili

Nyingine humaanisha lugha yako ya Asili

C. Taarifa Kuhusu Lugha yako

C.1 Lugha yako ya Asili au Lugha ya Mama ni ipi?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine ………………………………….……… (Taja)

C.2 Lugha yako ya pili kujifunza ni ipi?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ] Sina [ ]

Nyingine……..….…………….……………………………… (Taja)

C.3 Lugha yako ya tatu kujifunza ni ipi?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ] Sina [ ]

Nyingine…………………….………………………………….. (Taja)

C.4 Lugha ipi kati ya hizi uliiweza/unaiweza vizuri?

Ya mama [ ] Ya pili [ ] Ya tatu [ ] Hakuna [ ] Zote [ ]

D. Matumizi ya Lugha

D.1 Lugha ipi unatumia unapokuwa unazungumza na Mke/Mme wako mkiwa

nyumbani?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]Nyingine…………... .(Taja)

D.2 Lugha ipi unayotumia kusalimiana na Mke/Mme wako?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

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D.3 Lugha ipi unayotumia kuzungumza na Watoto wako nyumbani?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

D.4 Lugha ipi unatumia kusalimiana na Watoto wako?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine ………...... ……………… (Taja)

D.5 Lugha ipi unatumia kuzungumza na Baba/Mama yako mzazi wakija

kukutembelea mjini?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

D.6 Lugha ipi unatumia kusalimiana na wazazi wako yaani Baba/Mama wakija

kukutembelea mjini?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

D.7 Lugha ipi unatumia kuzungumza na Babu/Bibi yako wakija kukutembelea

mjini?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

D.8 Lugha ipi unatumia unapoongea na ndugu zako kwenye simu mfano Wazazi

wako na ndugu wengine?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

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D.9 Lugha ipi unatumia kuwasiliana na watu uliotoka nao sehemu moja au wa

kabila moja na wewe unapokutana nao mjini?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Mchanganyiko [ ]

Nyingine…………………...... …(Taja)

E. Ufahamu juu ya Lugha ya Asili

E.1 Una mtizamo gani kuhusu Lugha yako ya Asili?

Chanya [ ] Hasi [ ] Kawaida [ ] Sijali [ ]

E.2 Unaupimaje uelewa wako wa Lugha ya Asili?

Mzuri sana [ ] Mzuri [ ] Wastani [ ] Si Mzuri [ ]

E.3 Je, Watoto wako wanajua kuzungumza Lugha yako ya Asili?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

E.4 Kama jibu ni ndiyo unakipimaje kiwango chao cha uelewa wa Lugha yako ya

Asili?

Kizuri sana [ ] Kizuri [ ] Wastani [ ] Si Kizuri [ ]

E.5 Je, ungependa Watoto wako waifahamu kwa ufasaha Lugha yako ya Asili?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

E.6 Je, uliamua/umeamua kuwafundisha watoto wako Lugha yako ya Asili?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

E.7 Je, unakubaliana na wazo la kuzifanya Lugha za Asili (hasa yako) kutumika

katika vyombo vya habari kama Magazeti, Radio na Television?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

F. Mtizamo Kuhusu Kiswahili na Kiingereza

F.1 Una mtizamo gani kuhusu Kiswahili?

Chanya [ ] Hasi [ ] Kawaida [ ] Sijali [ ]

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F.2 Je, unamtizamo gani kuhusu Kiingereza?

Chanya [ ] Hasi [ ]

F.3 Je, uliamua/umeamua Watoto wako wajifunze Kiingereza?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

H. Mtizamo wa Jumla kuhusu Lugha

H.1 Ni lugha ipi/zipi ungependa Watoto wako wazijifunze na kuziweza kabisa?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Kiswahili na Kiingereza [ ] Zote [ ]

Nyingine...... (Taja)

H.2 Je, Unafikiri matumizi ya Lugha ya Kiswahili na Kiingereza yanawafanya watu

kutelekeza utamaduni wao?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

H.3 Lugha ipi unafikiri inabeba utamaduni wako?

Kiswahili [ ] Kiingereza [ ] Kiswahili na Kiingereza [ ]

Lugha ya Asili [ ] Lugha ya Asili na Kiswahili [ ] Zote [ ]

H.4 Je, unataka utambulikeje?

Mswahili [ ] Mtanzania [ ] Mwafrika [ ]

Mwingine...... (Taja)

H.5 Je, unaamini kuwa Kiswahili na Kiingereza ndo lugha pekee zinazoweza

kusaidia kuleta Maendeleo na Mshikamano wa kitaifa na si Lugha za Asili?

Ndiyo [ ] Hapana [ ]

Asante sana kwa ushirikiano wako.

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