Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations

1-1-1998 The ra chaeology and architecture of Fort Atkinson, Iowa 1840-1849 Jeffrey Thomas Carr Iowa State University

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This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The archaeology and architecture of Fort Atkinson, Iowa 1840-1849

by

Jeffrey Thomas Carr

A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees of

MASTER OF ARTS

MASTER OF SCIENCE

Co-majors: Anthropology and Architectural Studies

Major Professors: Joseph A. Tiffany and Arvid E. Osterberg

Iowa State University

Ames, Iowa

1998 11

Graduate College Iowa State University

This is to certify that the Master's thesis of

Jeffrey Thomas Carr has met the thesis requirements of Iowa State University

Signatures have been redacted for privacy lll

to my parents, Sherry Pooler and Tom Carr whose support and patience made this possible.

Thank You. IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1

Significance of Fort Atkinson Preserve 3 Plan of Presentation 5 CHAPTER 2. METHODS 7

Historical Research 9 Architectural Documentation and Survey 10

Artifact Recording and Analysis 12

CHAPTER 3. ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING 14

CHAPTER 4. lllSTORICAL CONTEXT 20

Military Context 20

The Winnebago 21

History of Fort Atkinson 25

Life at Fort Atkinson 32

Daily Life of Officers and Their Families 32

Daily Life of Enlisted Men 34 Daily Life of Others 37

Health and Diet 38

CHAPTER 5. ARClllTECTURE OF FORT ATKINSON 45

Construction History 45 Building Descriptions 49

Standing Structures 50 Non-Extant Structures and Features 53

Outbuildings 58

Stockade 64

Cemetery 66

Post-Military Fort Atkinson and Previous Preservation Efforts 66 v

Preserve or Park, How is Fort Atkinson to be Administered ? 70

Present State of Repair 72

Accessibility and Safety 75

CHAPTER 6. ARCHAEOLOGY OF FORT ATKINSON 77

Previous Investigations 77

Fort Atkinson Material Culture 78

Ceramics 79

Glass 85

Functional Classification of Fort Atkinson Material Culture 87

Building Materials and Hardware 87

Miscellaneous Hardware 91

Medical/Toiletry 94

Clothing 97

Domestic Tools 101 Personal Items 101

Recreation 103

Toys/Children's Items 108

Storage/Utilitarian Wares 109

Tableware 115

Tools 121 Transportation 121

Utility (Lighting, Heating) 123

Faunal Materials 123

Amorphous Artifacts 124

Unidentified Non-Amorphous Artifacts 125

Discussion of Fort Atkinson Material Culture 128

CHAPTER 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 136

Recommendations for Future Research 146 VI

APPENDIX A. FIGURES 147

APPENDIX B. TABLES 227 APPENDIX C. POST RETURNS 247 REFERENCES CITED 25 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 265 1

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION

Garrisoned between 1840 and 1849, the establishment of Fort Atkinson, Iowa was directly tied to the removal of the Winnebago people from Wisconsin into northeast Iowa.

The post was officially built to quell the fears of the Winnebago by providing protection for them from the Santee Dakota, Sauk and Meskwaki, and Euro-American squatters and traders encroaching on Winnebago lands (Williams 1980:34). Primary duties assigned to the fort also included the coerced or forced containment of the Winnebago within their assigned territory (Lurie 1978; Mahan 1922; Merry and Green 1989; Petersen 1963;

Rogers 1993 ).

The purpose of this study is twofold. One research objective is anthropological in nature, the other is preservation-centered. Simply, this study concerns 1) the history and culture of a particular group of people in a particular time and space (i . e. the military occupants of Fort Atkinson from 1840-1849), and 2) the preservation of and the modern­ day interpretation of the built environment that they left behind. The first goal of this study is to model past lifeways of the military occupants of Fort Atkinson utilizing documentary evidence and material culture, including architecture, portable artifacts, and features (non-portable artifacts). In realizing such a goal, this study is important in that it provides a description, an analysis, and an interpretation of an artifact assemblage which has gone largely unanalyzed and unreported for over 30 years, namely the privy artifacts excavated by Marshall McKusick in the 1960s. Save for an analysis of bottles (Wiltfang

1976) and an analysis of clay pipes (Tobey 1974), there is no comprehensive study which · 2 describes or interprets these artifacts. Furthermore, no other study combines historic, architectural, and artifactual evidence into a single body of interpretative work on the Fort

Atkinson State Preserve. A comprehensive analysis of the artifact collection, fort buildings, and historic documents allows for a more complete and accurate depiction of the lives of those who inhabited the site in the 1840s. The study is intended to supplement not only the histories of the City of Fort Atkinson and of Winneshiek County but also the histories of Iowa and the of United States military. This research presents new interpretations of fort-era happenings which may not have been accurately or completely portrayed in the historical record or understood by the general public today.

A second major goal of this study concerns issues regarding the site which the military occupants of Fort Atkinson left behind. Part of this goal was, first, to provide architectural descriptions of all fort-period buildings including preserved buildings, restored buildings, and non-extant buildings and features. The second part of this goal was to explore relevant preservation issues including the administration of the preserve, accessibility issues, the site's current state of repair, and how best to preserve the site. An architectural study of the site provides historical documentation outlining the construction of fort buildings, their deterioration through time, and efforts made to preserve and interpret the buildings and the site. This study provides an architectural survey of the site in its present state, and, most importantly, examines relevant preservation issues. 3

Significance of Fort Atkinson Preserve

The Fort Atkinson State Preserve is archaeologically, historically, and architecturally significant as a United States Army post, which was occupied from 1840 to

1849. In archaeological terms, the preserve is significant for the subsurface structural remains and material culture. The archaeological investigations discussed below have proven that the site is a potentially rich resource for future archaeological study. Though some archaeological excavation has occurred, further subsurface investigation of archaeological features will most likely yield information concerning not only the fort's structure, but also information about the lives of the past occupants.

The fort is significant in architectural terms as well. Three original fort-period buildings remain standing on the site, two of which (the Powder Magazine and Southwest

Blockhouse) are in remarkable condition. These two buildings as well as the North

Barracks represent significant examples of nineteenth century military architecture and contribute to the overall significance of the site. Also adding to the significance of the site is the Northeast Blockhouse. Reconstructed in the 1920s, the building represents an early effort in the preservation movement. Unfortunately, the remaining structures had been neglected during the site's years under private ownership (1850s-1921). During this time, fort buildings were dismantled or left to deteriorate. It was not until the early twentieth century that people began to call for the site's preservation.

The site is historically significant as a U. S. military post built on the frontier to enforce the Indian removal policy of the United States government of the early nineteenth 4 century. Fort Atkinson was built as a temporary post to keep the Winnebago Indians from returning to Wisconsin once they had been forcibly resettled west of the Mississippi

River. The fort also served as a headquarters for the policing of the Neutral Ground

(Figure I), a section of land in northeast Iowa that was established as a buffer zone between three hostile native groups: the Santee Dakota and the allied Sauk and Meskwaki tribes. The fort was supposed to quell the fears of the Winnebago who were nervous about being relocated to a region sandwiched between the two groups. The post is often referred to as the only fort in the country built to protect one tribe of Indian from another.

This statement is only partially true, however. Until a permanent settlement site could be agreed on by the Winnebago and the United States government, the troops stationed at

Fort Atkinson were to perform several other functions.

First, troops were responsible for preventing bands of Winnebago from returning to their original homelands east of the Mississippi. Force was necessary to remove them from Wisconsin; likewise, force was necessary to keep them at the Iowa settlement. Also, since the Neutral Ground was to be a buffer zone, it became the duty of the Fort Atkinson troops to maintain peace among the potentially hostile tribes. Further, patrols were routinely sent out from the fort to prevent white traders and settlers from illegally entering the region. Finally, Fort Atkinson helped reinforce the authority of the Indian agent who operated a school and a model farm, and who provided supplies for the Winnebago at the

Turkey River Subagency located roughly five miles downstream from the fort (Figures I and 13 ). In short, the historical significance of Fort Atkinson is a product of the 5 interaction between the United States Army, the Indian Subagency, White settlers, the

Winnebago and other Native groups.

Ultimately, Fort Atkinson, its standing structures, its non-extant buildings, and its archaeological features should be placed on the National Register of Historic Places. The

Fort Atkinson State Preserve is not in a historic district nor is it listed on the National

Register of Historic Places. It is the opinion of the author that the preserve does have architectural and cultural merit as well as archaeological potential and should receive

National Register status. A National Register nomination form has been completed by

Robert C. Vogel, Bear Creek Archeology, Inc., Decorah, Iowa. Pending a few corrections, the nomination form will be submitted by Kathy Gourley, State Historical Society of Iowa

(Kathy Gourley, personal communication, 1998). It is surprising that a site such as Fort

Atkinson has gone this long without being included on the National Register.

Plan of Presentation

This study is presented in the following manner. Chapter 2 outlines historical, architectural, and archaeological research methods utilized for this study. Chapter 3 provides a general description of Fort Atkinson's nineteenth century environmental setting, describing the flora and fauna present, climate, available resources, and topography.

Chapter 4 presents a discussion of the historical context in which Fort Atkinson existed.

Subjects discussed include a general history of the U. S. military in the early nineteenth century, the Winnebago, a history of Fort Atkinson, daily life at the fort, and the health and diet of those who lived there. Chapter 5 presents an architectural study of the Fort 6

Atkinson State Preserve, including descriptions of standing and non-extant buildings and features, a discussion of preservation efforts related to the site, a description of the present state of repair of the site, and a discussion of accessibility and safety issues concerning the site. Chapter 6 concerns the archaeology of Fort Atkinson, providing a discussion of previous archaeological investigations, a description of privy artifacts, and a discussion and interpretation of Fort Atkinson material culture. Chapter 7 presents a summary of the study and a discussion of the significance of Fort Atkinson. 7

CHAPTER 2. METHODS

This study has to its advantage the fact that three separate databases are drawn upon in order to reach the research goals mentioned above. These three data bases are 1) the historical record, 2) portable artifactual remains from the officers' latrine pits, and 3) extant and subsurface architectural evidence. Alone, each database is characterized by certain strengths and weaknesses. By incorporating all three data bases into a single body of interpretation, certain shortcomings of each data base can be compensated for. This study is based on a theoretical framework concerning the nature of relationships between historical and archaeological evidence as discussed by Little (1992). According to Little, archaeological and documentary data can be considered interdependent and complementary or independent and contradictory. Both views are viable depending on research questions and the interpreter's point of view. Though the two models seem at odds, both models are useful and are reflected by this research. Similarly, structural evidence (extant and sub­ surface features) shares the same relationships with documentary and archaeological evidence that documentary and archaeological evidence have with one another. More simply, architectural data may complement or contradict both historical data and artifactual data. Such relationships help to provide a more accurate interpretation of the past by filling in gaps left by each data base and by correcting data which may be erroneous or skewed.

The nature of the historical record is such that it provides valuable documentation concerning archaeologically defined phenomena. Such documentation helps to provide 8 more complete and accurate interpretations of the archaeological database. While it is characterized by this strength, certain weaknesses discussed by Wedel (1976) also typify the historical record. Weaknesses are linked to interpretive problems concerning documentary evidence. In order to avoid such interpretive problems it is first necessary to become familiar with all available primary sources, so as not to exclude evidence that may provide more accurate and complete data. Second, it is important to use original or primary documents whenever possible in order to avoid errors which result form copying.

The smallest error or omission can create a significant difference in meaning. Third, it is advantageous to be familiar with the author of a particular source in order to understand better the author's biases, prejudices, truthfulness, and purpose in writing the document.

Finally, meaningful data is often implicit and requires careful study and interpretation.

The nature of the artifactual data utilized for this study is such that it is a skewed portion of the potential total archaeological database from Fort Atkinson. This is due to the fact that the privy assemblage is most likely comprised of different types and amounts of artifacts as compared to other proveniences at the site such as the Commissary or

Guardhouse. Further, certain artifacts from the privies have been discarded and are not available for analysis. Hence, the analysis of the lifeways of the post's military inhabitants is somewhat skewed. However, much like the historical record, the privy assemblage is useful in yielding certain data that will help to present a more complete and accurate picture of the lifeways of Fort Atkinson's military occupants. 9

Finally, the nature of Fort Atkinson's architectural database has been determined greatly by preservation factors. Like the artifactual database, the architectural database is somewhat skewed. This is due mainly to natural and human-created factors which have affected the preservation of fort-period buildings. Natural factors include processes of decay and weathering that have been responsible for the deterioration, collapse, and disappearance of certain structures. Though three original fort-period building remain standing, most of the fort's buildings are represented by surficial and subsurface foundations only. People have played a major factor in skewing the architectural database especially during the period from the early 1850s to the 1920s, when the fort site was under private ownership. During this time, many of the buildings were dismantled, providing building materials for the construction of buildings in the City of Fort Atkinson.

Other buildings were left to decay. It was not until the early 1900s that individuals became more preservation-minded with regard to Fort Atkinson. By this time, much of the architectural database was gone.

Admittedly, there are "gaps" in each of the three databases drawn upon for this study. However, the complementary nature of the three allows gaps to be filled in each.

Likewise, the contradictory nature of the three makes it possible to correct biases in each to some degree, allowing more complete and accurate interpretations to be made.

Historical Research

A search was made for primary source material pertaining to Fort Atkinson in various archives around Iowa The archives at the State Historical Society of Iowa at Des 10

Moines and Iowa City and those at the Office of the State Archaeologist of Iowa were utilized. A substantial amount of official correspondence from Fort Atkinson and the

Turkey River Subagency was transcribed by Reque (1930). Later, McKusick (1966a) retrieved and organized those transcriptions which are directly associated with the fort.

Other documents including post returns (Appendix C), a post surgeon's report, rosters of soldiers who served at the fort (Appendix D), and a list of those presumed buried in the fort cemetery (Table 1) were also consulted and are discussed as part of the fort's historical context, below. Secondary sources were abundant and provided much useful information. They included histories of Winneshiek county, of the United States military, and of various forts, and discussions of Fort Atkinson itself.

Architectural Documentation and Survey

Three fort-period buildings remain standing at the Fort Atkinson Preserve. They are the Southwest Blockhouse (Figure 2), the Powder Magazine (Figure 3), and a portion of the North Barracks (Figure 4), which now houses a museum. A reconstruction of the

Northeast Blockhouse also stands on the site (Figure 5). In defining the construction history of the fort, documentary evidence including two fort-period sketches (Figures 6 and 7) and official period correspondence between the fort and the War Department,

Washington D. C. was used. Secondary sources which helped identify the layout of the site and construction sequences were also utilized.

The locations of many non-extant buildings were identified during excavations that took place from 1939 to 1941. Within this period Sigurd S. Reque, a Luther College 11 professor, led efforts to uncover the foundations of non-extant buildings within the fort's walls. As a result, the foundations of many buildings were uncovered, in some cases rebuilt, and interpreted for the public. These buildings inelude the Guardhouse, Sutler's

Store, enlisted men's and officer's quarters (North, South, East, and West Barracks), and the Commissary (Figure 6).

Beginning in 1966, Marshall B. McKusick undertook further excavations which revealed the Bakehouse outside of the fort walls as well as the location of officer's privies to the east of the East Barracks and to the west of the West Barracks (Figure 6)

(McKusick l 966b ). The most recent project that added to what is known of the layout of

Fort Atkinson was an archaeological survey of the outbuildings of Fort Atkinson. In 1981,

John N. Kean of the Office of the State Archaeologist of Iowa, conducted a limited archaeological survey which located eight fort-period outbuildings (Kean 1981 ). These included the Dragoon Stables, the Bakehouse, the Granary, and the Icehouse, among other outbuildings (Figure 6).

The on-site architectural survey employed for this study took place in March,

1998, and was followed up by a visit in September 1998. The survey was undertaken by the author and Susan Carr. Standing structures were photographed, in black-and-white and on color slide film, from various angles in an attempt to record the general appearance of each building as well as its relationship to the surrounding environment. During the survey, special attention was paid to preservation issues including site accessibility, present state of repair, and appropriateness of changes made to fort buildings and to the 12 site. These observations are discussed below, as are suggestions on how to improve the preservation and interpretation of the site.

Artifact Recording and Analysis

The majority of artifacts from Fort Atkinson are housed at the Office of the State

Archaeologist of Iowa (OSA). The State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines, and the

Fort Atkinson Museum have fort artifacts on loan for display purposes. For this study, artifacts from the OSA were taken on loan and analyzed in the Iowa State University

Archaeological Laboratory, Ames. The artifacts not held by the State Archaeologist were identified and recorded in the State Historical Society Building and fort museum. As stipulated when this study was proposed, this research was focused on modeling the lives of military occupants at Fort Atkinson, and not those of the civilians who inhabited the site after its official military abandonment. As the analysis of materials excavated by

Reque (i.e. those artifacts which lacked vertical provenience) progressed, it became clear that it was impossible to identify accurately fort-period artifacts from those deposited by later occupations. Because of this problem, only the artifacts from the officers' privies have been included in this study.

Employed in this study were a modified version of a cataloging system and a method of analysis used by the OSA for the analysis of historic artifacts (Snow l 997a:35).

Presentation of the data is based on archaeological reports concerning other nineteenth century fort sites (Carlson 1979; Comer 1985; King 1997; Reynolds 1983; Stone 1974;

Wagner et al. 1993). Several criteria were utilized to classify and analyze the collection. 13

Criteria included material type, manufacturing technique, decoration, and general morphology (vessel form, rim type, paste, size, color). Material type refers to the raw material from which an artifact was produced and includes categories such as glass, metal, ceramics, stone, and bone. Manufacturing technique identifies the way in which an artifact was made. This information was used primarily for the dating of glass, ceramics, and nails.

Some manufacturing techniques for glass and pottery include hand-blown, mold-blown, and wheel-thrown. Decoration was used to describe decorative techniques including embossing, transfer printing, and hand painting. Not only does decoration provide temporal information, it provides a means by which to investigate economic status or level of affluence at a particular site (Adams and Boling 1992; Miller 1991a) This is described within the ceramics section of this report. Morphological traits such as size, shape, and color of an object were used most often in assigning vessel numbers to the ceramic and glass assemblages from the collection. Though time consuming, an analysis based on vessels instead of sherds of vessels prevents the over-representation of wares that may have fractured into many small pieces (Siebert 1997:37). Also, many vessels from the Fort

Atkinson privies have been reconstructed and would be underrepresented if given equal representation to that of a single sherd. 14

CHAPTER 3. ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING

In February, 1849, the Army withdrew its soldiers from Fort Atkinson. In the early 1850s, the site was sold at auction and was under private ownership until 1921 when the State of Iowa purchased Fort Atkinson, intending to make it into a state park. Several preservation and archaeological efforts and studies were undertaken to improve the site during the following decades until, in 1968, the site was dedicated the Fort Atkinson State

Preserve.

The Fort Atkinson State Preserve (13WH57) is located near the western limits of the town of Fort Atkinson, Winneshiek County, Iowa, along a bluff overlooking Rogers

Creek, known as Spring Creek during the fort's military occupation (Figure 8). The area surrounding the Fort Atkinson Preserve is presently occupied by several single family dwellings and a commercial tree nursery. Located on site are three fort-period buildings, reconstruction of a fort-period building, numerous foundations of non-extant buildings, a partially reconstructed stockade, and a modem latrine (Figure 9). Fort Atkinson's historic setting is best expressed in a Post Surgeon's Report (William S. King 1840).

Fort Atkinson is situated fifty miles west of Fort Crawford, on an elevated plot of ground

between the Turkey River to the north, and Spring Creek on the south and east, the latter

emptying into the former about three-fourths of a mile from the post. The elevation on the side

next Spring Creek is of crescontric (sic) form, and nearly perpendicular, commencing about fifty

yards from the margin of the stream and descending on the opposite side by a gradual slope to the

Turkey River, from which it is distant half a mile. Its height above those streams is eighty feet.

The country between the station and Turkey River is woodland. On the west, south, and east it

is open prairie, affording a fine view of from ten to fifteen miles in extent. Spring Creek, as its 15

name implies, has its origin in numerous springs not far distant; the water is used for drinking

and culinary purposes. The soil is mostly calcareous.

Geologically, the preserve is set on a transitional area between two Iowa landforms: the Iowan Surface and the Paleozoic Plateau (Figure I 0). The later is characterized by numerous rock outcroppings and deep, narrow valleys, woodlands, and insubstantial glacial deposits (Prior 1991:84). The modem landscape is largely defined by the Paleozoic-age sedimentary bedrock, which, having formed between 300 and 500 million years ago, has hardened and become deformed and fractured by crustal movements. The bedrock consists of various kinds of sedimentary rocks that include limestone, dolomite, sandstone, and shale. A series of vertical cracks now extends through the bedrock which can be seen along rock bluffs and road cuts. Such cracks, or joints, create the blocky shapes and sheer faces which can be seen along road cuts and rock bluffs of Northeast Iowa. Interruptions along bluff lines by narrow gorges and ravines, most noticeably seen along the Silurian

Escarpment, offer a cool, moist, wooded habitats for diverse and sometimes rare species of flora and fauna (Prior 1991 :87). Also typical of this landform is the presence of subterranean cracks and crevices, caused by the erosion of lime-rich bedrock by groundwater that percolates down from the surface. Such topography is know as karst topography. Such topography is evident from the surface by sinkholes, caves, and springs. The substantial contribution of groundwater from bedrock aquifers tends to keep streams and springs running even in times of low rainfall (Prior 1991:91). Wells drilled in this environment that measure between 100 feet and 350 feet rarely go dry, given that they have been drilled properly (Kittleson and Raymond 1968:219). 16

To the west of Fort Atkinson lies the Iowan Surface which was formed during the

Wisconsinan Period. This region is characterized by gently rolling hills, low relief, open views, elongated ridges, oblong hills, and the presence of glacial erratics, or large fieldstones. The Iowan Surface is a result of erosional scrubbing driven by a climate that was colder and wetter than the present climate. Freeze-thaw episodes, massive displacement of loose material, sheetwash of slopes, and wind turbulence all caused northern Iowa to be flattened or planed down by erosional processes (Prior 1991:70).

Drainage networks are well established, although, they are of usually low gradient and sometimes promote the existence of wetlands (Prior 1991:69). As is the case in the

Paleozoic Plateau, the Iowan Surface is sometimes characterized as having large amounts of groundwater which feeds rivers and wetlands in times of low rainfall. This is due to the · relatively thin glacial drift on the region. Fed by groundwater discharge from bedrock aquifers, localized wetlands known as "fens" are sometimes present in the region. Fens are peat deposits which support rare plant communities. In southwest Winneshiek County, the Turkey River and its tributaries drain an eastern portion of the Iowan Surface that is characterized by nearly level to rolling landforms (Kittleson and Raymond 1968:219).

This area is south of a high continuous ridge that marks a transitional area between the

Paleozoic Plateau and Iowan Surface.

The soil on which the fort was constructed has been identified as Winneshiek

Loam, 2 to 5 percent slopes (Kittleson and Raymond 1968). It is characterized by a 4 to 8 inches thick very dark gray or very dark brown surface layer, underlain by a lighter subsoil. 17

Rocks and pebbles can be found in the subsoil, but are also present on the surface. Most often, the limestone bedrock is between 15 and 30 inches from the surface, though the bedrock can be as deep as 36 inches. The soil is subject to drought in years of average rainfall (Kittleson and Raymond 1968:70), which may have effected the efforts of the military occupants to cultivate produce in their garden plots. Surrounding the fort grounds to the south and west is Steep Rock Land, which is dominated by limestone bedrock outcroppings and thinly silt-covered or loam-covered bedrock. Slopes are usually irregular, steep, and wooded. The fort-period limestone quarry is located within this land type, to the west of the fort grounds (Figure 11 ).

According to Kittleson and Raymond (1968:222), on poorly drained sites native vegetation consisted of grasses with trees and sedges in small areas. Plants native to forest and prairie environments grew on the well drained soils. Historic accounts of Iowa indicate a diverse and plentiful supply of wild fruits in Iowa (Galland 1840). These include strawberries, blackberries, raspberries, gooseberries, plums, crab apples, grapes, and cranberries, which may have grown in Winneshiek County near the fort.

What is known of the historic vegetation of Iowa has been greatly clarified by studies which have originated from the Iowa State University Department of Landscape

Architecture (Anderson 1993; 1994; 1996; Miller 1995). Anderson's studies have involved the digitizing of General Land Office (GLO) surveyors' field notes and township maps which were completed between 1832 and 1859. A main goal. of Anderson's work was to provide a vegetation data layer for Geographic Information System (GIS) data 18 analysis (Anderson 1996:2). Between 1832 and 1859 the General Land Office performed the first public land survey of Iowa. Surveyors provided township maps as well as field notes which described Iowa landscapes and associated natural resources including vegetation, water, and soil. This record provides some of the only written data concerning vegetation in Iowa prior to the implementation of intensive farming. According to

Anderson's interpretations of surveyor H. Averill's field notes as well as of township plat maps, Winneshiek County was characterized by 17 different vegetation classifications in the early to mid nineteenth century (Anderson 1996:49-53) (Figure 12). Of these vegetation types, 4 types were noted as present within 2 miles of Fort Atkinson. These types are 1) timber/scattering/openings, 2) prairie, 3) timber, and 4) grove. The first type, timber/scattering/openings, represents the greatest percentage of land around Fort

Atkinson. It is a combination type identifying the transition between or mosaic of prairie and timber, including both grass and trees. Anderson (1996, 1995, 1993) mapped this vegetation type in areas that had been identified as having timber in some parts, scattering trees in some parts, and openings in other parts. "Prairie" was the only vegetation type out of 3 8 to have been mapped in all 99 Iowa counties. The second most mapped vegetation type in Iowa was timber. Areas of timber are described as somewhat steep areas of large, moderately dense trees on a transitional bottom land to upland areas (Miller

1995:110). Finally, "grove" is described as a relatively small, dense stand of small trees

(Miller 1995: 108). 19

Numerous and varied species of fauna are and have been present in Winneshiek

County. In 1839, H. H. Sibley of the American Fur Company, and later, the first

Governor of the State of Minnesota, led a hunting party into the Neutral Ground. He noted an extremely abundant supply of deer, which were seen in groups at all times of the day (Sibley 1846; Williams 1982: 171 ). Other indigenous species included the panther, lynx, buffalo, elk, white tailed dear, prairie wolf, timber wolf, beaver, badger, mink, otter, and the wild turkey. (Osborn 1905). Galland (1840) added squirrel, raccoon, quail, rabbit, and prairie hen to the list of animals available to nineteenth century Iowans.

Climatic data for Winneshiek county during the military occupation of Fort

Atkinson does not exist. However, beginning in the 1850s, climate data recording stations did operate in various Iowa towns including Dubuque and Muscatine (U. S. Patent Office

1861). According to measurements taken at the stations, Iowa's historic climate can be characterized as a typical continental climate. Summers tended to be warm and winters to be cold. However, prolonged periods of intense heat or cold would have been rare. 20

CHAPTER 4. HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Military Context

The period of military history which is of concern to this study is marked by the end of the War of 1812. Before the war had come to an end on Christmas Eve 1814, the

United States Congress had begun to plan the restructure of the military. Plans were made to return the War Department to a peace-time force while allowing the military to be able to deal with new world-wide military situations, as well as those situations on the frontier.

It was decided that a force of regulars, not civilian soldiers, would be needed to meet the defense needs of the western frontier, an immense territory including the Upper Midwest and the Great Lakes Region, acquired in the Louisiana Purchase. This fact was painfully realized in the first year and a half of the War of 1812, when the United States was largely ineffective against the British (Shrader 1993 :25). The following years saw an effort to properly train a professional force, a force that would be used to maintain peace between groups of settlers and Native American populations on the frontier. Often, the Army was sent out ahead of settlers into frontier areas to secure Native cooperation with the coming settlement by Euro-Americans. Securing such cooperation was accomplished through treaties as well as by force when necessary.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the U. S. Army had established a number of forts along what was known as the military frontier. During Thomas Jefferson's administration, between 1801and1809, only 27 posts existed. By 1817, that number had expanded to 73.

By the 1820s, more than 60 percent of the Army was stationed on the western frontier. 21

This presence served its intended purpose by managing Native populations and encouraging Euro-American settlement (Shrader 1993 :31 ).

The Winnebago

The main purpose behind the establishment of Fort Atkinson was to facilitate the removal of the Winnebago, or Ho Chunk Nation, into northwest Iowa from Wisconsin by providing protection for the group, making certain none of the Winnebago attempted to return to Wisconsin. Because the Winnebago were crucial to the foundation and function of the fort, a brief discussion of the group and the events leading up to their removal to present-day Winneshiek County is warranted.

Linguistically, the Winnebago belong to a family of Siouan-speaking peoples which over 2500 years has divided into the Western Siouans (Crow-Hidatsa and Mandan),

Central Siouans (Winnebago, Dhegiha Sioux, and the Chiwere Sioux), and Eastern Siouans

(Biloxi, Tutelo, and Ofo) (Voegelin 1941 ; Wolff 1950; 1951). Inferring from the distribution of Siouan-speakers, it is likely that Proto-Siouans were located in the central

Mississippi and lower Ohio valleys prior to 500 BC (Springer and Witkowski 1982), a central location from which the Siouans presumably dispersed. It has been suggested that certain historic Native American groups, including Chiwere-Winnebago-speaking groups, are most likely the historic manifestation of the Oneota tradition (Mott 1959). Other groups probably linked to the Oneota tradition include Dhegihan groups along the

Missouri and Algonkian groups in Illinois. The Oneota were represented by mixed hunting, foraging, and farming communities in the Prairie Peninsula, dating from AD 1150 22 to historic times (Tiffany 1997:205). The Oneota tradition is an archaeologically defined

"culture" identified mainly in terms of ceramics (Hall 1962:108; Henning 1970:141; Wedel

1959: 111). Oneota pottery is typically shell-tempered and often decorated with stylized motifs composed of trailed lines and punctuates (Tiffany 1997:205). Vessel forms are globular and ellipsoid-shaped jars with constricted mouths and rounded bottoms, though other forms such as bowls are known. Other diagnostic artifacts include small notched and unnotched triangular projectile points and red pipestone disc pipes.

The Winnebago would eventually become separated from their Siouan relatives and subsequently become surrounded by Central Algonquian groups (Radin 1923:4), particularly the Sauk and Meskwaki and the Menominee (Jones 1974:21). Europeans first encountered the Winnebago in 1634 when Jean Nicolet, agent for Governor Champlain, met them. The meeting between the Winnebago and Nicolet reportedly took place at Red

Banks on the east shore of Green Bay, although no contemporary account or Winnebago legend concerning the meeting exists (Radin 1923 :5). Red Banks has been accepted as the site of the first meeting because of the Winnebago's seventeenth century presence there and because of recent Winnebago tradition that traces the nation's origin to Red Banks

(Hall 1993: 11-12). At first contact the group probably extended to Lake Winnebago

(Hexom 1913), at which time, they had found themselves surrounded by Central

Algonquian tribes. To the west they were still in contact with related groups, the Ioway,

Oto, and Missouri. However, the Winnebago and their Algonquian neighbors had come to share certain cultural characteristics (Jones 1974:21). For a time, the Winnebago were 23 allied with the Sauk and Meskwaki and always supported the Meskwaki during their battles with the French and battles with their Illinoian enemies (Hexom 1913). However, the Winnebago would eventually become friendly with the French, enjoying trade with the

Europeans. When Canada was ceded to England by the French in 1763, the Winnebago eventually transferred their allegiance to the British, even supporting them when colonists declared independence in 1776. Eventually, during the War of 1812, the Winnebago had little choice but to shift their allegiances to the Americans.

Beginning in 1825, a number of treaties with the United States government came to affect the Winnebago. A treaty of August 19, 1825 created an east-west neutral line in northeast Iowa which was to separate the Santee Dakota to the north from the amalgamated Sauk and Meskwaki to the south. Meant to delineate each groups' hunting· grounds, the line ran from the mouth of the upper Iowa River on the Mississippi to the upper fork of the Des Moines River (Hexom 1913). However, due to continued fighting between the two groups the "Neutral Ground" was created through a July 15, 1830 treaty at Prairie du Chien. This order established a 20-rnile-wide strip of land on either side of the line (Hexom 1913 :9). Though officially created to separate the two Santee and Sauk and

Meskwaki, the United States government had begun to make plans to remove the

Winnebago from Wisconsin (Street 1899). The Neutral Ground was considered a convenient place to keep them for a time (Peterson 1996: 15). After the Treaty of Fort

Armstrong, a small group of Winnebago moved into the Neutral Ground in 1832. Most other Winnebago were reluctant to leave Wisconsin, however. Not only did they not care 24

to move such a distance from their homeland, they were concerned about the animosity

that the Dakota and the Sauk and Meskwaki felt toward one another. With good reason,

the Winnebago were not eager to relocate to relatively small strip of land between the two

groups in the Iowa Territory (Rogers 1993:9). Regardless, a treaty signed in Washington,

D. C. in 193 7 prompted the Winnebago to cede their land in Wisconsin in exchange for land

in the Neutral ground. Most Winnebago protested, however, arguing that those tribal

members who signed the treaty were not authorized to do so and that the delegation did

not know exactly what they were signing. The tribe split into two factions, one that

planned to abide by the treaty and one that hid from U. S. troops in Wisconsin. In 1840,

the cooperative group moved from Wisconsin and were eventually resettled at the Turkey

River Subagency, near Fort Atkinson in present-day Winneshiek County. In June, 1848,

the Winnebago left Fort Atkinson for Long Prairie, Minnesota, northwest of present-day

St. Cloud, between the Watab and Crow Rivers. In 1855, a reservation was established

south of Mankato, Minnesota, with a subagency located on the Le Sueur River (Friedrick

1980; Hill 1974: Merry and Green 1989; Peterson 1996). In 1862, the Winnebago were

moved to Crow Creek in South Dakota. Most of these Winnebago left Crow Creek either to establish themselves among the Omaha in Nebraska or to return to Wisconsin. Finally,

in 1865, a Winnebago reservation was created south of Sioux City, Iowa, adjacent to the

Omaha reservation, where it still exists today.

Those Winnebago who chose to stay in Wisconsin were settled around an agency at

Plover, Wisconsin in 1864. They remained at Plover until 1869, when the agency was 25 moved to Necedah, then to New Lisbon, and finally abolished in 1870 (Hill 1974). In

1881, Winnebago who had remained in Wisconsin were give permission to purchase 40 acre farmsteads in ten different counties. Unfortunately, however, the most desirable land had been purchased by Euro-Americans by this time (Peterson 1996:17-18).

History of Fort Atkinson

In the spring of 1840, the United States War Department had proposed the construction of a military post on the Red Cedar River, the present-day Cedar River.

However, General Henry Atkinson, a "greying career soldier" (Nichols 1965:590), decided such a location would be too far south in Iowa and wanted to assure the hesitant

Winnebago that a post would be built near their new settlement on the Turkey River. Prior to his involvement with the Winnebago, Atkinson had made his career as a frontier general and Indian fighter. In 1819, he commanded the Yellowstone Expedition. Intended as a show of force to Indians and the British at the mouth of the Yellowstone River in northwest Wyoming, the expedition led to the establishment of Fort Atkinson, Nebraska, north of Council Bluffs, Iowa. In 1825, Atkinson travel up the Missouri River meeting and making treaties with native groups. Having selected a site north of St. Louis for

Jefferson Barracks, where he subsequently lived, Atkinson directed Colonel Henry

Leavenworth to establish a fort on the Kansas frontier. Having commanded troops at battles including Bad Axe, Henry Atkinson was a significant force in the Black Hawk War of 1832. In April, 1840, General Atkinson gathered several bands of Winnebago and escorted them to Fort Crawford, a post on the Mississippi at Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin. 26

Atkinson had the assistance of Colonel William J. Worth's Eighth Infantry, a detachment of the Fifth Infantry under Brigadier General George M. Brooke, and a troop of dragoons commanded by Captain Edwin V. Sumner. The bands crossed over to the west side of the

Mississippi but refused to go any farther into the Neutral Ground. Having set up houses along the river in an attempt to stay, the Winnebago were allowed to stay until fall of that year. When fall arrived, the Winnebago were still reluctant to move further west into Iowa.

Profiting from sales made to the Winnebago, mercenary traders and whisky sellers had encouraged them to refuse to move to the Turkey River site. Even an offer by the government to carry the Winnebago's property and sick in wagons at no cost to the

Turkey River was declined. In a final attempt to move the Winnebago, the government decided to refuse the payment of annuities to the group at any place besides the new subagency, which prompted them to begin their move westward (Mahan 1926:220-221).

As General Atkinson was attempting to move the Winnebago, Company F of the

Fifth Infantry under the command of Captain Isaac Lynde had been sent into the Neutral

Ground to protect the Winnebago from the Sauk and Meskwaki. They traveled to a site on a limestone bluff above Rogers Creek, near the Turkey River. The site was located four miles northwest of the Turkey River Subagency, where the Winnebago would actually reside (Figure 13). The formation of Indian agencies and subagencies is briefly discussed below.

The Office of Indian Affairs created superintendencies and agencies.

Superintendents oversaw the relations between Native American groups within their 27 jurisdiction as well as the relations between Indians and those doing business with them.

Superintendents also supervised agents who were in tum responsible for 1) the education

and "civilization" of one or more Native groups, 2) allotment distribution, and 3) the

preservation or restoration of peace. (Hill 1974: 1). Only a certain number of

superintendents and agents were appointed by the President and approved by the Senate.

In 1834, an Act of Congress gave the President the authority to discontinue or transfer

agencies but not to create new agencies. Thus, subagencies were created when needed.

Though paid less and assigned smaller or less important jurisdictions, subagents shared

responsibilities identical to those of agents (Hill 1974).

On May 31, 1840, Captain Lynde and Company F named their post "Camp

Atkinson" in honor of their department commander (Carter 1899). Having traveled from

Prairie du Chien under the escort of Company F, nearly 50 mechanics began the construction of barracks and quarters two days after Camp Atkinson was named. Some building materials had been hauled by government teamsters from Fort Crawford, Prairie du

Chien, a trip that took them over fifty miles of prairie. This route would later be known as the old military trail. During the summer and fall of 1840, loads of pine lumber, nails, and other supplies were hauled by horses, oxen, and mules. Walnut lumber for interiors was milled at a sawmill near the Winnebago school, presumably at the subagency, while limestone blocks were quarried from a site very near the camp (Figures 8 and 11) (Mahan

1926:221-222). That summer, masons and carpenters finished quarters for Company F.

Also during this period of construction, a storage facility was built on the west bank of the 28

Mississippi, opposite Fort Crawford. Supplies were to be held there until they could be hauled to the new post.

Major construction of the fort was completed by 1842, although, construction projects continued periodically at the site until 1844. Particulars of the construction sequence are outlined in the section concerning construction history, below. The cost of the construction of the fort buildings and the road from Prairie du Chien was $90,000.

Such a figure was unwarranted in the eyes of the Quartermaster General. He understood that Euro-Americans would continue their advance west, pressuring the government to force Native Americans from the Neutral Ground, eventually rendering Fort Atkinson unnecessary (Mahan 1926:223-224).

In the spring of 1841 the post was given the name "Fort Atkinson." Responding to rumors that the Sauk and Meskwaki were becoming hostile, Governor Dodge of the

Wisconsin Territory requested a mounted force be sent into the Neutral Ground to protect the Winnebago and to prevent the Winnebago from returning to Wisconsin. General

Atkinson, now stationed at St. Louis, ordered troops to march from Fort Crawford to the

Red Cedar River and Turkey River until mounted troops, or dragoons, could be sent.

Because neither stables nor barracks had been completed at this time, General Atkinson thought it unwise to station Dragoons at the post until housing could be finished and forage was available for the horses (Carter 1899:449-451).

On June 24, 1841, Company B of the First United States Dragoons arrived at Fort

Atkinson under the command of Captain Edwin V. Sumner. Having arrived at Fort 29

Crawford in August, Company K of the First Infantry replaced Captain Lynde's

Company F at Fort Atkinson in September, 1841. By 1842, those living at Fort Atkinson had settled into their routine duties. At times the monotony was broken up when patrols were assembled to search the Neutral Ground for Winnebago and Euro-American squatters.

In the fall of 1842, subagent, Reverend David Lowry, reported that the Winnebago were still quite scattered. More than eight hundred had dispersed into the area north of the

Neutral Ground, two hundred more were near the Mississippi on the Upper Iowa River, leaving seven hundred fifty six remaining at the subagency (Mahan 1926:224). Because of these numbers, dragoons regularly patrolled the Neutral Ground persuading or forcing

Winnebago back to the Turkey River Subagency. Straying bands of Winnebago were often forced back into Iowa by soldiers called from Fort Crawford.

At the same time, settlers in Iowa were becoming increasingly interested in acquiring the Neutral Ground from the Winnebago, and began pressuring the government to remove them once again. In July, 1843, Governor John Chambers of Iowa Territory held council with the Winnebago to discuss the issue. With him were Sumner's dragoons and

Company A from Fort Crawford. Chambers' attempts to persuade the Winnebago to leave Iowa were unsuccessful at that time (Mahan 1926:225-226).

From fall 1843 to Spring 1844, Captain Sumner and his dragoons persisted in removing Winnebago from the west sh.ore of the Mississippi into the Neutral Ground, some 20 miles west. Later in 1844, a second attempt was made to purchase the Winnebago rights to Neutral Ground. Like the attempt in 1843, this one failed. In 1845, Governor 30

Dodge of Wisconsin Territory and a company from Fort Crawford traveled to Fort

Atkinson in order to hold another council. One thousand five hundred Winnebago were present, and again, were not willing to move. It is suggested that they had come under the influence of traders who had persuaded the Winnebago to stay in the Neutral Ground

(Mahan 1926:226). Dodge suggested that the Winnebago be given the right to select a new reservation in Santee Dakota-held Minnesota, and that delegations of both tribes be sent to

Washington, D. C. to negotiate directly with the government.

On May 27, 1846, a War Department circular reached Fort Atkinson. It announced the state of war between the United States and Mexico. Frontier troops including those at

Fort Atkinson and Fort Crawford were summoned to Mexico and the Southwest. Various state governors were ordered to raise state volunteer forces to man posts which were abandoned by federal troops. On June 20, 1846, Company B, 1st Dragoons left Fort

Atkinson. James M. Morgan, having received the rank of captain from Governor Clarke of

Iowa Territory, was assigned to enlist a company for service at Fort Atkinson.

Affectionately called "Little Red'', Morgan had enlisted 68 men at Burlington and moved them up the Mississippi via steamboat to the military road across from Prairie du Chien.

From there, Morgan's Company A of the First Iowa Volunteer Infantry marched to Fort

Atkinson. Three additional men enrolled at the fort and the company was brought into the service of the United States on July 15, 1846 (Mahan 1926:229).

Soon after, a mounted force was ordered to Fort Atkinson. Having had to supply their own horses, saddles, and equipment, the Iowa Mounted Volunteers were mustered 31 into service under the command of Brevet Major Alexander S. Hooe at Fort Atkinson on

September 9, 1846. Sixty-nine days later, on November 5, the War Department decided to dismiss the mounted volunteers. This surprising tum around was most likely because of the need to commit financial resources to the Mexican front (Williams 1980:65).

Recognizing the need to patrol the Neutral Ground with a mounted force, Morgan dismissed the Volunteer Infantry and re-enlisted the Mounted Volunteers on July 15,

1847. Not only were the Iowa dragoons needed to patrol the Neutral Ground more effectively, plans were being made to move the Winnebago again, a task which required a mounted force (Mahan 1926:236).

The previous October (1846), Winnebago delegates had traveled to Washington and agreed to a treaty in which they ceded all their land claims in the Neutral Ground (Mahan

1926:230; Williams 1980:66). They agreed to move to a reservation of roughly 8,000 acres in Minnesota within one year after the treaty was ratified. On February 4, 1847 the treaty was signed into law. On June 8, 1848, "Between two and three thousand Indians with sixteen hundred ponies, one hundred and sixty-six army wagons loaded with the supplies and movable property of the tribesmen as well as the goods of the agency, a lumbering cannon, and the mounted volunteers armed with rifle, sword, and revolver" (Mahan

1926:238) left for Minnesota. In September, 1848, Morgan's company was dismissed and replaced by Captain T. L. Alexander's Company C of the Sixth Infantry. On February 24,

1849, Fort Atkinson was abandoned, more or less. A series of government caretakers 32 administered the property until it was auctioned to the public sometime between 1853 and

1855 (Bailey 1913 :229-230).

Life at Fort Atkinson

Daily Life of Officers and Their Families

The life of an officer at a frontier post revolved around the daily schedule, much like the lives of the enlisted men. However, officer's duties differed substantially than those of enlisted men. Commissioned officers spent much of their time completing paperwork (King 1997: 124 ). Non-commissioned officers, sergeants, and corporals spent much of their time supervising the troops' activities and training them. Other duties officers were assigned included the policing of the fort. A police officer was to inspect the camp and make sure it was clean and free of fires, save for those in kitchens (Gideon 1841 ).

Mail duty was a welcome assignment to which both officers and enlisted men were assigned (Williams 1980:630). Leaving the fort on Monday for Prairie du Chien to pick up mail, a soldier was not expected back until Thursday. This weekly trip to the "big city" was always a reprieve from the mundane tasks of fort life. Officers were given mail, courier, and purchasing assignments that took them much further distances. Trips, like ones to buy horses might take them as far as Springfield, Illinois. A call to court-martial or recruiting service also served to alleviate the boredom.

According to military regulations, officers were provided quarters based on rank, which determined the amount of space afforded to each officer. Two rooms and a kitchen were reserved for a captain. Lieutenants were allowed only one room. It made no 33 difference whether an officer was married or not, leading to situations where quarters were often shared by two officers and their families.

Officers and their families regularly made attempts to bring "civilization" to frontier posts. Dinner parties and dances were thrown, theaters and libraries were established, and churches and schools were organized at most posts along the frontier (Mahan 1926:200).

No record of the establishment of a theater troop at Fort Atkinson exists. However, 13 years earlier, Fort Crawford had established a tradition of staging dramatic productions for the garrison and visitors (Williams 1982: 172). Fort Crawford also housed a post library, suggesting that Fort Atkinson may have done the same. Often times officers brought fine furniture and table service to frontier posts. Unbelievably, one Major Plympton brought a piano with him when he was sent to Fort Snelling, Minnesota.

Few primary or secondary documents mention the presence of women or children at Fort Atkinson. They did live at frontier posts, and left some evidence of their presence

(King 1997:126; Prucha 1953:201). Schools were usually established at forts to provide an education for the children of officers, as was the case at Fort Atkinson. The lower level of the South Barracks was divided into living rooms and one large room with benches, a platform, and a pulpit. This large room served as a chapel on Sunday and a schoolroom during weekdays. It is not clear whether enlisted men regularly brought their wives and children to live at Army posts. Given the limited amount of space allotted to a private, it is likely that only officers could afford this luxury. 34

Daily Life of Enlisted Men

The military life of an enlisted man was spelled out the General Regulations for the

Army , a book that listed basic rules of army life. This book, orders from superiors, and the routine of the fort regulated a soldier's daily life (Williams 1982: 164). General

Regulations called for reveille to wake the sleeping soldiers every morning. Roll was called in front of the quarters, after which, soldiers were to put their quarters into order.

Sick call then sounded, at which time any ill soldiers were taken to the hospital. After a second roll call, breakfast was served at nine o'clock. Enlisted men ate their meals separately from the officers. Meals usually consisted of bread and soup, which was to be boiled for at least five hours (Williams 1980:52). For some, then, food preparation was a time consuming part of the day. The Sutler's Store provided a means to supplement one's diet and was a place to purchase various non-military-issue items. Sutler, Henry Rice, stocked goods from cooking utensils to furniture, whose prices were set by a council of officers (Rice 1845 ).

Stable call was sounded twice a day, before noon and at sunset. Obviously, the care of post animals was of utmost concern. Horses were watered, fed, and shod. Apart from horses, there were mule and oxen teams to care for. The number of mules and oxen present at Fort Atkinson varied according to the cost of hiring local teamsters. The more expensive local teamsters' fees, the more the fort depended on military-owned animals to haul supplies. In December, 1842, the quartermaster at Fort Atkinson had two six-mule 35 teams and two six-oxen teams for general work. The cost of maintaining these animals was substantial as indicated by numerous local contracts for oats, com, and hay (Reque 1930).

Men were summoned for duty each morning with the "troop" bugle call. The soldiers" duties were assigned according to skills they already possessed. For instance, a man with a propensity for baking bread might find himself put to work at the Bakehouse.

More food-related assignments included slaughtering and butchering beef, cutting ice in the winter, tending gardens, and cooking the meals (Williams 1982: 167). During the first few years of the fort's occupation, soldiers would most often contribute to the construction of the fort structures. The building of Fort Atkinson required stone masons, plasterers, brick masons, and carpenters. If soldiers that were skilled in a particular construction trade were unavailable, civilian workers were brought in to do the jobs. In 1841, Captain Lynde reported that he only had a single stone mason, three carpenters, and no plasterers or brick masons (Lynde 1841; Williams 1980:54). In the unfortunate event that a soldier was unskilled, he was set to carrying stone from the quarry or felling trees for the picketing or other buildings. During the sometimes severe winters, men were assigned to cut firewood, a assignment that drew soldiers farther and farther from the post as trees were felled for the construction of the fort. In January of 1843, 25 privates and 1 non-commissioned officer were sent in the dead of winter to cut wood. A month later, 20 privates were detached for the same task (Williams 1980:55). On the upside, soldiers were given an extra 18 cents a day for cutting extra fuel (Plummer 1844 ). 36

Often times, patrol duty was a welcome change from the monotonous life of garrison duty. Patrols were not only dispatched to prevent the Winnebago from returning to Wisconsin, they were sent out to remove Euro-Americans who had begun to enter the

Neutral Ground. During 1842, Captain Sumner's Dragoons patrolled for several weeks forcing Euro-American squatters from Native lands to the south. A squatter might have expected soldiers to bum his cabin down, destroy his fences, and trample his crops, likely persuading him not to stay in the Neutral Ground or return to it later (Mahan 1926:225).

At times patrols were only sent out to demonstrate the strength of the United States

Army. Other times, patrols were the vehicle by which the Winnebago received their annuities.

Soldiers might also be required to perform guard duty, although, it is not certain how many guards were posted at Fort Atkinson at one time. The number of guards at a particular post depended on the size of it garrison and the extent to which it needed to be guarded. It is unlikely that guarding Fort Atkinson was a major concern. In fact, a threat to Fort Atkinson was so unexpected that the two blockhouses, the principal defensive positions of the fort, were some of the last to be finished, and, were used to store

Commissary goods while that building was being finished (Williams 1980:57). Most often guards were placed at a fort's gates, though, they might have been placed at other posts, such as at the Commissary or Sutler's store.

It is unlikely that soldiers had much time for leisure activity during the years the fort was under construction. An off-duty soldier could earn extra money working on the 37 buildings, as many men did (Williams 1980:62). Once the buildings were finished a soldier could still earn extra money painting and making repairs. However, regardless of the many opportunities for soldiers to keep busy, commanders at frontier posts often complained that their troops spent too much of their time smoking, drinking, and playing cards. By

1830, whiskey was no longer a part of a soldier's daily rations, so drinking was not officially condoned. Evidence for other recreational activity is represented by the material culture of Fort Atkinson, which includes dorninos, pipes, and Jew's harps (a.k.a. jaw harps) recovered during archaeological excavations.

At every sunset, "retreat" was heard, prompting the soldiers to assemble and listen for the next day's orders. Later, "tattoo" was sounded, ordering soldiers to stay in their quarters until reveille woke them the next morning (General Regulations).

Daily Life of Others

According to the General Regulations, four women could be employed as laundress, women who washed and mended enlisted and non-commissioned officers' clothes. Laundresses were civilian women, listed on company rosters, and eligible for rations. Some were single or widowed, while most were the wives of enlisted men or non- commissioned officers (King 1997:134). Usually, the women, their husbands, and their children lived in quarters which were supplied by the post (Williams 1982: 167). In the case of Fort Atkinson, three log cabins serving as laundresses' huts were constructed outside the picketing to the west of a row of workhouses. The names of these women are not known, nor is whether they were married to any of the men stationed at the fort. 38

Another civilian residing at the fort was the sutler. Henry Rice was Fort

Atkinson's sutler, but for how long is unknown. The Sutler's Store, located in the northwest comer of the fort grounds (Figure 6), provided food and non-military-issue items for soldiers to purchase. Finally, as Fort Atkinson was in its construction stages, the government was forced to hire skilled civilian laborers to help build the fort. Presumably, these men lived on or near the fort grounds. Little is known of where they resided, whether in the barracks or in structures which have not been located archaeologically.

Health and Diet

Despite the varying degrees of social and economic standing, all frontier residents, military or civilian, shared common circumstances, including physically demanding labor, natural disasters, disease, harshness of climate, and general lack of health care (Faragher

1986). Skeletal evidence and the historical record are two sources one may draw from to analyzed health and diet on the frontier. Since skeletal evidence is not available for Fort

Atkinson military populations, fort documents and accounts of health at other frontier posts and homesteads are used to determine the level of health at Fort Atkinson. Post returns do indicate that soldiers visited the fort hospital in regular numbers.

Diet

One of the most significant factors affecting health is diet. Obviously, starvation was the most extreme result of an insufficient diet on the frontier. However, a poor, unchanging diet, while not necessarily resulting in starvation, also impacted health, often quite dramatically. Evidence for diet and the problems stemming from an inadequate one 39 are apparent in numerous historical and skeletal studies concerning both military and early settler populations (Larsen et al. 1995; Nepstad-Thorberry 1987; Ortner and Putschar

1981 ; Turner 1979).

In relation to the diet of a typical frontier settlement during the nineteenth century, it is likely that soldiers received a superior diet. The government had the financial resources and transportation to be certain a post did not go hungry. However, the people at Fort Atkinson did not have to rely on government food shipments alone. A substantial amount of provisions and food were obtained from the vicinity of the fort. Beef cattle were kept nearby, presumably to become a main ingredient in the soldiers' soup. Gardens provided the officers and enlisted men with a variety of produce. Officers' gardens were located directly behind their barracks (Figure 6), with company gardens located somewhere outside of the fort stockade. So important were gardens, that Private John Putnam was sent to Fort Atkinson ahead of Company B, First Dragoons in order to plant a garden for the company two months in advance (Williams 1980:53). Documentary evidence does not indicate what sorts of produce were being grown in the gardens. Likewise, no relict plants indicating what might have been grown are present on the former garden plots. It is possible that crops including maize or squash may have been cultivated as was the case at

Fort Atkinson, Nebraska (Carlson 1979:95). Other food and provisions which were not available at the fort were bought on contract. Supplies purchased for one year (1844) included 125 barrels of salt pork, 160 barrels of flour, 40 bushels of beans, 1,150 pounds of soap, 500 pounds of candles, 15 bushels of salt, and 500 gallons of vinegar (Gibson 1844). 40

From a warehouse at Prairie du Chien, supplies were hauled by wagon to Fort Atkinson and stored in the Commissary. Owners of the warehouse were H. L. Dousman and Henry

Rice, Fort Atkinson's sutler. Finally, water was supplied by ox teams that hauled water up the bluff to be dumped into the cistern (Williams 1980:51). The cistern had actually be started in hopes of striking a spring to create a well, a hope that was quite possible given the area's abundant subterranean drainage systems (Prior 1991:91). However, after digging through 70 or 80 feet of solid limestone, engineers gave up having not reached water.

Disease

Another great threat to health on the frontier was infectious disease. The historical record allows one to understand more clearly the occurrences and effects of disease on frontier populations. According to Larsen et al. (1995:143), most deaths were thought to have been caused by various diseases, pneumonia, tuberculosis, and intestinal disorders.

Outbreaks of typhoid ("brain fever") were common during late summer and fall when flies thrived in the raw sewage and offal pools that were common to pioneer farms (Faragher

1986). Thus, living conditions were conducive to parasites and bacteria that cause acute disease. Cholera tended to affect Fort Crawford in the years prior to the construction of

Fort Atkinson. In 1832, General Winfield Scott, attempting to reach Fort Crawford, was delayed in Detroit and then in Chicago by an outbreak of cholera among the troops.

Another attack of cholera delayed a council with the Sauk and Meskwaki and would prompt conferences to be held across the river, away from the scene of the epidemic. In

1833, the building of barracks at Fort Crawford was interrupted by another episode of 41 cholera and was not completed until a year later (Mahan 1926: 13 7). Occupied until the

1860s, Fort Harker Kansas was also visited by various infectious diseases. These included malaria, dysentery, bronchitis or pleurisy, cerebro-spinal meningitis, tuberculosis, typhoid fever, and pneumonia (King 1997: 134-13 5). Though no list of particular diseases affecting

Fort Atkinson's population has been located, presumably, soldiers there suffered similar diseases. In a third quarter, 1840 surgeons report William S. King notes, "the cases of fever at this post with few exceptions, can be traced to Fort Crawford" (King 1840). It is likely that Forts Atkinson and Crawford, roughly 50 miles apart, shared similar instances of disease because of the regular traffic between them and because the forts shared similar conditions, including close-quarter living which is conducive to the spread of infectious disease, most notably tuberculosis and cholera

Health Care

Today one would consider the availability of health care to be directly correlated to a populations' level of health. However, the knowledge and abilities of physicians in the nineteenth century probably aided little in the fight against the host of diseases or injuries listed above (Riley 1981 ). Quinine, morphine, herbal medicines, patent medicines, and blood letting were the extent of a doctor's treatments. However, doctors were often called upon to curb and hopefully eliminate the symptoms associated with a range of illnesses.

Each morning at Fort Atkinson the bugler sounded "surgeon's call", at which time soldiers who had become sick over night would be escorted by the first sergeant of the company to the hospital in the east wing of North Barracks. Health care was markedly more available 42

to the soldiers than it was to other frontier populations. Post surgeon, an officer in the

Army, was always present at the fort. Assistant surgeons were also present and accorded the rank of captain if they had served five years or the rank of first lieutenant if they had served less than five years. Out of the entire time the post was garrisoned, only six months went by without a man reporting to the hospital. Many months saw 8 to 11 men escorted to the hospital for treatment. Regardless of the probably futile attempts to treat the actual causes of illness at Fort Atkinson, 16 deaths were reported between August,

1840 and February 1849 (State Historical Society of Iowa, Fort Atkinson Research File

Ms 173 ). After the name of each of the deceased, this source sometimes lists two dates, roughly two months apart, without any explanation (Table 1). The author's only guess is the first might represent the onset of an illness and the second, the date of death. It is presumed those listed below are buried in the post cemetery, northwest of the fort site, with the exception of William Williams, who drowned in the Cedar River while on duty.

Trauma

Another impact on one's health is trauma, either accidental or intentional. Trauma is most often associated with accidents or battle wounds that may result in fractures, internal injuries, or both. Because frontier life contained periodically stressful or dangerous activities, one expects to find historical accounts of physically traumatic events. The 1850

Mortality Census of Iowa (pp. 446-447) reports that 300 deaths resulted from accidents that year. Another study cites an example of a young child having fallen from a wagon and almost being crushed by the wheel on a family's trip to Iowa (Riley 1981:22). One might 43

expect the lives of frontier military men to be fraught with danger and constant physical

trauma as they battled Native Americans and Euro-American squatters. However, the life

of an enlisted man at a fort tended to be rather mundane (King 1997; Mahan 1926;

Williams 1882). At Fort Atkinson and Fort Crawford, daily life was filled with

monotonous tasks. Though no documentation suggests that traumatic accidents ever

resulted from cutting logs, quarrying stone, sawing lumber, or cutting ice, one might expect

there to be a periodic mishap associated with such potentially dangerous activities. All of

the accounts of trauma were reported to have occurred during field patrols. On one

occasion in 1844, Private William Williams of B Company Dragoons drowned while

attempting to cross the Cedar river on his horse (McKusick l 966a). Ten years earlier, a

keel boat traveling down an unidentified tributary of the Mississippi was tossed from one

bank to the other, becoming entangle in trees. After hitting a sandbar, the boat encountered two Menominee Indians in a dug-out canoe who paddled the men to safety, one by one

(Mahan 1926).

Physical Activity

Physical labor is another element of frontier life that would have a affected health.

Historical documentation reveals the types and amounts of work that people would have done. Strenuous physical activity can be considered beneficial to the health of an individual up to a point. However, prolonged physical strain can cause a host of problems including dislocations, fractures, and degenerative joint changes (Ortner and Putschar

1981 ). At military posts, skilled soldiers were assigned to specific jobs, such as baker, 44 blacksmith, carpenter, clerk, cook, hospital steward, mechanic, or teamster. Many of these jobs subjected the men to repeated physical stress that would affect their health. Other soldiers found themselves assigned to unskilled tasks such as hauling water, picking up or hauling trash, cleaning or repairing buildings, gardening, cutting wood or hay, loading or unloading supplies, or cutting and hauling ice. However, unlike the soldiers with skills, unskilled soldiers were not bound to one job. In fact, most soldiers were periodically given assignments to escort a stagecoach or wagon train or ride on patrol. Had the soldiers ridden horses continuously one might expect the soldiers to develop related pathologies.

Correspondence and other historical accounts indicates that a great deal of horseback riding over sometimes rough terrain was performed (Mahan 1926; McKusick l 966a; Reque

1930). Such activity would result in certain health problems, especially those affecting the back and knees. At Fort Atkinson, routine tasks depended on the season. In the spring and summer, gardens were cultivated. Other soldiers were employed to cut the enormous supply of logs needed for the winter's fireplaces. While the fort was being built, stone was quarried, logs were cut and hauled, and lumber was sawed. All such tasks were performed by, and probably took their physiological toll on the soldiers. 45

CHAPTER 5. ARCHITECTURE OF FORT ATKINSON

Construction History

The ideal location on which to construct a 19th century military post was on or near a river, preferably on an adjacent bluff (Shrader 1993 :32). The river not only provided

protection against assault on one side, but also served as means of transporting men and

supplies. Military posts were given a variety of classifications. One with permanent

wooden structures was called a "cantonment." Most often such a post would be occupied for one or two seasons and lacked extensive defenses. A "fort" housed troops inside a high-walled defensive structure. Such forts were characteristic of military outposts east of the Great Plains, where timber was plentiful. As was the case with Fort Atkinson, the soldiers at a specific post were responsible for its construction. Making improvements over time, soldiers might transform a post from a collection of timber structures to those constructed of brick and stone. From 1783 to 1846, U. S. soldiers built or helped to build

148 forts, one of which was Fort Atkinson.

The following historic profile outlines the series .of events contributing to the construction and use of Fort Atkinson. On May 31, 1840, Company F, 5th Infantry, arrived at the site where the fort was to be built. Orders were given to J. H. Whipple to superintend the construction of log cabins to house food stores sent from Fort Crawford on the Mississippi. There were also to be soldiers' barracks (South Barracks) and an officers' quarters (East Barracks), each two stories high and made of logs which were hewn flat on two sides. The barracks were also to hold a temporary hospital. The buildings 46 were to be built at right angles to each other with a picketing or stockade enclosing the spaces (Reque 1930). As the summer progressed, so did construction. However, bureaucratic troubles would delay the completion of the buildings for more than two years.

At the end of the summer, the Quartermaster General in Washington sent word that no appropriation had been made for the construction of the post and, consequently, the employment of hired mechanics could not be sanctioned. From that point, the majority of fort construction would be completed by troops who volunteered for extra duty.

Carpenters that had been hired were dismissed. By October, the troops had moved into the new quarters, though interior work on the buildings was not yet complete.

The following season other buildings were to be built to house a new company that was to be stationed at the fort. The additional company was to be a company of dragoons and required not only extra officers' quarters and barracks, but stables as well. It was suggested that stone be used for all future buildings for two reasons. First, the wooden buildings did not stand up to the harsh Iowa winter as they had not been weather boarded and plastered on the interior. Also, adequate building stone was much more abundant than good timber, with a quarry just fifty yards from the site (Lynde 1841 ). The stone was to be quarried by the enlisted men without the use of blasting powder. Work on the new stone buildings began in 1841, while the log buildings remained unfinished. The portion of the log barracks that held the hospital was only partially floored and the buildings were still in need of weather boarding. In July, 1841, work to finish the log buildings was finally authorized and a carpenter and plasterer were hired. 47

Reportedly, in the spring of 1842, the stone officers' quarters had yet to be completed and the stone barracks had not yet received a roof (Jesup 1842). To expedite the construction process, S. M. Plummer, Acting Quartermaster of Fort Crawford, was ordered to superintend the construction of Fort Atkinson. Plummer was also directed to make a detailed estimate of the amount of money needed to finish the work. Having arrived at Fort Atkinson, Plummer found outstanding debts of almost 8,000 dollars in the accounts of the post and estimated the cost of completing the buildings would be roughly the same amount. At this time it was estimate that it would take two or three months to complete the stone barracks and that the post still did not have a powder magazine. Also, contracts for the digging of a well and the construction of a commissary storehouse had just been let.

By the end of the summer of 1842, the fort was for the most part complete.

Lieutenant A. W. Reynolds sketched the post for the War Department's records. His plan shows the locations of 24 buildings at the fort (Figure 6). Four long, rectangular barracks stood, two of logs hewn flat and two of stone, all two stories tall. The barracks enclosed a square parade and drill ground which was larger than an acre (Mahan 1926:223). Each of the barracks measured twenty feet from ground to eaves and had an upper porch stretching the length of each building. One of the stone barracks (East Barracks) was occupied by commissioned officers and their families. Non-commissioned officers and their families resided in one made of hewn logs (West Barracks). One of the officers' quarters had movable wooden blinds hung on its second story porch for privacy. Private soldiers lived 48 in the other stone (North Barracks) and wood (South Barracks) barracks. The North

Barracks housed a hospital on the first story of its east wing. The South Barracks' second story was fitted with bucks, while the lower level was divided into living rooms and one large room with benches, a platform, and a pulpit. This room served as chapel on Sundays and as a school for the officers' children during the week (Mahan 1923:223). A tall flag pole was placed at one end of the parade ground. At the northeast and southwest comers of the stockade stood two gun houses (Northeast and Southwest Blockhouses), each with thick stone walls and hipped roofs. The Powder Magazine stood in the southeast comer, with the Commissary, an adjoined Sutler's Store, and the Guard House opposite to it in the northwest comer. An 11 feet 9 inches picketing of squared logs stood with loop holes present every four feet (Hexom 1913:338-339). Outside the stockade were 14 additional buildings. They were 4 large stables, a granary, a bakehouse, a blacksmith shop, a carpenter shop, 3 laundresses' huts, a root house, and an ice house. Although Lieutenant

Reynolds' map does indicate the size and materials used to construct the outbuildings, little more is known of the architectural nature of the outbuildings. On the contrary, documentary evidence does lend some insight into the architectural nature of the officers' quarters.. The officers' quarters were painted, railings were put on the porches, and venetian blinds were hung for privacy. In 1844, hearths, fireplaces, and chimneys were repaired, 17 rooms were painted, and doors were made for the slaughterhouse and the root cellar. Also, lattice work was placed in front of the doors of the officers' quarters to protect the rooms from wind and rain. The cost of the lattice work was $13.57 1/2 49

(Plummer 1844). The last major construction project was undertaken this year when the commanding officer ordered the addition of a log kitchen onto his quarters.

The Winnebago were removed to Minnesota in June of 1848. With them went the primary function of the fort. The following February the last group of soldiers stationed at

Fort Atkinson left the post for Fort Crawford. The surplus supplies and food stores were sold at auction in March and the care of the buildings at the post was entrusted to a custodian (Williams 1980:66).

Building Descriptions

The architecture of the fort-period buildings must be considered "vernacular'', which can be described as common, ordinary buildings fashioned for functional purposes.

The term "vernacular" is not so much a definition of a particular style, rather it describes the method by which a building is erected. Each of the three are of heavy masonry construction, made of limestone from a nearby quarry. The only stylist inferences one might make is with regard to the North Barracks (Figure 4), which might have some Early

English Colonial leanings. Typically, this style is characterized by steeply pitched gable roofs, tall, massive chimneys, which the structure is thought to have had originally, second­ story overhangs, and narrow plans, often only one room deep (Dwight 1993:3). Vogel

(1993) has identified the architecture of Fort Atkinson as having been built in the style of

Greek Revival, possibly due to the presence of a cornice with abbreviated cornice returns on the Powder Magazine. This feature does identify the architecture of the Powder

Magazine as having been influenced by Greek Revival. However, the remaining buildings 50

cannot be considered thus. The blockhouses (Figures 2 and 5), one of which is a

reconstruction, and the powder magazine (Figure 3) are box-like structures, with one

entrance each, and with either gabled (blockhouses) or hip (powder magazine) roofs.

Basically, the architecture of Fort Atkinson is simple and functional . The location of each

of the following structures is illustrated in Figure 6.

Standing Structures

North Barracks

Constructed between 1840 and 1842, the North Barracks (Figure 14) is a partially

preserved two story limestone structure. It is located along the north perimeter of the

main fort grounds, that is, inside the stockade. The north wall of the building actually acts

as part of the stockade (Figure 15), as did the south wall of the South Barracks. It has a

rectangular plan measuring 170 feet east to west by 24 feet north to south and 20 feet from

the ground to the eaves. Roughly one third of the building remains, in which is housed a fort museum. The rest is represented by two feet thick foundations. The first floor was

divided into at least four rooms, a mess room, lounge rooms, and the hospital in the far

eastern portion (Figure 16). Interior stairways were present at each end of the barracks

and led to the squad rooms where soldiers slept on double bunks (one above the other).

Ceilings were lathed and plastered. Interior walls were plastered with a deep orange

colored plaster. A low attic existed which could be reached through openings in the ceilings of the second floor. Four chimneys served the first and second floor fireplaces. First and second story porches extended the entire length of the building and measured eight feet 51

wide. Four outside stairways, at least one of which contained 16 treads, lead to the second

story porch. The barracks's gabled roof projected out over the second story porch, the

ceiling of which was plastered. Door and window placement can be ascertained for about

half of the structure by referring a historic photo of the building (Nichols 1965:596) (Figure

17). At least two doors opened to the second story porch. At ground level, doors opened

to both the south side of the barracks and the north side, which would have led to outside

the stockade.

During restoration work between 195 8 and 1962 the north wall of the North

Barracks was rebuilt to about half its height and to its entire original length (Figure 18).

Chimneys were removed, the southeast comer of the preserved structure was

reconstructed, and the west wall of the preserved structure was replaced with cinder blocks

(Figure 19). Prior to 1933 the rafters had been replaced.

Northeast Blockhouse

Located in the northwest comer of the main fort grounds, the Northeast

Blockhouse projects outward from the north and east walls of the Stockade (Figure 20 and

21 ). It is a reconstruction of the original structure constructed sometime between 1840 and

1842. The limestone building's square plan measures approximately 30 feet by 30 feet

(Figure 22). Embrasures are centrally located on the rough-cut limestone walls to

accommodate cannons. Four tall, narrow rifle ports were located on each of the north,

west, and south sides. The structure originally had split pine shingles covering its

pyramidal hipped roof. Today it is covered with cedar shingles. 52

Powder Magazine

The Powder Magazine is located in the southeast comer of the main fort grounds, just inside the Picketing (Figure 23). It is a preserved limestone structure built between

1840 and 1842. The Magazine's rectangular structure measures 16 feet north to south by

20 feet east to west (Figure 24). Small vent holes are present in the solid, rough-cut limestone walls. The gabled roof is characterized by abbreviated cornice returns and is covered with cedar shingles. It was originally covered with split pine shingles. Its west­ facing door is set with strap hinges.

Southwest Blockhouse

The Southwest Blockhouse is a preserved, fort-era structure. Located in the southwest comer of the main fort grounds, the structure projects out of the juncture of the west and south walls of the Stockade (Figure 25). It is almost identical to the Northeast

Blockhouse, measuring 30 feet 2 inches by 30 feet 2 inches (Figure 26). The structure had embrasures, rifle ports, and a split pine shingled, pyramidal hipped roof. Two rifle ports are located in the east wall, outside of the Stockade. A door is also located on the east wall, but opens onto the main fort grounds, within the Stockade. A concrete stairway leads from the west side of the structure down the bluff to the quarry area. These steps were added in the 1960s. 53

Non-Extant Structures and Features

Commissary

Built between 1840 and 1842, the Commissary was a one story log structure, which is no longer standing and is now represented by reconstructed foundations. The foundations are located in the extreme northwest comer of the main fort ground, within the picketing, west of the Guardhouse and north of the Sutler's Store. It has a rectangular plan and measures 60 feet east to west and 26 feet north to south (Figure 27). The height of the original building is not known. The interior area of the structure is at ground level. The location or description of any other architectural features associated with the structure are unknown.

East Barracks

Located in the eastern area of the main fort grounds, the East Barracks, was constructed between 1840 and 1842. Built of limestone, this two story structure is now represented by foundations. The commanding officer resided in the northernmost room, with commissioned officers and their families occupying the remaining rooms. The plan is a 128 feet north to south, by 22 feet east to west rectangle with three rectangular kitchens and one 3 feet deep basement attached to the east wall (Figure 28). The kitchens were built of logs, lathed, and plastered. The barracks were divided into six rooms of similar size, three of which were on each floor. The interior contained three-inch-thick pine floors, fireplaces, lathed and plastered walls, three stairways, closets measuring 4 feet by 4 feet or

4 feet by 3 feet, and a low attic on the second floor. Four of the rooms contained two 54 fireplaces each, which were made of brick with wooden mantles. The east wall had at least two doors opening to the east, where the officers gardens were, but it did not have any window. First and second story porches stretched the entire length of the west side of the building, with three stairways leading to the upper porch which had a plastered ceiling.

The first floor porches were set on stone or brick foundation. The porches had one foot in diameter wooden pillars spaced 10 feet apart. Lattice blinds were eventually added to the porches in 1844.

Flagpole

Located in front (to the west) of the center of the East Barracks, the two jointed

Flagpole stood 30 feet. It was raised between 1840 and 1842 and cost $40.00.

Guardhouse

Built between 1840 and 1842, the Guardhouse was a wood frame structure, now represented by foundations, all of which have not been completely uncovered. The foundations are located in the northwest comer of the main fort grounds, to the west of the

North Barracks, to the east of the Well and Commissary. It is unclear whether this structure was one or two stories. The Guardhouse has a rectangular plan a measures 16 feet east to west and 24 feet north to south (Figure 29). A porch was present on the east side of the guardhouse, and, an iron gate barred a window, the location of which is not known. As suggested by the foundations, the interior plan of the structure was separated into two rooms, one approximately 4 feet by 24 feet, presumably one for prisoners, and 55 the other 12 feet by 24 feet. The interior floor is at ground level, with no basement present.

Privies

Excavated in the 1960s, privies which have been numbered 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 were indicated on Lieutenant Reynolds' plan of Fort Atkinson (Figure 6). They were located near the east and west walls of the Stockade, behind the officers' gardens. Privies for enlisted men were not indicated on the map and are presumed to have been placed outside of the Stockade. Privy 2, between Privies 1 and 3, was not indicated on the 1842 map

(Figure 6) and, thus, might have been built there after the others. The foundations of the privies were constructed of unmortared walls of limestone resting on the limestone bedrock

(Figures 3 0 and 31 ). The privy floors were chiseled from 6 to 12 inches into the bedrock, and, on average, their depths measured five feet or less below the modem surface. Because certain measurements were not taken during the 1966 excavations of the privies (Marshall

B. McKusick, personal communication, 1998), horizontal dimensions of the privy vaults are unknown. Photographs of the excavations indicate that they were roughly between four and six feet square (Figures 30 and 31). Details of the structures that would have been built above the privies are also unknown.

South Barracks

Built between 1840 and 1842, the South Barracks was constructed of logs hewn flat with notched fittings and is now represented by foundations (Figure 32). The building was located along the south perimeter of the main fort grounds and provided housing for 56 enlisted men and a chapel/schoolroom. The south side of the structure constituted part of the stockade, similar to the North Barracks. Measuring 170 feet east to west by 22 feet north to south, the South Barracks was a two story building with first and second story porches located on the north side. The gabled roof extended over the second story porch which was accessible via outside stairways. The walls were weather boarded, lathed, and plastered. According to a fort-period sketch (Figure 7) (Hexom 1913), two ground-level doors were located on the west end of the building, on the south wall, with two small openings to the east of each. Nine second story windows were also located along the length this wall . Finally, three small first-story windows were present on the south wall toward the east end of the building. Drawn in the 1842 sketch were four chimney's which correspond to the outlines of four fireplaces. Foundations indicate that the first story was divided into five main rooms, three of which contain basements that measure from two to three feet deep. According to foundation maps (Figure 32) drawn by McKusick in 1967, the largest room is located in the far west portion of the building, which served as the chapel and schoolroom.

Sutler's Store

Built between 1840 and 1842, the Sutler's Store was a one story wood frame building, which is no longer standing and is now represented by foundations reconstructed between 1939 and 1941 under the direction of Sigurd S. Reque. The foundations, not all of which have been uncovered, are located in the northeast comer of the main fort grounds, to the northeast of the West Barracks and to the south of the Commissary. It was reported 57 the roof sloped to the north and the south (McKusick 1966c), presumably a description of a gabled roof. It has a rectangular plan and measures 36 feet east to west and 22 feet north to south (Figure 33). The original height of the building is not known. A three and a half feet deep basement takes up the east third of the foundations, with the remaining two­ thirds of the structure at ground level. The location of the entrance to the structure and the placement of windows, if any, are not known.

Well

The Well, actually a cistern for the collection of rain water, was drilled by engineers sometime between 1840 and 1842. Located in the northwest comer of the main fort grounds, to the west of the Guardhouse and to the east of the Commissary, it measures 70 or 80 feet deep and contained at one time a stand of 40 feet of water (McKusick 1966c).

Standing over the well is a small rectangular structure, which is not original (Figure 34).

The structure consists of a wood plank box surrounding the Well and a small, wood shingled, gabled roof structure that is supported by four wood posts.

West Barracks

Built between 1840 and 1842, West Barracks was a two story structure constructed of notched logs hewn flat and is now represented by foundations (Figure 35).

The building provided quarters for noncommissioned officers and their families. The foundations are located in the western area of the main fort grounds, south of the

Guardhouse and southeast of the Sutler's Store. Measuring 122 feet north to south and 18 58

feet east to west, the building was divided into six sets of rooms. Each set was comprised

of two rooms divided by fireplaces, providing 12 rooms total. The interior floors were

made of pine. Each room had floor space measuring approximately 25 5 square feet,

excluding space taken by stairways and chimneys, of which there are three. Interior walls

were weather stripped, lathed, and plastered. Outside, the walls were chinked. The

southern most first floor room served as a barbershop during the fort's military occupation

(McKusick 1966c). Two stone pillars which supported first and second story porches

still exist. The porches ran the length of the east side of the structure, were eight feet wide, and had railings. Three outside staircases lead to the second story porch. The gabled roof extended over the upper porch. Two or more doors were present on the west side of the building, leading to the officers gardens and yards. Basements measuring approximately three feet deep are located in the northern end of the structure as well as in a room in the mid section of the building. Second story, west wall window placement (fenestration) can be ascertained from Reynolds' fort-period drawing. The drawing depicts ten windows arranged in pairs just below the roof line (eaves ?) and three evenly spaced chimneys, which correspond actual chimney foundations.

Outbuildings

The non-extant remains of the following buildings are located on private property to the north of the Fort Atkinson State Preserve. Since the sale of the site to private parties (1850s), the area where the outbuildings stood has been impacted by the construction of roads and houses and by farming. Also, unlike the remains of buildings 59 inside the Stockade which were uncovered by Sigurd Reque between 193 9 and 1941, remains of the outbuildings are not present on the modem surface. What is known of their dimensions and arrangement is taken from Lieutenant Reynolds' 1842 map (Figure 6) and from an archaeological survey supervised by John N. Kean (1981 ). The survey, discussed later, defined the underground foundations of many of the outbuildings indicated on

Reynolds' map, though the buildings' measurements often disagreed between the map and what was recorded in the survey. Unfortunately, original architectural details of these structures are not as well documented as the structures previous discussed. This is due to the fact that only one of the outbuildings was made of stone; the rest were made of wood, which did not preserve as well. More importantly, however, the outbuildings have not been perceived as important a cultural resource as those building located inside the

Stockade, thus were never acquired by the State of Iowa, excavated, or interpreted.

Bakehouse

Located directly north of the Fort Atkinson's main gate, the Bakehouse had a rectangular plan. According to Reynolds, the building measured 35 feet (10.7 m) north to south by 25 feet (7.6 m) east to west. McKusick's 1966 excavations uncovered the bakeoven which was measured 12 feet (3.3 m) by 13 feet (4 m), with foundation walls approximately 3.6 feet (I.I m) wide. Kean (1981) relocated the b~eoven and measured it at 12 feet (3.3 m) by 14.1 feet (4.3 m) (Figure 36). The building material used in the construction of the Bakehouse is not known. 60

Blacksmith Shop

Located due west of the Bakehouse, the Blacksmith Shop was a log structure. The

structure had a square plan and originally measured 20 feet (6.1 m) by 20 feet (6.1 m).

Kean's survey did not locate the foundations of this building, which were destroyed most

likely during the construction of Eighth Street in the City of Fort Atkinson.

Dragoon Stable A

The three Dragoon Stables were located on the far east end of the line of

outbuildings. Dragoon Stable A was north of and parallel to Dragoon Stable B and south of

and perpendicular to Dragoon Stable C. Stable A (Figure 37) was a wood frame building

with a long, rectangular plan that measured 120 feet (36.6 m) north to south by 32 feet (9 .8

m) east to west. Located by Kean, the foundations measured 122.1 feet (37.2 m) north to

south by 34 feet (10.4 m) east to west with 1.6 feet (0.5 m) wide walls.

Dragoon Stable B

Located directly south and parallel to Dragoon Stable A, Dragoon Stable B was also

of wood frame construction. Its rectangular plan measured 120 feet (36.6 m) north to

south by 32 feet (9.8 m) east to west (Figure 37). Found by Kean, the foundations

measured 122.1 feet (37.2 m) north to south by 32.8 feet (10 m) east to west.

Dragoon Stable C

Located north of Dragoon Stables A and B, Dragoon Stable C was a log structure.

The building had a rectangular plan measuring 27 feet (8.2 m) north to south by 144 feet

(43 .9 m) east to west. No trace of this structure has been located. 61

Carpenter Shop

Due west of the Blacksmith Shop, the Carpenter shop was a log structure. The shop has a rectangular plan measuring 40 feet (12.2 m) north to south by 30 feet (9.1 m) east to west. Though a large amount of limestone rubble was present in the area, Kean did not locate the buried foundations of the structure. According to the Reynolds' map the

Carpenter Shop was located where a modem house now stands.

Granary

Located west of the Dragoon Stables and east of the Quarter Master Stables, the

Granary was a wood frame building. With a rectangular plan, the building measured 45 feet

(13.7 m) north to south by 30 feet (9.1 m). Located by Kean, its buried foundations were recorded to measure 50.1 feet (15.3 m) by 23 .61 feet (7.2 m) and were approximately 1 foot (0.3 m) wide (Figure 38). The east wall is characterized by a large open area. Also, the north, east, and west walls are represented by a series of nearly square areas of rock, possibly providing support for upright beams (Kean 1981 : 11 ).

Icehouse and Root House

Roughly, 180 feet southeast of the Powder Magazine, the Icehouse was a log structure and the Root House was constructed of stone. According to Reynolds' map, these outbuildings had rectangular plans, measured 18 feet (5 .5m) by 12 feet (3.7m), and were constructed along a northwest to southeast orientation. Kean's survey located two depressions within the State Preserve measuring approximately 10 (3 m) feet by 15 feet

(4.6 m), though no foundations were located. The depressions were the correct size, 62 shape, and orientation to be the Icehouse and Root house, 15 feet (4. 6 m) by 10 feet (3 m).

However, Reynolds' sketch shows the structures to have stood farther to the southeast, on private land.

Laundresses' Hut A

Laundresses' Hut A is the furthest west of the line of outbuildings to the north of

Fort Atkinson's Stockade. The structure had a rectangular plan and was of log construction. According to Reynolds, the Hut measured approximately 25 feet (7.6 m) north to south by 20 feet (6.1 m) east to west. Kean found the foundations to be about 1.3 feet (0.4 m) thick and measure 20 feet (6.1 m) by 15.9 feet (4.8 m) (Figure 39).

Laundresses' Hut B

Directly to the east of Laundresses' Hut A is Laundresses Hut B, a rectangular log structure measuring approximately 25 feet (7.6m) north to south by 20 feet (6. lm).

Kean's survey did not find foundation matching the dimensions of the structure as indicated on Reynolds' map. However, foundations measuring 6.9 feet (2.lm) by 3.9 feet

(1 .2m) were located in the expected location of the structure (Figure 40). It has been suggested that this foundation may represent a fireplace foundation for Hut B (Kean

1981:7).

Laundresses' Hut C

A log structure, Laundresses' Hut C is located to the west of the Carpenter Shop and to the east of Laundresses' Hut B. Reynolds'' plan indicates the structure to be a 63

rectangular plan measuring 36 feet (11 m) north to south by 20 feet (6. lm) east to west.

Kean did not find preserved foundations of this structure. In fact, it was reported that a

wood frame house was located on the lot in the 1940s and had been demolished. It is

possible that the construction, demolition, and removal of the house had obliterated Hut C

(Kean 1981 :7).

Quartermaster Building

Located to the east of the Bakehouse and adjacent to the Quartermaster Stables, the

Quartermaster Building was a log structure. The building had a square plan and measured

30 feet (9. lm) by 30 feet (9. lm). Foundations located by Kean indicate walls to have been

approximately 1 foot (0.3m) wide and to measure 30.4 feet (9.3m) north to south by 18 .7 feet (5 .7m) east to west (Figure 41). A chimney or fireplace was apparent on the north

wall and a doorway was located in the west wall.

Quartermaster Stable

East of and adjacent to the Quartermaster Building, the Quartermaster Stable was a log building with a rectangular plan measuring 100 feet (30.Sm) north to south by 20 feet

(6.lm) east to west. Kean did not locate any remains of this structure. A goodly amount of brick was found in the general location where the building should have stood. Since brick was not used in the construction of Fort Atkinson, it is likely that post-military occupation and construction has disturbed or destroyed traces of the Quartermaster Stable

(Kean 1981 : 10). 64

Building X

Little is known of this building which was drawn on Lieutenant Reynolds' map.

His map key did not indication the function of either Building X or Y. Possible functions could have been enlisted men ' s privies, the sutlers' stable , or a slaughter house (Kean

1981 : 12-13) Building X appears to have been located 250 feet north of the Blacksmith

Shop. Its rectangular plan measured 12 feet (3.7m) east to west by 20 feet (6.1) north to south. Kean did not locate the foundations of this building.

Building Y

Like Building X, little is known of this building. According to Reynolds' map it was located 225 feet due north of the Commissary. Its rectangular plan measured 12 feet

(3 .7m) east to west by 20 feet (6.1) north to south. Kean did not locate the foundations of

Building Y.

Stockade

Originally, the Stockade measured 11 feet, 9 inches above ground. It was constructed of one foot thick, closely fitted logs hewn flat and set into three feet of earth and rock. Enclosing the main fort grounds in a rectangular plan measuring approximately

230 feet north to south and 440 feet east to west, it was interrupted by the North

Barracks, South Barracks, and the Blockhouses. Loop holes were present every four feet and the tops of the pickets were pointed. Metal spikes were placed on the stockade, though, the number or description of which are unknown. About one third of the structure was made of oak with the remaining portions made of basswood and lynnwood. Three 65 gates were present in the stockade. The main double gate was located east of the North

Barracks and constructed of heavy planks. A smaller, "single-man" door was located next to the main gate. A second, smaller gate, as tall as the stockade, was located west of the

North Barracks. A third gate adjoined the west wall of the South Barracks. Each gate was hung on iron pegs or bolts. Attached to the Stockade wall was a sentry beat or platform which ran west 40 feet from the southeast corner of the Stockade between the Powder

Magazine and the south wall of the Stockade. It appears, according to Reynolds' 1842 drawing, that the exterior of the Stockade was plastered. There is no mention of this in any historic document. Perhaps, he took certain liberties with what had actually been constructed and what was planned or what was most aesthetically pleasing.

A partial reconstruction of the Stockade is present at Fort Atkinson today. A new gate constructed of planks and flat timbers is located east of the North Barracks, adjacent the reconstructed portion of that structure (Figure 42). The gate has one offset door.

From the gate a reconstructed stockade stretches to meets the west wall of the Northeast

Blockhouse . From the south side of the Northeast Blockhouse the reconstructed stockade extends south to the extreme southeast corner of the main fort grounds, directly to the east and south of the Powder Magazine. From there it extends westward a few feet. From the west end of the reconstructed portion of the North Barracks, the reconstructed stockade extends to the northwest corner of the main fort grounds. From there, it extends southward for a short distance, ending where individual posts are shorter from one to the next (Figure 43 ). The reconstruction picks up a distance later and continues to meet the 66

Southwest Blockhouse. A small section of the Stockade has been reconstructed adjoining to the east side of the Southwest Blockhouse extending eastward (Figure 24).

Cemetery

The location Fort Atkinson's cemetery is not precisely known. It is located to the northwest of the fort site and is reported to contain about 20 graves (McKusick l 966c ). A list of deaths of individuals associated with the military occupation (Table 1) identifies the names of at least 15 people who are most likely buried in the Cemetery (Fort Atkinson

Research File Ms 173). A road indicated on Lieutenant Reynolds' fort-era map (Figure 6) runs north from the north comer of the Stockade and turns west, possibly leading to the cemetery. During McKusick's investigations in the 1960s, an informant, Mrs. G. J. Sabin of Park Rapids, Minnesota, stated that she would be able to locate the cemetery

(McKusick l 966a). However, she had become ill and was admitted into the hospital in

Minneapolis. Since there is no other mention of Mrs. Sabin in McKusick' s notes, it is assumed she was not able to make it to Fort Atkinson to point out the location.

Post-Military Fort Atkinson and Previous Preservation Efforts

Having been abandoned by the U. S. Army on February 24, 1849 when the last company of soldiers was withdrawn, it would be several years before the War Department would give up the property. The State of Iowa Became interested in acquiring the site shortly after its abandonment. In 1848, the Iowa State Legislature requested that Congress donate the site for a state agricultural college. Congress ignored this request and two more which followed in 1851 and 1853 (McKusick 1975: 18). The state of Iowa eventually 67 found suitable land in the center of the state and opened the Iowa Agricultural College and

Model Farm, now Iowa State University.

Sometime in the early 1850s, the buildings were purchased at public auction by

Caroline Newington. The military reservation, some 1,920 acres around the fort site, had been taken by settlers since the post's abandonment, and in 1860 congressional action permitted these people to secure title to their claims (Reque 1944). From the time Fort

Atkinson was abandoned by the military until it was purchased by the State of Iowa the condition of the site deteriorated significantly. One of the barracks was partly dismantled and remade into a farmhouse. Later, the east barracks accidentally caught fire and was burned to the ground. Most other fort buildings were tom down and their stone and wooden materials reused in buildings around the town of Fort Atkinson. By the early twentieth century, only three original buildings remained standing in various states of preservation.

The first call for the preservation of the site of Fort Atkinson was seen in the

February 6, 1900 edition of the Decorah Public Opinion. The article called for the designation of a memorial for Brigadier General Henry Atkinson, for whom the fort and town were named. The paper suggested that the site and buildings should be purchased by the state, rebuilt, and the grounds be turned into a State Park. The article was later reprinted in the Fort Atkinson Times where it prompted local businessmen to take up the cause. The businessmen of Fort Atkinson began circulating petitions in Calmar, Cresco,

Decorah, and other local communities in hopes of persuading the state legislature to take 68 up the cause. The businessmen had suggested the site could be used as a meeting place for the state militia and the buildings could be used as arsenals and a museum. In spite of their efforts nothing was done for the next twenty years.

In 1919 Iowa Magazine published a critical article called, "Fort Atkinson, a Pig

Sty." Writer Woodworth Clum had visited the site and was disgusted to see the fort grounds planted in crops and the old blockhouse, powder magazine, and barracks used as farm buildings (Clum 1919:7). Clum's article struck a chord with Iowans. Several newspapers around the state reprinted the article and the community of Fort Atkinson began to organized their efforts. Roughly 2,000 dollars was raised by the town in hopes of purchasing the property and rebuilding the northeast blockhouse. Although, it was a few years before such work was completed.

Not long after, the State of Iowa renewed its interest in creating a Fort Atkinson park. On February 17, 1921, the purchase of 2.809 acres was approved by the Executive

Council. In spring of the following year 1.367 acres were added to the state's holdings.

Finally, in 1939, after much negotiation, the last parcel of land was purchased, bringing the

Fort Atkinson State Preserve to its present sized of 4.67 acres.

Between 1939 and 1941, Sigurd S. Reque was employed to carry out archaeological excavations at Fort Atkinson. These excavations are discussed more thoroughly in the archaeological section of this thesis, below. Briefly, Reque, a Luther College professor, uncovered the buried foundations of non-extant, fort-period buildings so they could be 69

interpreted for visitors. Also, excavations recovered fort-period artifacts that were to be

displayed in a fort museum.

The next major study undertaken at the fort was conducted in 1956 when Merrill J.

Mattes, a historian, visited the site in order to make recommendations concerning the

preservation and development of Fort Atkinson. He recommended that the north barracks

be converted into a museum space, a project later supervised by Jack Musgrove, Curator

of the State Historical Museum (Nichols 1965:596). Mattes also thought the southwest

blockhouse and powder magazine should be opened to the public while the northeast one

be used as a storehouse and workshop. Further, a farmhouse in the southeast comer of the

grounds and another stone building which dated after the military occupation needed to be

tom down. Finally, Mattes recommended that the log stockade be partially restored. A

dedication ceremony was held in 1962 to celebrate the completion of the recommended

work. After excavation of the officers' privies in 1966, discussed below, the State

Conservation Commission dedicated the Fort Atkinson State Monument Preserve as a historical, geological , and archaeological preserve on September 23, 1968.

In 1980, the Iowa State Preserves Advisory Board commissioned a historical analysis and study to provide a plan for long-term management of the Fort Atkinson State

Monument Preserve. Prepared by Bradley B. Williams, the subsequent report outlines the significance of the preserve, history of Fort Atkinson, and three planning concepts regarding the future management of the site. Some recommendations included acquiring privately owned parcels of land on which fort outbuildings stood, returning some 70 historically inaccurate reconstructions to their original condition, totally reconstructing all the buildings on the site, or interpreting the site better with more clear signage. It is unclear whether most of Williams' recommendations were implemented. Quite recently, the preserve received a grant which will be used to develop more interpretive signage at the site

(Kathy Gourley, personal communication, 1998).

Preserve or Park, How is Fort Atkinson to be Administered ?

The way in which the State of Iowa has governed the Fort Atkinson State Preserve as been contradictory to the way a state preserve is normally treated. Purchasing the fort site and placing it under the jurisdiction and management of the Preserves Board of Iowa, the State of Iowa has sent a message indicating that the site is to be protected and maintained in its present state. A preserve by nature should be protected by limiting public access to a particular area. However, visitors have been welcomed to Fort

Atkinson, most notably during an annual rendezvous which takes place during the last weekend in September. Such a policy makes it that much more difficult to preserve the site as it is, especially in trying to preserve its archaeological integrity. The rendezvous is characterized by visitors dressed in historic clothing, partaking in activities such as shooting contests with historic firearms. Such activities and attire most likely result in the deposition of modem-aged, historic-looking artifacts such as rirnfire cartridges, lead balls, buttons, and beads, potentially confusing any future excavations. Further evidence that unlimited access to the site is detrimental is the amount of graffiti drawn on and scratched into the interiors and exteriors of buildings. Past efforts to reconstruct and interpret the 71

Fort Atkinson State Preserve also contradict the fact of having declared it a preserve. A preserve is intended to be kept as it is found. However, previously discussed preservation efforts have done a great deal to change Fort Atkinson from the condition in which it was acquired by the State of Iowa.

The Fort Atkinson State Preserve has been administered not as a state preserve, rather, it has been administered as a state park. Visitors are encouraged to participate in the rendezvous, visit the museum, and walk the fort grounds. Foundations have been uncovered, buildings and structures rebuilt, and interpretive signs placed throughout the fort grounds. Such efforts should not be applied to a preserve. However, it is the opinion of the author that most efforts have been worthwhile and an effort to interpret the site for the public should continue. Reconstructions, a museum, and interpretive signage are all appropriate for a state park. Thus, Fort Atkinson should be designated a state park and not a state preserve. That is not to say that preservation efforts should be abandoned and barbecue grills should be installed. An attempt to maintain the site in its present state

(archaeological and architectural) while encouraging public use is suggested and can be successful. Such an approach has been utilized in the past, rather successfully. Repairs and improvements can be made to the site in an effort toward stabiliz.ation, at the same time retaining the historic, archaeological, and architectural significance of Fort Atkinson.

The following discussion and suggestions are the opinions of the author but draw heavily from the methods and philosophies expressed in the Secretary of the Interior 's Standards 72 for Rehabilitation and Guidelines for RehabilitatinK His10ric Buildings and Preserva1ion

Briefs made available by the U. S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service.

Present State of Repair·

Generally speaking, most needed repairs to Fort Atkinson buildings will not take a great deal of financial commitment and should not take a extraordinarily long time to accomplish. With regard to the foundations of now demolished buildings, in some instances it will be necessary to rebuild walls which are collapsing into the shallow basements. One might argue that the foundations represent ruins and, thus require no maintenance. However, an effort must be made to preserve the foundations intact so they may accurately represent the spatial patterning and layout of fort-period buildings. It is apparent that some of the foundation walls have begun to collapse inward and require reconstruction and future monitoring.

Also requiring maintenance is the North Barracks, which today houses the fort museum. From a visual inspection, it is apparent that the roof is in need of some repair.

From the ground one can see wooden shingles which have come off. Because water is probably the most serious threat to the preservation of a building and its contents, first priority should be given to the professional inspection and repair (as needed) of the roofs of all preserve buildings. A second concern is the state of the exterior east wall of the

North Barracks (Figure 44). Originally, the surface was an interior plastered wall with fireplaces centrally located on both first and second floors. Today, this surface is exposed to inclement weather, vandals, and pigeons, who have taken up residence in holes in the 73 wall. This wall is an important example of a fo rt-period interior and should be preserved.

It is recommended that some sort of enclosure should be constructed to protect the surfac e.

Ideally, the enclosure would be as unobtrusive as possible an d would allow visitors to still be able to view the wall 's features. Possibly a layer of Plexiglas could be used to cover the surface, preventing further deterioration and graffiti (Figure 45).

The south side of the North Barracks has a few problems as well. First, where fi ve beruns once existed to support the second story porch are now three remnants of beams and two holes from which limestone is falling out (Figure 46). It is suggested that these holes be rebuilt to their original dimensions and pieces of wood reminiscent of the ones still remaining be set into the holes, sealing the space from moisture penetration. The remaining remnants might benefit from some sort of wood restorer or sealer to prevent further rotting. However, a professional, such as a historical architect or one fruniliar with historic materials preservation, should be consulted before any original materials are treated. The area around the second story far right window also requires attention (Figure 4 7). Of all of the shuttered windows, this window's sill has begun to rot and should be repaired or replaced. The decision to replace the rotting sill should be contingent on whether the wood is original to the fort. Should further historical or archaeological investigation indicate the sill is original, every effort should be made to preserve and repair the feature. Also, noteworthy are the cracks in the stone lintel above the window and cracks traveling down from the lower right-hand comer of the sill. Most probably attributable to building settling, such cracks are probably not of great concern unless they continue to grow in the 74

future. If th e cracks continue to grow, this would indicate possible structural problems,

requiring the contracting of a structural engineer to inspect the state of the building's

structural systems. Otherwise, if moisture is not penetrating the building, the cracks

should be of minimal concern. If moisture does concentrate in the areas of the cracks,

appropriate measures should be taken to patch them. Again, a professional and the

Secretary of the Interior's Standards for Rehabilitation and preservation briefs should be

consulted. Finally, discoloration probably due to moisture is apparent around the base of

the North Barracks. To prevent further moisture damage it is strongly recommended that a

gutter system be installed to the roof of the building so to direct water away from the

building.

The two other original buildings are the Southwest Blockhouse and the Powder

Magazine (Figures 2 and 3). Because both share almost identical states of repair they will

be discussed together. In both cases there is substantial evidence for water damage along the base of each building (Figures 48 and 49). As in the case of the North Barracks, a gutter system should be installed to collect and direct water away from the structures. The base of the buildings should be cleaned of mold and the damaged limestone should be repaired, again following the Secretary of Interior's standards. A second, and alarming, problem is the condition of the buildings' doors. In each case, the doors are improperly sized and do no shut completely (Figures 50 and 3). The survey which this report highlights was conducted in March when snow was still on the ground. On inspection of the southwest Blockhouse one could see a rather sizable drift of snow extending in through 75 th e large gap between the doors. High priority should be placed on resizing and refitting the doors so to properly seal the interior spaces during inclement weather.

Accessibility and Safety

If it has not done so, it is recommended that the Iowa State Preserves Advisory

Board closely examine the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) and take into consideration the act's recommendations with regard to the Fort Atkinson Preserve. A few simple improvements will make the site safer for all visitors and more accessible for those whose mobility is restricted. Of first concern is the parking lot on the north side of the preserve (Figure 51 ). There have not been designated any parking places for disabled visitors. Though this may not be a problem most of the year because attendance to the preserve is typically sparse and parking places close to the main gate are usually available, it is imperative that such parking places must be reserved and meet designated dimensional requirements as stipulated by the ADA. A second potential problem with the parking facilities is the fact that the area is not paved, rather it is gravel. This is especially hazardous to those whose balance is impaired, who rely on a cane, or require the use of a wheel chair. It is recommended that parking places be reserved for mobility impaired visitors and that those parking places be paved along with a walkway leading to the front gate of the fort.

Once inside the fort gates a similar situation is presented. The entire fort grounds are grass covered, providing a rather unstable surface on which to walk (Figure 52). In wet conditions it may be impossible for those using wheelchairs or canes to safely navigate the 76 site. To remedy this situation it is suggested that a small sidewalk be installed, leading visitors past features at the site. Great care should be taken in the construction of the walkway because it is to be built on an archaeological site. Before construction takes place, a professional archaeological survey should be completed along the proposed sidewalk path in order to ensure that no subsurface features are impacted.

A final issue with regarding accessibility and safety concerns entrances to the fort structures. The North Barracks and both blockhouses have at grade entrances and require no modification. The Powder Magazine, however, requires visitors to step up one step

(Figure 3). This entrance could be made accessible by either providing a ramp with an adequate slope ratio or by regrading the landscape so that the door was at grade. It is not advisable to regrade the area in front of the building, again, because Fort Atkinson represents a probably rich source of archaeological information. If it is decided to regrade, a professional archaeological survey should be employed. However, if a ramp is to be constructed, the construction and placement of such a ramp must be done in a way as to not detract from the aesthetic or historical quality of the site. 77

CHAPTER 6. ARCHAEOLOGY OF FORT ATKINSON

Previous Investigations

The first archaeological investigations conducted on the fort grounds lasted from

1939 to 194 l and were supervised by Sigurd S. Reque. Reque was a professor at Luther college and president of the Greater Winneshiek County League, a booster group organized to relieve unemployment in the county by promoting the area's historic and natural resources. Reque, who was also curator of the Norwegian-American Historical

Associations, was assisted by Rolfe Haatvedt, a professor from Luther College's Classical

Languages Department. The purpose of the work was to locate and expose the foundations of the buildings located inside the picketing for the benefit of visitors to the park. Another goal was to collect artifacts for display in a museum which was to be housed somewhere within the fort boundaries (Williams 1980:9). Due to a lack of archaeological training or knowledge of proper excavation and recording techniques, the recovered artifacts lack vertical provenience information. Thus, it is not known from which horizontal stratum each of the artifacts was recovered. Such a situation makes difficult any meaningful archaeological interpretation of the excavated artifacts. Further,

Reque' s work was never published.

In 1966, further archaeological investigations were supervised by then State

Archaeologist of Iowa, Marshall B. McKusick. McKusick's investigations began with excavations outside of the stockade in an attempt to locate the bakehouse. He located the bake oven in the approximate location as indicated by Lieutenant Reynolds' sketch. 78

Though a few artifacts were recovered, most dated to a period after the fort 's military abandonment in 1849. Soon after, McKusick moved excavations to inside the stockade, excavating the officers' privies (Figures 30 and 31). Excavated in 6 inch vertical levels, privy deposits were between 3.5 feet deep and 4.5 feet deep. The privies were places where the officers and their wives routinely discarded broken household objects. The excavations of the six privies recovered artifacts dating to the military occupation which are of considerable historical and archaeological interest (McKusick l 966c).

In 1981, an archaeological survey of the outbuildings of Fort Atkinson was completed by John N. Kean of the Office of the State Archaeologist of Iowa. The main purpose of the survey was to locate and identify the outbuildings associated with Fort

Atkinson (Kean 1981). A soil probe (one inch diameter tube) and tile probes (a flexible steel rod with a tip that is slightly greater in diameter than the rest of the rod) were used in order to locate the buildings. More intrusive subsurface testing methods were not utilized because the remains of outbuildings are now located on private property and the survey crew did not have permission from landowners to excavate their property. The survey located eight of the outbuildings with the subsequent report recommending they be protected. This could be done through state acquisition of the property or by securing promises from the landowners to not disturb the archaeological features.

Fort Atkinson Material Culture

A total of 1536 artifacts was recovered by McKusick from the officers' privies at

Fort Atkinson. Material recovered from the privies at Fort Atkinson included specimens 79 of ceramic, metal, leather, glass, bone, and wood. These artifacts were sorted first according to material type and then by functional type. Unfortunately, a number of artifacts including window glass, fauna! remains, plaster, and undecorated ceramics has been discarded in previous years. In the past, the interpretive value of certain artifacts was not realized. Also, a number of artifacts are missing. Another complication that was encountered during the analysis of the artifacts was the condition of some of the specimens, especially those of metal. Numerous metal objects were recovered from the site, many of which are in a poor state of preservation and heavily corroded. Regardless of these setbacks, the privy assemblage from Fort Atkinson provides a good deal of information about those who used the materials in the 1840s. Before commencing with a description and interpretation of the privy artifacts, a brief discussion of ceramics and glass is given. Many artifacts recovered from Fort Atkinson's privies are made of glass and ceramics, necessitating such a discussion. Also, artifacts of these two material types are ideal temporal indicators. A more in-depth discussion of what is outlined below can be found in thorough discussion of ceramic and glass classification and manufacturing techniques by Siebert et al. (1997). Iron nails were more numerous than glass or ceramic artifacts, but only represent one functional category. Therefore, nails are discussed under the "Building Materials/Hardware" heading only.

Ceramics

Ceramic specimens were identified according to ware types. These types included whiteware, ironstone, porcelain, yellowware, redware, and stoneware. The ware types 80 were differentiated according to paste color, paste texture, glaze, and decoration, decoration being one of the best temporal indicators (Wagner et al . 1993 :36). The minimum number of ceramic vessels was figured by assigning vessel numbers to ceramic specimens according to certain characteristics (Table 2). These characteristics include ware type, decoration, provenience, rim and body form, paste texture and color, and surface treatment (glaze or slip). Using this method, a number of ceramic sherds from various vessels likely were assigned a single vessel number because the sherds share certain characteristics. For example, one vessel number probably was assigned to a large group of undecorated whiteware sherds representing a number of actual vessels because the sherds shared certain traits. Finally, vessel numbering was influenced by provenience. It is assumed that a single vessel would not find its way into more than one privy, so, sherds that share identical traits and were recovered from different privies were given different vessel numbers. Simply, if two identical sherds were recovered from two different privies, they were assigned different vessel numbers.

Whiteware, Ironstone and Porcelain

Whiteware, or white pasted earthenware, and ironstone are sometimes difficult to separate. They share a similar paste composition and glaze color. Ironstone is defined as a highly fired, refined ware with a semi-vitreous paste. As early as 1813, the term

"ironstone" was used to define some improved earthenware vessel. However, it did not gain widespread popularity until after 1840 (IMACS 1992:474). Generally, it does not stick to the tongue and cannot be scratched. Also, ironstone vessels tend to be thicker and 81 harder than those of whiteware. Whiteware, on the other hand, is fired at a lower temperature resulting in a more porous paste, which will stick to the tongue and will powder when scratched. It can have a white, cream or pale buff paste and most often has a clear glaze (Siebert et al . 1997:4). Problems can arise in distinguishing between early ironstone and whiteware because the paste of an early ironstone vessels can be as porous as whiteware or as non-porous as stoneware or porcelain.

Porcelain is a white, fine-grained, non-porous, extremely hard, and usually translucent ceramic ware that has been fired at high temperatures (Wagner et al . 1993 :36).

The porcelain market was fairly small during the early and middle nineteenth century, mainly because its was expensive and difficult to produce. For this reason, porcelain did not become popular in he United States until after 1875, when Germany and Austria began producing relatively inexpensive porcelain (Haskell 1981 :23). After 1890, it came into wide use when the American porcelain industry began to produce it less expensively, making porcelain more marketable (Ketchum 1983 : 13 ).

Decorative Techniques Common to Whiteware, Ironstone, and Porcelain

Designs that are applied to with a brush or with the fingers are considered to have been hand painted (Figure 53 and 54). Such patterns can be irregular, with obvious brushstrokes present. Usually motifs include abstract, geometric, and floral patterns, of which floral are the most common (Siebert 1997:4). Nineteenth century hand painted designs were usually either monochrome (usually cobalt blue) (Figure 53) or polychrome

(Figure 54). 82

Banding or annular banding refers to a decorative technique where a single or a

series of concentric bands of vaiying width and color are applied by hand to a vessel

(Figure 55). The bands may encircle the rim alone, or consist of a series of bands that

encircle the body of the vessel. They may be red, black, blue, or green in color.

Mocha ware is decorated such that a broad band of color slip provides a

background for a pattern (Figure 56). Though varied, patterns are often tree or fem-like.

Other patterns may be geometric, marbled, or seaweed. Vessel forms decorated in the

mocha style include porringers, butter dishes, jugs, coffeepots, and pictures.

Shell edged vessels are those which are decorated with a combination of embossing

and hand painting around the rim (Siebert 1997:5) (Figure 57). Requiring only a few short

brush strokes around the rim of a vessel, this decorative technique could be applied by a

minimally skilled worker (Majewski and O'Brien 1984:38). Generally limited to flat

wares, sauce boats, tureens, and butter boats (Miller 199lb:6), shell edged wares are most often edged in cobalt blue. However, green is sometimes used as well.

Decaling is a method that is characterized by colors that appear in slight relief when light is reflected off the surface of a vessel (Berge 1980; IMACS 1992:473 .6). Like transfer prints, the design is comprised of hundreds of tiny, raised dots. Unlike transfer prints, the design is applied over the glaze (Figure 58)

Sponge wares were decorated by using a paint filled sponge to apply designs of decorative motifs onto the surface of vessels (Majewski and O'Brien 1984:33) (Figure 59).

This sort of decorative technique was more common on table, tea, and toiletiy wares 83

(Miller 1991 b:6) and represent the cheapest available vessels with decoration (Finlayson

1972: 118). Colors of decoration include blue, red, and green (Siebert 1997: 5).

Spatter wares are characterized by decoration that is created by tapping a brush with paint onto the surface of a vessel (Figure 60). This technique results in several small, somewhat uniform, dots of color. Often spatter designs were made using stencils. The technique is more labor intensive and possibly required more skill than sponge decoration

(Siebert 1997: 5)

Involving several processes, transfer printing is one of the most costly decorative techniques (Siebert et al. 1997:5) (Figures 61 and 62). After being coated with ink, thin, engraved copper plates are pressed with nonabsorbent paper. The color is then transferred to a vessel by applying the paper to an unfired vessel and then rubbing it with a flannel rag

(Majewski and O'Brien 1984:33). Flown transfer wares (i. e. flow blue) are misty or blurred where the ink has flowed into the glaze (Figure 63).

Vessels that were embossed or molded without any other decoration were introduced in the early 1840s and 1850s (Price 1981:41) and became very popular (Figure

64 ). These vessels tend to be thicker and heavier than painted or printed wares (Siebert et al. 1997:5). Motifs included hexagonal or Gothic Shape, ribs, scallops, fruits, and foliage

(Wetherbee 1980:18).

Gold gilding was perfected on porcelain around 1723 (Hunt 1979: 118) (Figure 65).

The processes initially involved grinding gold and applying it over the glaze. In 1836,

"liquid bright gold" was developed in Germany. This processed utilized acids to dissolve 84

the gold which, after being fired, did not need to be burnished, as was the case with the

earlier method.

Finally, lusterware refers to ceramics that are characterized by a metallic sheen or

shinny surface (Figure 66). The sheen is produced by adding metallic oxides to the glaze.

Stoneware

Stoneware is an earthenware that is fired at temperatures high enough to vitrify the

clay, making the ware non-porous (Hughes 1963 :89) (Figure 67). Usually used for the

storage and processing of food or drink, stoneware vessels were identified as utilitarian

wares in this study. Stoneware is usually characterized by cream to gray or brown colored

pastes, though color variation can occur within a single vessel (Wagner et al. 1993 :36).

Such a variation in color is due to uneven firing within the kiln. Salt can be added during

the firing process, producing a salt-glazed surface whose texture is similar to that of an

orange peel (Ketchum 1971 :50). Also used to decorate stoneware were slips which are thin mixtures of water and colored clays. Two different slips were sometimes applied to a

single vessel to produce more ornate decoration.

Redware

Manufactured from red-burning surface clays found nationwide, redware is a porous earthenware (Ketchum 1971 :3). It is extremely fragile, being the softest of the

earthenwares (Majewski and O'Brien 1984) and may have dark purplish red to light orange

and pink paste color. Usually treated with a lead based glaze, the surface of a redware vessels may be clear or of various orange, brown or green shades. Redware that is treated 85 with a green glaze is often referred to Galena ware, likely to have been manufactured at one of the potteries in Galena Illinois (Siebert 1997:3 ).

Yellowware

Lighter than stoneware and more durable than redware, yellowware is a soft pasted, unrefined earthenware (Majewski and O'Brien 1984; Siebert 1997:3) (Figure 68). The color of its paste can by any shade of yellow to a light buff or cream. Usually treated with a clear glaze, annular banding in brown, white, or blue is also common. A vessel may also be decorated with a colored slip or sponge decorated with a contrasting color Popular in the nineteenth century was a brown tortoise shell decoration called

Bennington/Rockingham style. This appearance was achieved by using a manganese or metallic salt based glazed. Commonly used for cooking and baking utensils (Siebert

1997:3), yellowware vessels were assigned to the storage/utilitarian ware categories for this study.

Glass

Like ceramics, glass specimens were assigned vessel numbers according to traits including form, color, thickness, and provenience (Table 3 ). Also like ceramics, glass provides a good deal of information concerning site chronology. Glass is produced from a combination of silica (usually sand) and alkali (ash, potash, soda, etc.) that is heated until molten (Siebert et al. 1997:6). Different colors of glass are produced when impurities are present in the sand. Prior to 1860 glass color was not considered to be important with the most common color been dark olive-green or "black glass" (!MACS 1992), though aqua and 86 amber colored glass are also natural. Decolorizing agents, including manganese and arsenic

(McKearin and Wilson 1970: 10), eventually came into use, creating clear or colorless glass.

These agents represent colors opposite the natural glass colors in the light spectrum

(Phillips 198 I :23 7-23 8). Similarly, coloring agents can be added to produce colored glass.

Such coloring agents include cobalt, copper, antimony, bohemian granite and calcined tin

(Siebert et al. 1997:6-7).

All glass bottles and tableware are manufactured using a mold or they are free blown (Snow 1997a:45). Free blown bottles were manufactured by taking one end of a blowpipe and gathering a glob of glass from a glass kiln. The glob would be rolled on a flat surface to evenly distribute the glass on the pipe. A container would be formed by blowing, spinning and swinging the glass. Next, a pontil (iron rod) would be attached to the base of the container while the pipe was broken free. Holding the vessel by the pontil, the glassblower would complete the neck by applying additional molten glass or by finishing the lip with the existing glass. The vessel was then broken from the pontil which would leave a circular scar. The fact that no two glass bottles could be made exactly alike prompted the rise in mold-blown containers (Baugher-Perlin 1982; McKearin and Wilson

1978; Randall 1995; Snow 1997b:45-46).

Containers were blown into molds made of iron, wood, copper, brass, or ceramic.

Mold-blown containers are symmetrical and usually have surface texturing as a result of contact between the hot glass and cooler mold. Mold seams indicate the type of mold used to manufacture a particular vessel (Figure 69). Although the mold seams on fine tableware 87 were often removed, making it impossible to identify the type of mold used. Various types of molds include the dip mold, two piece hinged should mold, two piece bottom hinged mold, tum mold, among others. These molds are discussed further by IMACS

(l 992), Randall (1995), Revi (l 964), and Snow (l 997b).

Functional Classification of Fort Atkinson Material Culture

The goal behind a functional organization of artifacts is to represent the artifacts in terms of actual use and not only in terms of material and manufacture. Functional categories include building materials, tableware, storage/utilitarian wares, recreational items, and transportation items, among others. Some functional categories contain artifacts of varying material type. For instance, the tableware category contains glass specimens such as tumblers as well as ceramic tableware and cutlery. Likewise, the storage/utilitarian category contains stoneware vessels as well as glass containers. Vessel form is the main determinant in identifying the function of ceramic and glass containers. Schemes for identifying vessel shapes are presented by Beaudry et al. (l 991 ), IMA CS (1992), and

Miller (1991).

Building Materials and Hardware

Plaster and Mortar

According to McKusick's notes, nine fragments of plaster were recovered from the top 24 inches of Privy 4. Though the fragments were not located for analysis, a description was provided by McKusick. The fragments, which averaged .25 inches in thickness, had a smooth exterior surface that was whitewashed. Six other fragments of 88 plaster were recovered from Privy 1 and were available for analysis. They are identical to those described by McKusick. Four pieces of mortar were recovered from Privy 1. The specimens were dull white in color, coarse grained, and measured approximately 5 cm long by l.5 cm long. One side was somewhat curved, the other toughed or concave.

Wood Fragment

A small fragment of wood measuring 3.01 cm long was recovered from Privy 6.

The species of tree it was taken from was not identified.

Nails

A total of 453 nails were recovered from the Privies. Nail analysis was based on method of manufacture (Table 4), pennyweight (Table 5), and condition (clinched or unclinched). Specimens were first sorted into categories according to method of manufacture, a category that provides evidence for site chronology. These categories included hand wrought nails (n=l) (rectangular uneven tapering shank), modem machine cut nails (n=l 85) (uniform shank thickness with rectangular heads), early machine cut

(n=l) (similar to modem machined cut with a handmade rose head) and wire or round nails

(n=20 ) (Figures 70-72)). 95 nails were identified as "square" nails, but were not assigned a method of manufacture, mainly because they were too heavily corroded to observe particular diagnostic traits, but not so corroded that they could still be identified as square.

Square nails, hand wrought or machine cut, date after the late 1830s (!MACS 1992; Snow

1997b:90). One third (n=l51) of the nail assemblage was so heavily corroded that it could not be identified. 89

The length of nails or pennyweight is useful in determining nail function .

Generally, 2d and 3d nails were used for securing lathe (Peterson 1996:63), 4d for

shingling, 6d for clapboarding, 6d and 8d for finishing, 8d and 9d for flooring, 9d and 1Od

for boarding and sheathing, and 40d and larger for framing and plank construction (Blackall

1888; Fontana and Greenleaf 1962:56-57). Structures of log construction would require fewer nails (Fontana and Greenleaf 1962; Peterson 1996:63). Nails which were determined to be complete or near complete were measured (n= 199 or 43 . 9% of the nail assemblage).

Of the measured nails, 44 percent (n=88) were 9d and 1Od, 20.1 percent (n=40) were 5d-

7d, 8.5 percent (n=l 7) were 4d or smaller, and 26.6 percent were lOd or larger (n=53).

Given the various methods of construction utilized at the fort it is expected to find such a variety of nails.

Finally, nails provide information on whether a structure was taken apart or left to dilapidate (Peterson 1996:65). A large amount of straight nails in a nail assemblage indicate that a building had been abandoned. Conversely, bent or clinched nails (Figure 73) indicate that the structure had been dismantled and the wood reused or disposed of. Four percent of the nails were too heavily corroded to judge whether they were straight or clinched. Of the 435 that were not too corroded, 331 (76.1%) were not clinched and 104 (23.9%) were clinched, indicating that structures, presumably privy structures, were left to dilapidate.

Of course, since privies were filled with trash of all sorts, can not be known for certain whether the nails were used in privy structures or whether they were used elsewhere and discarded into the privies. 90

Spikes

A large, machine cut spike was recovered from Privy 4 (Figure 74). It is of the T­ headed variety, with rectangular shanks and a pointed point. Made of iron, the spike measures 18.5 cm. Also found was an iron rod or spike that measures 24 cm. It is cylindrical and is not pointed (Figure 74 ).

Screw

One heavily corroded screw was identified from Privy 6. It was a flat-headed iron wood screw measuring approximately 2 cm. Wood screws are distinguished by threads extending about two-thirds of the way from the tip to the head. Also, the head is beveled toward the shank to facilitate counter sinking into wood (Lees 1986: 102). Pointless wood screws were manufactured by mechanized screw lathes between the end of the eighteenth century and the late 1830s (Walker 1971:87). By 1846, pointed screws had taken the place of ones which were pointless. This specimen was too corroded to determine whether it had a point or not.

Stock-Lock

Recovered from Privy 1 was a plate stock-lock, made of iron and consisting of a locking mechanism attached to a flat sheet-iron plate (Figure 75). These locks were set into a block of wood and attached to the face of a door (Carlson 1979:103; Streeter 1970:251-

55). On specimens recovered from other sites the sheet-iron plate is bent over the top or over on one end to receive one end of the bolt. The stock-lock is traperoidal in outline and 91 measures 11 .7 cm at its maximum width, 19.4 cm at its maximum length, and is 3.5 cm thick.

Also recovered from Privy 1 were two keys probably associated with rimlocks or mortise locks (Figure 76). The specimens were of the skeleton type, commonly used with door rimlocks and mortise locks in the nineteenth century (Reynolds 1983 :267). They are iron and measure 3.9 cm and 5.4 cm in length.

Hinges

A portion of a hand wrought iron strap hinge was recovered from Privy 6 and measured roughly I 0 cm long. Two holes measuring 0. 5 cm were drilled through the specimen prior to the insertion of fastening nails. Another possible hinge was recovered · from Privy 3. It was badly corroded and measured 11.7 cm at its maximum length.

Doorknob

One stoneware doorknob was recovered from Privy 3. The specimen has been treated with a dark brown slip. The inner face (the face toward the door) of the doorknob has a hole or depression that is threaded, allowing for the receipt of an iron or steel spindle.

The doorknob measures 5.23 cm in diameter and is 2.5 cm thick.

Miscellaneous Hardware

Bolts

A total of four bolts were recovered from the Fort Atkinson privies (Figure 77).

All were made of iron and had roughly 1.3 cm diameters. Three non-threaded bolts from 92

Privy l and Privy 6 measure 3. 5 cm, 12 .5 cm, and 9.3 cm. From Privy 7, the fourth bolt

was threaded and was 14. 51 cm long.

Brackets

This category describes several different forms of metal specimens that were most

likely used to fasten pieces of wood together. It is likely that some items may have fallen

into the "building materials and hardware" category. However, not being certain of the

actual way these brackets were used, they have been placed within this category. A total

of six artifacts were identified as miscellaneous brackets. One was recovered from Privy 2

and was made of tinned metal. It measured 3.2 cm wide by 11.5 cm long. Four other

brackets came from Privy 4, one of which was made of iron and found deep in the privy

deposits. The other three were made of iron or steel and had nail holes drilled through them, presumably to take nails. These three were recovered from the upper levels of the privy and may represent later use.

Brass Ring

One unidentified ring was recovered from Privy 6. The specimen is similar to the

"harness rings" discussed below in that it is made of round, brass wire. However, its external diameter measures 12 cm, which makes it much larger than the harness rings discussed by Reynolds (1983 :285-286).

Disk

A iron disk was recovered from the upper levels of Privy 7 (Figure 78). This item was probably utilized in farming or gardening activities on the site. It measures 19 cm in 93 diameter and has a 1.5 cm hole drilled through the center. Additionally, 4 holes measuring

0.4 cm were also drilled through the disk.

Handle

An iron handle, probably a bucket handle, was recovered from Privy 4. It is made of iron wire roughly 0.3 cm thick. It is bent into perpendicular sections, resembling three sides of a rectangle, with two parallel sides of equal length and one longer side connecting the two shorter sides. From the shorter sides, the wire is bent perpendicularly again, facilitating the reception of the handle into whatever was to be lifted.

Metal Straps

Six straps made from various materials and of varying sizes were recovered from

Privies 1, 2, 4, and 7 (Figure 79). It is likely many represent barrel straps. One is made of copper and measures 6 cm wide. It has held its shape relatively well and has been figured to have had an 11 cm diameter. The various sections iron straps measure from 1. 5 cm to

3.2 cm wide.

Pipe Fitting

One cylindrical piece of metal, probably a pipe fitting, was recovered from the surface of Privy 1. It is not clear what type of metal it is, perhaps brass or copper. It is likely the specimen represents a later occupation or use of the privy area than the military occupation. 94

Rivets

Two rivets were recorded as coming from Privy 3 and Privy 6 (Figure 80) Both were made of iron and measured 5.1 cm and 4.9 cm long. The rel atively large size suggests they were used for joining wood to wood or metal plate to wood (Comer 1985:398).

Washer

One iron washer with a center hole was recovered from Privy 6. It is a circular, flat washer with a 3.6 cm exterior diameter and a 1.7 cm interior diameter.

Wire (Non-Electrical) and Barbed Wire

Five specimens of iron wire were recovered from Privies 1, 2, 3, and 4. They are examples of circular wire and typically measure less than half a centimeter in diameter.

The specimens range in length from 4.8 cm to 16.9 cm. Also recovered from the surface of

Privy 1 was a 6. 7 cm section of barbed wire (Figure 81 ). It is of the double-stranded varied. An example of the barbs or ties was not preserved. Developed in the mid­ nineteenth century, barbed wire probably was not associated with the military occupation of the fort.

Med icalffoiletry

Ceramic Vessels

Basins

Two whiteware basins were recovered from the privies, one from Privy I and one from Privy 6 (Figure 82). These vessels are have wide openings, convex sides, brims, and are of a greater width than they are deep. Such forms were used for washing, shaving, and, 95

in some cases, for dining (Beaudry et al. 1991 :26). Both are undecorated. One is stamped

on its base with a propeller-type mark.

Chamber Pots and Lids

Four chamber pots and three chamber pot lids were recovered from the privies.

Two of the lids correspond to two of the pots. One lid does not have a mate. One pot

from Privy 4 is decorated with blue, hand painted floral designs. Another from Privy 3 is

undecorated. A chamber pot with a lid is from Privy 1 and is marked with a blue transfer print that reads, "RMW&CO," indicating that it was manufactured by Ridgeway, Morley,

Wear, and Company of Shelton, U. K. between 1836 and 1842 (Godden 1968:113) (Figure

83). Another pot and lid from Privy 1 have handles that are molded into floral forms. The

lone chamber pot lid from Privy 6 is gilded and hand painted with a polychrome floral design.

Soap Dish

Beaudry et al. (1991) do not offer a description or classification for a vessel similar to this. It is a whiteware dish approximately 4 cm deep and rectangular in shape. It is highly decorated with brown, transfer-printed, geometric patterns. Because of its similarity to modem soap dishes, it is identified as such (Figure 84).

Glass Bottles (Figure 85)

Vessel 38 is a fragment of a small, round bottle from Privy 3. It is made of olive glass and is broken at the neck and the base. Its diameter is 1 9/32 of an inch. 96

Vessel 58 is represented by a neck/shoulder/finish fragment of aqua glass. Its finish is identified as that of a "wide prescription" finish (!MACS l 992:472.2B) (Figure X). Its flaring neck measures approximately 2.2 cm in diameter at its narrowest. The bottle's finish measures 3.5 cm in diameter.

Vessel 17 is an aqua medicine bottle. It has an oval base and was blown-in-mold.

Basal dimensions are 29/32 of an inch at its narrowest by 1.5 inches at its widest. The base is embossed with the lettering, "J. R. PRESTON BOSTON".

Vessel 88 is a panel medicine bottle represented by reconstructed aqua glass neck and base fragments. The base indicates that the bottle had slightly recessed sides and was rectangular in form. Its base measurements are 1 11/16 inches by 1 inch.

A fragment of an aqua patent medicine bottle was recovered from Privy 4 (Figure

X). It was blown in a two piece mold.

Vessel 83 is a rather large aqua chemical bottle represented by 42 fragments. It was blown-in-mold and is only partially restored. Because it is missing many crucial elements, proper measurements could not be taken.

Vessel 95 was probably a perfume bottle. It is aqua colored and has and almost square body. The specimen was blown-in-mold and measures 2.25 inches high with a 1

11132 inches by 1 13/32 inches base, a 21132 of an inch outside neck diameter, and an 11132 of an inch neck openings. It is significant in that it indicates the presence of a female at

Fort Atkinson. It is known that officers often brought their families to frontier posts with 97 them (Prucha 1953 :200-201). However, little documentary evidence addresses the role or even existence of women at Fort Atkinson.

Vessel 101 is represented by a cylindrical aqua fragment. It is a free-blown glass vial that measures approximately 1 inch in diameter.

Five other vessels, 11, 16, 79, and 80, are represented by 11 aqua glass fragments.

The fragments indicate that at least two were free-blown, with rough pontils.

Finally, a small clear glass stopper was recovered from Privy 5 (Figure 86). It has an oval "handle" that measures approximately 2.1 cm wide and is 0.8 cm thick. Overall, the stopper measures 3.5 cm long and has a cylindrical base that is narrower at the bottom than where it meets the handle. The stopper does not fit any of the recovered bottles and was given the vessel number, 85.

Clothing

Beads

A total of seven beads was recovered from Privies 3 and 4 (Figure 87).

Functionally, they are considered to belong to the clothing category. However, they are also considered to be Native American trade items.

Hollow Cane Beads

From Privy 4, two of these beads are commonly referred to as "seed beads". They are barrel or donut shaped and made of white glass. One measures .36 cm in diameter by

.21 cm long, the other measures .33 cm in diameter by .31 cm long. They were manufactured by the hollow cane method, where a glob of molten glass is blown or folded 98 over to create a large bubble (Kidd and Kidd 1970:47-49; Van der Sleen 1967:22-26). An assistant attaches another iron rod and the bubble is pulled apart from the two ends into a long rod of glass. After cooling, the rod of glass is broken or cut into lengths. The rough edges are finished by reheating the bead sections in a mixture of sand and ash (Comer

1985:282).

One translucent glass faceted bead was recovered from Privy 3. The facets have been pressed or molded on the surface and are diamond-shaped. The body was also formed using the hollow cane method and the ends are hexagonal. The specimen measures

.68 cm long and had an approximate diameter of .76 cm.

One elongated white bead was recovered from Privy 4. It has a highly polished white surface and was probably made using the hollow can method. It measures 1.4 cm long and has a .52 cm diameter.

Wire-Wound Beads

One conical-shaped bead and two similar fragments were recovered from Privy 4.

The whole specimen is . 9 cm long with a . 85 cm basal diameter and a . 51 end or top diameter. The specimens are blue-green in color and were probably manufactured using the wire wound or mandrel wound method. This method is similar to the hollow cane method except that no bubble is formed in the long glass rod (Comer 1985:283). After the thin, solid rod of glass is formed by two workers stretching the glass in opposite directions, the rod is cut or broken. The sections are then reheated and wound around a wire to form 99

beads. This sometimes creates a swirled pattern at the base of the bead, which is present

on these specimens.

Buttons

Metal Buttons

Six metal buttons were recovered from the Fort Atkinson privies. First is a brass,

Sanders-type button that was recovered from Privy 3. It has a flat back and still has its

loop shank attachment. On the back is impressed, "Leavenworth" (Figure 88). The front

is convex in shape and is decorated with an eagle grasping fig leaves and arrows in its

talons. A crest adorns the eagle's chest.

A second brass, Sanders-type button was recovered from Privy 4. "W H.

HORSTMANN PHILA" is impressed along the outer edge of the back of the button

(Figure 88). Again, an eagle with a crest decorates the convex front of the button.

Three heavily corroded iron buttons were recovered from Privies 1 and 6. The

buttons are of the sew-through type. They are circular disks that are perforated with four

attachment holes. One measures 1.85 cm in diameter and is .45 cm thick. The others measure 1.82 cm in diameter and are .36 cm thick.

A heavily corroded brass button was recovered from Privy 6. It is identified as a shank button, but, it is too heavily corroded to determine the type of shank that was present. Its diameter is 1. 93 cm. 100

Bone Buttons

A total of l 0 bone buttons from Privies 1, 4, and 6 and one button blank from

Privy 4 were recorded, all of which are sew-through buttons with one, four, or five holes present (Figure 89). They are all disk-shaped and most often have a recessed panel in which the holes are located. Three five-hole buttons were recovered, one of which still retains thread tied through its attachment holes. Its diameter is 1. 08 cm and is .18 cm thick. The other two five-hole button measure 1.64 cm in diameter by .22 cm thick and

1. 71 cm in diameter by .1 8 cm thick. A total of seven four-hole bone buttons were recovered. They range in diameter from 1.35 cm to 1.73 cm and range in thickness from .24 cm to .33 cm. One bone button blank was recovered from Privy 4. It does not have a recessed panel and is only pierced with one, centrally located hole. It measures .12 cm thick and has a .96 cm diameter.

Shell Buttons

A total of eight complete shell buttons were recovered from Privies 1 and 4 (Figure

90). Two shell button fragments were also recovered from Privy 4. All of the complete buttons are of the sew-through, four-hole variety. The specimens range from .88 cm to

1.47 cm in diameter and from .05 cm to .26 cm thick. Two had recessed panels where the holes were located. It was not determined whether the shell was marine or freshwater.

Ceramic Buttons

A total of 10 ceramic, or presser, buttons were recovered from Privies 3, 4, and 6

(Figure 91). They are all of the four-hole variety and measure between .88 cm and 1.6 cm 101

in diameter and are between .25 cm and .30 cm thick. These buttons were produced by

firing clays at high fired temperatures, resulting in a glass or vitrified appearance (IMACS

1992). Typical to this type of button is a pebbled or orange-peel surface on the back of each specimen (Sprague 1983 :167-172).

Shoe Leather

Five pieces of what is thought to be shoe leather was recovered from Privies l and

4. The fragments are quite amorphous, but are pierced with nails holes, and in one case, pierced with a shoe nail.

Domestic Tools

Scissors

Two iron scissors blades were recovered from Privy 4 (Figure 92). They obviously belong to one pair of scissors, previously attached at the mid-section of the shanks. The have oval bows, for ones fingers, with the shanks attached to the edge of the oval.

Thimble

Also recovered from Privy 4 was a thimble made of brass or copper (Figure 93 ).

The outer surface is covered with cross-hatched lines that encircle the most of the thimble.

The specimen measures 2.6 cm in length and has an approximate diameter of 1.4 cm.

Personal Items

Pocketknives

One folding pocketknife, one pocketknife blade, and a blade fragment were noted

Fort Atkinson's privy assemblage. Heavily corroded, the pocketknife from Privy 1 was 102 made of bone and iron. With the blade folded and corroded in place, the knife measures 9.4 cm long. No maker's mark could be discerned. Also, due to the poor state of preservation it is not known whether the specimen is a single, double, or multiple blade knife. An iron pocketknife blade was recovered from Privy 1 and measures 6.4 cm long. Another iron pocketknife blade was recovered from Privy 2 and measured 3.9 cm in length.

Recovered from Privy 6 is what appears to be a celluloid pocketknife handle fragment. Celluloid was a precursor to plastic and is made of nitrocellulose and camphor.

Developed in 1869 (IMACS 1992), this specimen probably represents a post-fort period.

The specimen is greenish in color and measures 3.32 cm long by 1.28 cm wide by .28 cm thick.

Two gray slate writing styli slate were recovered from Privy 6 (Figure 94). One is rounded in cross section, the other has a number of flattened sides. The are both fragments and do not represent an entire stylus. Their measurements are 1) 6.54 cm long with a .53 cm diameter and 2) 4.02 cm long by .52 cm at its widest by .45 cm at its narrowest. The writing ends are pointed with a dull, rounded tip.

Slate

One fragment of a writing slate was recovered from Privy 4. It is gray in color and measures 4.25 cm by 2. 98 cm by .26 cm thick. 103

Recreation

Clay Tobacco Pipes

Large numbers of pipe fragments have been recovered from various fort sites

(Carlson 1979; Comer 1985; Reynolds 1983). It is not surprising, then, that the cost of

ceramic pipes was quite low, from $.50 to $1.20 per gross, as a result of the Industrial

Revolution (Tobey 1974:5; Wilson 1961:123). Having been first introduced to Europe in

the sixteenth century, by the time of the Industrial Revolution only a few manufacturers

produced the large amounts of pipes.

Clay pipes were made of fine-grained plastic white clay, small globs of which were

rolled into a cylinder to form the stem. The bowl was formed by another glob which was

attached to the stem. After drying a bit, the clay would be put into a two-piece hinged mold. A long wire was inserted into the stem to create the bore and the mold was closed.

A lever-operated oiled stopper was brought down to create the bowl cavity. After being removed from the mold, excess clay was scraped away with a knife and the pipe was fired in a kiln (Tobey 1974:5-6).

An analysis of clay tobacco pipes from Fort Atkinson was performed by Margaret

L. Tobey in 1974. Though the pipes from the privies were examined again for this study, the following discussion and analysis is largely based on her methods and findings. Pipe bore diameter has been discussed as an indication of chronology (Binford 1962; Harrington

1954). Harrington notes that there is a consistent reduction of the size of pipe bores over time, allowing sites with substantial pipe assemblages to be dated rather accurately. Since 104

Harrington 's di scovery, however, Humphrey ( 1969: 15) has concluded that the bore-date

relationship falls apart after 1780. For this study, pipes were categorized according to

decoration, maker's marks, bowl-stem angle, bore diameter, mold line treatment, and

presence or absence of spurs (Figure 95 ).

TD Pipes

Three "T D" pipes were recovered from the Fort Atkinson privies. All are

considered to be of the "Dublin" style, where the bowl is set at an obtuse angle to the

stem. These pipes are characterized by the raised letters, T D, on the back of the bowl.

Other designs may vary on this type of pipe. The history of the mark is long and

confusing. It is thought the first T D pipes were manufactured by Timothy Dexter, born

about 25 years before the Revolutionary War. However, examples of TD pipes have been

recovered from sites which date before Dexter's birth (Wilson 1961 :128). As early as

1704, a pipe maker in Bristol, England used the maker's mark, as did the firms of Thomas

Denes and William White. Also, Jan Borns registered the trademark in Holland in 1734.

So, tracking down the actually manufacturer of three T D pipes from the Fort Atkinson

privies is impossible due to the number of manufacturers using the mark.

A glazed specimen found in Privy 6 is identical to the glazing found on particular T

D pipe discussed by Smith (1972: 155) (Figure 96a). Tobey (1974: 18-19) considers this

evidence enough to designate this specimen a T D pipe. The pipe discussed by Smith has

raised T D surrounded by 13 six-pointed stars on the back of the bowl, a ring of stars

around the bowl rim, a leaf design at the front mold line, an unmodified back mold line, and 105

spurs. The bore diameter is 4/64 inches. The glaze is reddish gold-green and mottled. A

second TD pipe fragment was recovered from Privy 4. This bowl fragment's TD letters

are intersected by an unmodified mold line (Figure 96b). A final TD pipe fragment with a

bore diameter of 5/64 inches was recovered from Privy 5 (Figure 96c). Raised TD are

located on the back of the bowl with short, raised lines radiating out from the letters in a

circular sunburst pattern. A slightly raised line encircles the rim and a raised cross is

present on one side of the bowl below the rim. Mold lines are scraped away and spurs are

present.

Ribbed Pipes

A second type of pipe is the ribbed pipe, all of which are considered to be Dublin

style. Three Type 1 ribbed pipes (Figure 97a) were found in Privies 1, 2, and 6. They are

characterized by ribs that begin half way down the bowl, alternated in width, and terminate just beyond the spur in four parallel lines that encircle the stem. This type corresponds

with Hanson's (1971) "Ribbed Variety A", which are identified as originating in England

(Hanson 1971 :94).

Another ribbed pipe from Privy 1 has alternating wide and thin ribs that begin

midway down the bowl and extend onto the stem beyond the spur where it is stopped by

a line and a set of two parallel lines (97b ). A series of raised dots is present between the

parallel lines. The fragment had a bore diameter of 5.64 inches. 106

Two ribbed pipe fragments from Privy I and Privy 5 have equally sized ribs that extending from below the rime to the spur. Leaves are present on the front and back mold lines, which are unmodified (Figure 97c). Bore diameters for this pipes are 5/64 of an inch.

Another ribbed pipe fragment from Privy l is characterized by thick, tapering ribs of equal size which extend from the mid portion of the bowl to just past the spur. Below the rim, four thistle leaves are present on the front and back mold lines, which are otherwise unmodified (Figure 97d). The bore diameter measures 5/64 of an inch.

Again, from Privy 1, another ribbed pipe was recover. This specimen has ribs of equal size that join at the mid portion of the bowl and form arches that extend down to the spur. A single rib is also enclosed in each arch. Two raised lines extend vertically to below the rim. Radiating upward and outward from these lines are thin raised lines that form a ·

"menorah" pattern. The pipe had unmodified mold seams and spurs (Figure 97e). The bore diameter is 5/64 of an inch.

Miscellaneous Decorated Pipes

Two pipe fragments from Privy I and Privy 5 are characterized by a thistle plant with six leaves on the right side of the pipe bowl, as the pipe is held by the smoker. The left side of the bowl has a thistle plant with two leaves (Figure 98a). The bore diameter is

5/64 of an inch. One specimen from Privy 2 has a plain bowl with the letter "S" on the left side of the spur. The right side of the spur has a letter as well, but it is indistinguishable

(Figure 98b ). Its bore diameter is 5/64 of an inch. From Privy 4, a gray clay pipe stem was recovered (Figure 98c). According to Tobey (1974:36), the artifact appears to be the 107 stem of a Chesterfield style pipe with a bore diameter of 0.8 cm. A pipe stem from Pri vy

l is decorated with three parallel raised bands which encircle the stem and raise diagonal lines (98d). This specimen has a bore diameter of 5/64 of an inch.

Undecorated Pipes

Privy I contained three undecorated pipe stems with bored diameters of 4/64 of an inch and 5/64 of an inch. Privy 2 contained five undecorated stem fragments with bore diameters of 5/64 of an inch. Privy 3 contained one undecorated pipe stem with a bore diameter of 6/64 of an inch. Privy 4 contained three undecorated pipe stem fragments with a bore diameters of 5/64 of an inch. One Dublin-style pipe bowl with scraped mold seams was also recovered. Privy 5 contained four undecorated pipe stem fragments with bore diameters of 5/64 of an inch. Two Dublin-style pipe bowl fragments with scraped mold seams were also recovered. Privy 6 contained 26 undecorated pipe stem fragments. Four specimens have bore diameters of 4/64 of an inch. 22 specimens have bore diameters of

5/64 of an inch.

Dominos

Eight hand made bone dominos were recovered from Privies I and 5. The measure approximately 4 cm long by 2 cm wide by 0.4 cm thick. Each whole specimen is divided into two equal halves by a carved line. A series of carved dots representing numbers one through six are present on most of the sections. 108

Jew' s Harp

An iron Jew's harp or jaw harp was recovered from privy 2. This instrument is characterized by a lyre-shaped metal frame that is held between the teeth and by a steel tongue projecting past the length of the frame shanks that is plucked to produce a soft, twanging sound (Figure 99). Known in the Middle Ages as the "trump", the possessive,

"Jew's", was first noted in the sixteenth century (Crane 1982:29). It is not clear how the instrument gained its Judaic affiliation. Often mentioned is the theory that it acquired its standard English name from the Jewish peddlers that sold them. Given that the Jews were forced from England in 1290 and did not return in any numbers until the middle of the seventeenth century, this theory is questionable. Crane (1982) suggests that most other theories likewise are speculative at best. A more detailed discussion of trump or Jew's harp etymology is provided by Crane (1982).

Toys/Children's Items

Marbles

Four roughly spherical marbles were available for study. All were recovered from

Privy 6. The first is a specimen made of a calcareous stone, that is, a chalky stone composed of, containing, or characteristic of calcium carbonate, calcium, or limestone. It is dull gray in color and measures approximately 1.66 cm in diameter. Three clay marbles were also recovered. Their approximate average diameter is 1.5 cm. Six other marbles from

Privy 6 were reportedly loaned to the State Historical Society of Iowa, Museum Bureau, 109 for display purposes. They are not on display, are not being curated, and presumably have been lost.

Miniature Tea Pot

A miniature tea pot was recovered from Privy 6 (Figure 100). It is missing its handle and lid, but is otherwise complete. The specimen is made of porcelain and is decorated with gold gilding, and a hand painted scene. It measures approximately 3.5 cm tall.

Storage/Utilitarian Wares

Ceramic Containers

Bowl

A rim fragment of a yellowware bowl was recovered from Privy 4. It is decorated with hand painted annular bands. Y ellowware was used mainly in the preparation, baking, and storage of food (Siebert 1997:3). For this reason, this specimen is considered to be a utilitarian ware for this study and is probably a rim from a mixing bowl or colander.

Crocks

Fragments of at least two stoneware crocks were recovered from Privy 4. The are undecorated and wheel thrown. Beaudry et al. (1991) define the form of this vessel as pot or butter pot, indicating that it was used for souring cream or storing butter, lard, or other cooking-related products. 110

Flower Pot

One redware flower pot was recovered from Privy 4. It is now on display at the

State Historical Society of Iowa Museum in Des Moines. It is roughly seven to eight inches tall, footed, and had a flaring brim. The specimen is glazed with either a clear or lead-based glaze.

Ink Bottles

One porcelain ink bottle was recovered from Privy 6. The specimen is decorated with gold gilding. Another ink bottle is on display at the State Historical Society of Iowa

Museum in Des Moines. It is not know what ware type it is. The specimen is decorated with a brown slip on the interior and purple and white slips on the interior.

Unidentified Stoneware and Yellowware

A minimum of 11 stoneware vessels was recovered from Privies 1, 2, 4, 5, and 6. A minimum of 6 yellowware vessels were recovered from Privies 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 (Figure 67 and 68). The vessel forms for these could not be ascertained because of the fragmentary nature of the sherds. In most cases, vessel form is crucial to the identification of ceramic vessel function. However, stoneware and yellowware vessels most often were used for storage or cooking purposes, thus their inclusion in this category. Four of the stoneware vessels have been treated with an Albany slip on the interior. Originally made from rich clays found near Albany, New York, this slip is dark brown in color. Five of the vessels have been treated with a salt glaze. Typified by a pitted, orange peel surface texture, this technique utilized salt that was thrown into the kiln when it was at its hottest. One of the 1 11 salt glazed vessels was also treated with a Bristol slip on its interior. Originally developed by potters in Bristol, England, this technique produces a light, cream-colored surface.

Another salt glazed vessel been treated with a gray slip. Two stoneware vessels were treated with what seems to be a lead glaze. Lead glazes tend to have dark dots or specks of unmelted lead in them. Also, a green tint is produced if the lead glaze is arsenic-based.

Such is the case with these two vessels. At least seven of the stoneware vessels show signs of being wheel-thrown. Utilized until the 1880s in the Midwest (Ketchum 1983 ), this manufacturing technique creates small ridges and valleys on the interior of a vessel.

A least six unidentified yellowware vessels were recovered from the privies. Three of the vessels are undecorated. Three others have been decorated with hand painted annular bands.

Container Glass

Condiment Bottle

An aqua bottle represented by two fragments was recovered from Privy 6 (Figure

101 ). The bottle is approximately 6 1/2 inches tall with eight sides, sloping shoulders, and a tapered neck. Its finish has a rolled-over collar. Morphologically similar bottles in an

1880 bottle catalog are identified as mustard or horseradish shape (Whitall et al. 1971 ).

However, identical bottles recovered from the Bertrand, a steamboat that sank in the

Missouri River in 1865, contained ground black pepper. These bottles were blown in a two-piece mold, have flat bottoms, and have fluted or depressed sides.

Olive Oil Bottles 112

Five complete and nearly complete olive oil bottles were recovered from Privy I and Privy 4. They are free blown, have high basal kick-ups, and pontil scars. Their almost cylindrical bodies are smaller in diameter at the bases than at the shoulders, which slope upward to the cylindrical necks. The necks are terminated by smooth, flat-lipped collars that are slightly larger in diameter than the necks (Figure 102). Four bottles are made of olive-colored glass, one is of aqua glass. Two bottles have applied medallions at the base of their necks which read, "HUILE D' OLIVE BORDEAUX SURFINE CLARIFIEE"

(Figure 103 ), indicating that they contained olive oil from the Bordeaux region of France that was clarified to a "superfine" (surfine) degree. The aqua bottle is stamped with the

French words, "Huile/Surfine" (superfine oil) and is also assumed to be of French origin.

Jar

Represented by 13 fragments, a large, thin-walled glass jar was recovered from

Privy 6 (Figure 104). The jar is made of clear glass and has straight sides that flare in at the shoulder. The body measures approximately I 0. 5 cm in diameter. The rim is approximately 7. 5 cm in diameter.

Vegetable Bottle

Recovered from Privy 4 was an almost complete culinary bottle. It is made of aqua glass and may have held pickles or pickled vegetables (Figure I 05). The specimen was blown in a two piece mold and has a rolled-over collar and pyramidal shoulders. 113

Double Oil or Mineral Finishes

Three fragments of bottles, represented by Vessels 1, 84, and 94, are made of olive glass. Their finishes are identified as "double oil or mineral" finishes (Figure 106). It is possible that they are finish fragments from three ale/stout bottles or whiskey bottles.

Brandy Bottles

Olive glass fragments representing five separate brandy bottles were recovered from

Fort Atkinson. Typically, these bottles stood nine and a half inches tall, had rounded shoulders, a collared neck, a 3 and a half inches basal diameter, and a two and a half inches tapered neck (Figure 107). Most specimens were identified as blown-in-mold. One specimen, Vessel 91 , has basal lettering that reads, "H. RICKETS & C GLASS WORKS

BRISTOL", indicating its English origins. Lettering on the should reads, "PATENT'. An

English law was passed in 1855 which required the designation, "LTD" (limited liability) to follow the, "Co" or "C" (company) (Wiltfang 1974:5). This specimen does not have such designation, and thus, dates to before 1855.

Champagne Bottles

Eight champagne bottles were recovered from Privies 1, 3, and 4. Seven of the specimens were of olive glass, one was clear glass. Three of the specimens were identified as being blown in mold and rotated while the glass was still molten (Wiltfang 1974:2). The clear bottle was identified as being free blown because of its lack of mold marks.

Specimens that have bases present have high basal kick-ups. Vessel 24 is what is known 114 as a "split", meaning that it can hold approximately half the vol ume of a full sized bottle, about I 2.5 ounces instead of 24 ounces.

Wine Bottles

A total of five wine bottles were recovered from the south half of Privy 4, two aqua glass bottles and three olive glass bottles. Another aqua bottle was recovered from Privy 6.

All of the specimens are characterized by the applied neck ring that forms the "wine neck finish". Three of the vessel are identified as having high basal kick-ups an a large, rough pontil. At least two of them have been free-blown. One aqua bottle from Privy 4 has a rather shallow kick-up and a clean pontil.

Ink Bottle

An aqua colored ink bottle was recovered from Privy 5. It was blown-in-mold and has a rough pontil scar. Its dimensions are 5 inches high, with a basal diameter of 2 1/8 inches.

Unidentified Bottles

Vessel 65 is an unidentified intoxicant bottle. It is made of olive glass and has an eight-sided base and body. A diagonal mold seem extends across its base, indicating that the specimen was blown in a two piece mold. It is 9.5 inches high, has a 3 1/16 inches by 2

1/16 inches base, and a 1 1/16 inches in diameter neck. Five aqua glass bottle fragments could not be identified. They were assigned vessel numbers 82, 86, 90, 98, and 100. One unidentified olive glass bottle fragment was assigned vessel number 97. 11 5

Metal Containers

Twenty-eight fragments of metal containers or cans were recovered from all of the

privies, excluding Privy 6. Three of the fragments represent lids to cylindrical cans, two of

which have 8 cm diameters, the other having a 9 cm diameter. Privy 7 contained a

rectangular can measuring 8.4 cm wide by 11.41 cm long and was roughly 2 cm thick

(Figure 107). This specimen is possibly a tobacco can, the manufacture of which began in

1892 (Berge 1980:261-261). However, McKusick's field notes indicate that this privy

was not excavated very deeply and that the materials he recovered from this provenience

represent a later time period.

Tableware

Ceramic Tableware

Bowls

A minimum number of two porcelain and five whiteware bowls were recovered from Privies 1, 4, 5, and 6. Beaudry et al. (1991 :26) defines a bowl as an open vessel with

convex sides that terminate in a rim or brim. The two porcelain bowls are decorated with

1) blue hand painting and 2) very dense flow blue. The whiteware bowls range from being

undecorated to being decorated with a purple transfer print (Figure 108), polychrome floral hand painting, and a molded floral pattern.

Soup Tureen or Caudle Cup

Soup tureen or caudle cup (Figure I 09) was recovered from Privy 6. The specimen had two handles, one of which is missing. It is decorated with crudely applied, blue, hand 116

painted designs. Caudle cups were used for making and serving fermented gruel (Beaudry et al. 1991 :25). The American Heritage Dictionary (1996) indicates that tureens were often used to serve soups or stews. A separate lid was also recovered from Privy 6. It is molded and decorated with blue hand painting.

Cream Pitchers

One cream pitcher was recovered from Privy l, and another from Privy 3. Cream pitchers are small, handled vessels with bulbous bodies and flaring necks with a gutter.

They were used primarily for serving dairy (Beaudry et al. 1991:24). One specimen is a whiteware vessel, decorated with polychrome, hand painted annular bands. The other is a brown earthenware, lusterware pitcher with white banding.

Pitchers

At least four whiteware pitchers were recovered from Privy 4. Similar to, but larger than, cream pitchers, these pitchers are single handled vessels with bulbous bodies. They have flaring neck with a gutter. One is decorated with a brown transfer print (Figure 110), another with a red transfer print. The third is a blue-slipped, mocha ware pitcher. The fourth is a mocha ware pitcher with green and black banding, a yellow-slipped body, and hand painted tree motifs.

Cups

A total of ten cups were recovered from Privies 1, 2, 5, and 6. Five cups are porcelain (Figure 111 ), four are whiteware, and one is ironstone. Cups are defined by

Beaudry et al. (1991:22) as small, handled drinking vessels that can hold less than a pint of 11 7

li qui d. These specimens range from undecorated to decorated with transfer prints, an nular

banding, hand painting, and gil ding.

M ugs

A total of two whiteware mugs were recovered from Privies 4 and 6. They are

single handed, straight sided drinking vessels that are taller than they are wide (Beaudry et

al 1991: 23 ) (Figure 112). One is decorated with hand painted blue banding. The other is

characterized by a green, transfer printed maker's mark that reads, "vermicelle J&R" that

indicates it was manufactured by Jon and Robert Godwin between 1834 and 1866 at

Cobridge, Staffordshire, U. K.

Plates

A minimum number of 14 plates were recovered from the Fort Atkinson privies.

Three are porcelain from Privies 3 and 4, one is ironstone from Privy 2, and eleven are

whiteware from Privies 3, 4, 5, and 6. Plates are defined as eating vessels from 7 to 10 inches in diameter, with or without a footring, and shallow or deep in form (Beaudry et al.

1991:26). Many different decorative techniques are represented by the plate assemblage.

Techniques include hand painting, annular banding, shell edge, decaling, flow blue, transfer printing, and molding (Figures 113-115). Two of the plates have maker's marks. One indicates manufacture by William Ridgway, Son, and Company and dates between 1838 and 1848 at the Church Works or the Cobden Works, U. K (Figure 116). The other is a planter and anchor motif with the characters, "W. P. S. & C." printed on the bottom of the plate. 118

Saucers

A minimum number of 15 saucers were recovered from the privies Saucers are defined as vessels less than 7 inches in diameter, with or without a footring (Beaudry et al.

1991:26) (Figure 117). They were typically used for serving condiments, thus the name

"sauce"er, or as small plates. Two specimens from Privies 3 and 4 are porcelain, eleven specimens from Privies 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6 are whiteware, and two specimens from Privies 4 and 6 are ironstone. Decorative techniques used on theses saucers include annular banding, flow blue, hand painting, the Willow pattern, molding, and transfer printing. A saucer decorated with the Willow pattern is marked, "T WAL.KER, SCINDE IRONSTONE," indicating that it was manufactured between 1845 and 1851 at Tunstall, Staffordshire, U.

K. Another saucer's mark states, "G F Filley, St Lous, MO by TJJ mayers Longport

(Eng)", indicating that the specimen was imported by G. F. Filley from the Mayer company at Dale Hall Pottery, Burslem, U. K. Two other saucers are marked, "Thomas,

John, and Joseph Mayers," indicating they were manufactured between 1843 and 1855 at the Dale Hall Pottery, Burslern, U. K as well. Two saucers are stamped, "WEDGWOOD" and "J. WEDGWOOD," were manufactured after 1829. Since no terminal date is indicated for these particular stamps (Godden 1968), it is possible they were manufactured during the 1840s. Wedgwood has had potteries at Burslem, Etruria, and Barlaston, Staffordshire,

U. K. since 1759. A final saucer is marked, "Angling," with a red transfer print. 119

Se n ,ing Dishes or Platlers

Two serving dishes or platters were recovered from Privy 4. One was recovered from Privy 5. Typically, serving dishes are large vessels with or without a footring and made in shallow and deep forms (Beaudry et al . 1991 :26) (Figure 118). These specimens were whiteware and measured roughly 4 cm deep. Two were decorated with blue transfer prints. The other was decorated using the flow blue technique.

Gravy Boat

A porcelain gravy boat was recovered from Privy 3 (Figure 119). It has one handle, a flat bottom, and is decorated with hand painting and a blue transfer print. The printed pattern is identified as the "Willow" pattern, which depicts a bridge crossing a river with willow trees along its banks. Two birds are depicted and represent two lovers escaping from an angry father (IMACS 1992:473 .7). Copied from Chinese patterns, the pattern was first produced by the English in 1780 and is still in production today (Barclay 1976 ).

Glass Tableware

Tumblers

A minimum number of 16 lead glass tumblers were recovered from the Fort

Atkinson Privies 1, 3, 4, and 6 (Figure 120). These 16 vessels were represented by a total of 149 specimens, some of which were tiny, while others were whole vessels. A tumbler is defined as a glass without a stem, foot, or handle, and having a flat base. Most vessels measure roughly 9 cm tall and have a 7. 5 cm rim diameter, though at least one vessel is roughly three quarters that size. The tumblers are characterized by eight flat sides that 120 extend from the base of each tumbler. Each side is terminated by an arch whose apex is either 1.5 cm from the rim or 4.5 cm from the rim, depending on the specimen. Another specimen found in Privy 4, Vessel 73, is an exact copy of the tumblers, but is approximately a third larger than them. Presumably, it served as tableware, like its smaller cousms.

Stemware

Seven stemware fragments were assigned seven separate vessel numbers. Six were recovered from Privy 4, one from Privy 6, and all were made of clear glass (Figure 121 ).

One is a wine glass bowl fragment is of the same design as the glass tumblers, previously discussed. One stem fragment and four base/stem fragments were recovered which are decorated with one or more knops, or ornamental knobs. One knops is located where the stem joins the foot, the other below the bowl. A sixth specimen is comprised of half the stem and some of the bowl. The bowl has a much smaller diameter than the other wine glass bowl, and is thus thought to be a champagne flute.

Handles

Three clear glass fragments representing two glass mug handles were recovered from

Privy 1. Other fragments belonging to the mugs were not recovered or identified, however.

One other fragment of a small glass handle was recovered from Privy four. It is made from clear glass and is probably a fragment of a tea cup. 121

Cutlery

One identified handle was recovered from Privy 4. It is 8.8 cm long and made of bone and iron. Another handle made of bone was recovered from Privy 6. It is approximately 5 cm long and is engraved with two series of parallel lines that slant down toward the base from the center to the border of the handle.

A pewter or silver spoon was recovered from Privy 4. It measures 14.5 cm long and is considerable wider at the base of the its handle than at the midsection of its handle.

On the wide handle base is engraved the letters, "M De Mc".

Tools

Chisel

An iron chisel was recovered from Privy 1 (Figure 123). It measures 16.8 cm long and has a 1.3 cm wide blade. Its handle is missing and may have been made of wood.

Transportation

Boot Spur

One boot spur was recovered from Privy 6 (Figure 124). Spurs attach to the heel of a horse rider's boot and are used to urge a horse forward. This specimen is made of iron and is missing both one arm that would have attached it to a boot as well as a spiked wheel which was attached in the slotted portion of the end of the spur.

Harne Knob End

One hollow brass ball, opened on one side, was recovered from Privy 6 (Figure

125). Similar to one identified by Reynolds (1983:286-287), this specimen was most 122 likely to be an ornamental metal ball which may have been attached to the top of a hame.

Ornamental hame balls were mostly made of brass, as is this particular hame ball, but were also made of tinned or plated (Berkebile 1978:434).

Harness Buckles

Two iron buckles, similar to buckles recovered from Fort Scott, Kansas (Reynolds

1983 :285-286), were recovered from Privy l. One buckle is longer that it is wide. It measures 3. 5 cm by 3 cm and is of the roller buckle variety (Figure 126). Roller buckles have a cylinder of iron, a roller sleeve, attached to on side of the buckle. They normally have one loose tongue pivoting of the side opposite the roller sleeve. The other specimen is significantly larger, measuring 10.7 cm square, and is made of iron as well.

Harness Rings

Two circular, metal rings, probably rings for the attachment of harnesses were recovered from Fort Atkinson' s Privy 1 and Privy 3. These specimens are similar to those recovered from Old Fort Scott, Kansas (Reynolds 1983:285-286). One harness ring is made of solid brass round wire. It has an external diameter measuring 3.3 cm. The other is of iron and has and external diameter that measures 3. 9 cm.

Horseshoe

One horseshoe fragment was recovered from Privy 4 (Figure 124). The fragment comprised roughly three quarters of the original horseshoe and was too corroded to determine the location of the fuller, or crease. Horseshoe nails are still attached to the specimen. 123

Horseshoe Nai ls

Two iron horseshoe nail s were recovered from Privy I (Figure 124). It is likely that more than two were deposited into the privies. However, the poor state of nail preservation probably presented such specimens from being identified. Similar to Comer's

(1985 :360) Style 2 horseshoe nails, these two specimens have heads which flare out only slightly from the thickness of the shank (figure X). Such horseshoe nails have been identified as countersunk nails (Berge 1980:243-244). They measure 3 cm and 3.4 cm in length.

Utility (Lighting, Heating)

Lamp Chimney Glass

Only three fragments of lamp chimney glass were recovered from Fort Atkinson.

The clear glass specimens came from Privy 1. Lamp chimney glass is usually very common to historic artifact assemblages (Buckles et al. 1978:429; IMACS 1992:472). This type of glass is fragile curved glass that is easily broken into very small pieces.

Faunal Materials

Unfortunately the majority of the fauna! remains recovered from Fort Atkinson are missing or have been discarded. The privy materials in the possession of the Office of the

State Archaeologist of Iowa contained only four bone fragments which were recovered from Privy 1. The specimens were too small to determine species. However, they were thick enough to be considered larger mammal bones (Jason Titcomb, personal communication, 1998). According to a loan agreement between the OSA and the State 124

Historical Society of Iowa, the Historical Society 's Museum Bureau took on loan a bag of

95 bones, among other Fort Atkinson materials. Upon contacting museum personnel, it was indicated that all materials taken on loan had been included in a Fort Atkinson display

(Jerome Thompson, personal communication, 1998). However, only four bone specimens are on display at present time. The location of the remaining materials is unknown. Of the four specimens on display, a mandible from Privy 6 appears to be that of a domesticated cow (Bos). A second specimen is a butchered portion of a long bone, which is thick enough to be cow as well. The remaining two specimens are large vertebrae which may be cow also. Two clamshell fragments from Privies 2 and 4 and one complete half of clamshell from Privy 3 were recovered. The fragments measure 2.3 cm long by .55 cm wide and 3.1 cm long by 2.12 cm wide. The half shell measures 5.96 cm long by 3.57 cm wide. It was not ascertained whether the specimens were of marine or freshwater origin.

Amorphous Artifacts

Metal Fragments

A total of 191 unidentified iron fragments were recovered from the Fort Atkinson privies. They are typically very thin, less than 0.1 cm and are of various sizes and shapes.

It is likely that many of these specimens are pieces of numerous metal containers. Also recovered were 5 metal fragments made of brass or copper. Roughly the average size and shape of the iron fragments, it is not clear what these specimens might have been.

Leather

Five small pieces of unidentified leather were recovered from Privy 4. 125

Unidentified Non-Amorphous Artifacts

Ceramics

A total of 97 vessel numbers was assigned to ceramic fragments including rim,

body, and base sherds, whose form could not be ascertained. Because form is a clear

indicator of function, most of these vessels could not be placed in functional categories

above. Exceptions are stoneware (n= 1 1) and yellowware (n=6) vessels which most often

were used as utilitarian wares, and thus, are included in the discussion of storage/utilitarian

wares. Excluding the stoneware and yellowware vessels of unknown form, vessels were not assigned functional categories. Of these, 79 vessels are whiteware, porcelain, and

ironstone vessels that are characterized by various decorative techniques including hand painting, transfer printing, and annular banding, among others. Undecorated sherds are also

present. One redware vessel was identified. It is characterized by a salt glazed interior and

a lead glazed exterior.

Container Glass

Included in this category are container glass fragments whose function are

unknown. In some cases vessel numbers were assigned to these specimens when their

color, decoration, or form warranted it. It was considered to include such containers into a

category, "household containers" or "decorative glass". However, it is possible that some

of the specimens may have been used as tableware or for other purposes. Since actual

function is not known, these specimens are listed as unidentified. 126

Fragments whose function are not known include 52 pieces of olive glass. One specimen from Privy 5 is embossed with the letters, "LFE". 29 fragments of aqua container glass were also recovered. Two aqua glass specimens from Privy one were embossed with the letters, "TE" and "SI". Two specimens from Privy 4 were molded. A total of 33 pieces of clear glass were recovered from the privies, one of which, from Privy

1, was molded. Cobalt blue glass recovered numbered 77 specimens. Finally, a fragment of amethyst container glass was recovered from the upper level of Privy 6. This specimen has a molded, scalloped pattern encircling the rim. It also has a mold seam present which extends to the rim. Of these unidentified fragments, 23 vessel numbers were assigned.

Glass Disks

Two unidentified aqua glass disks were recovered from Privy 4 (Figure 127). One measures .12 cm thick with a 4.38 cm diameter. The other measures .10 cm thick with a

4.35 cm diameter. The specimens resemble aqua glass lenses of some sort.

Metal

One thin, boss-like specimen was recovered from Privy 4 (Figure 128). It is a circular, disk that may have served as a decorative element on a harness.

Another metal disk was recovered from Privy 4. It is also made of iron, but is oval in shape and has fabric fragments attached to what is presumed to be its back side (Figure

129). Although it lacks any decoration, it may have been attached to an individual clothing.

A copper or brass disk was recovered from Privy 6. It measures 5.4 cm in diameter, has a hole drilled through its center, and has several circular striations cut into it 127

A small, brass cylinder was recovered from Privy 6. It is one centimeter long and one centimeter in diameter. One end of the object is closed, the other open and flares outward. It is shaped similarly to a Musket or top-hat style percussion cap, as discussed by Comer (1985:344). However, the brim or flared portion of musket percussion caps are comprised of at least three split sections, where this specimen's brim is continuous around its base. Also, the specimen is larger than any percussion caps discussed by Comer.

Leather and Wood

Three circular-shaped pieces of leather were recovered from Privy 4 (Figure 130).

The measure 5.82 cm in diameter, 7.72 cm in diameter, and 6.92 cm in diameter. Each has an axle-like piece of iron through its center and a series of approximately 1.9 cm wooden pegs perforating its edge. Three other fragments of leather were also recovered and contained identical wooden pegs. 19 similar wood pegs were recovered as well (Figure

131 ). One washer-shaped leather fragment and one similar leather fragment were recovered. The specimens had a 3.49 cm external diameter and a 1.63 internal diameter.

Chert

A greenish-tan fragment of chert or flint was recovered from Privy 5. It measures

2.91 cm at its longest point and is .77 cm thick at its thickest point. The edges on the specimen are rather worn and it is likely to be non-cultural.

Cylinder Fragment

An unusual specimen was recovered from Privy 1. The material is dark brown in color, very hard, very dense, and heavy. At best guess, it is made of something highly fired 128

clay. It seems to be a fragment of a slightly tapering cylinder that measures approximately

3.19 cm high.

Discussion of Fort Atkinson Material Culture

As mentioned previously, decorative treatments and motifs are some of the best

indicators of temporal ranges of ceramics. Utilizing South's (1977:217) formula, mean

ceramic dates were calculated. The formula is based on the known period of manufacture

of each ceramic type within the assemblage, with the median manufacture date defined as

the midpoint between the beginning and the end of manufacture. The mean ceramic date is

figured by multiplying the median date of a decorative motif by the number of sherds of that type. The sum of the types are calculated and then divided by the total number of

sherds. Though various studies have figured mean ceramic dates by strictly adhering to

South's use of sherds (Carlson 1979; Comer 1985; Wagner et al. 1993), for this study, mean ceramic dates for the privies were calculated using the number of vessels of a particular decorative type or trait. This was done to avoid the underrepresentation of certain vessels which have been wholly or partially reconstructed and to avoid the overrepresentation of those vessels which have by chance or by nature broken into more pieces than other vessels. A mean ceramic date of 1863. 97 was calculated for the privies overall, a date at least 14 years after the U. S. Army abandoned the post. Such a discrepancy can be explained by the wide time range in which most ceramics date. For instance, undecorated whiteware, which constitutes 28. 7 percent of the ceramic assemblage

(Table 7) dates after 1820 (Rogers 1992). Having been acquired by the State of Iowa in 129

1929 and presumably no longer occupied domestically after that date, the fort site was given a terminal date of 1929. Thus, undecorated whiteware represents a time range from

1820 to 1929 and has a median date of 1874.5, significantly later than the military occupation of Fort Atkinson. Regardless, the great majority of artifact date ranges overlap with the military occupation of Fort Atkinson (1840-1849). Further aiding in the dating of the privies at Fort Atkinson was manufacturer information such as makers' marks, which in all cases provides temporal ranges that are significantly tighter than those ranges indicated by decorative technique alone. A maker's mark from Privy 1 dates from 1836-

1842. Five vessels from Privy 4 had maker's marks providing ranges of 1843 to 1855,

1840 to 1860, and 1845 to 1851. Finally, a maker's mark from Privy 6 indicates a date between 1838 and 1848.

A functional analysis of the Fort Atkinson privy materials indicates a rather diverse artifact assemblage, though one dominated by a few functional categories. The minimum number of ceramic and glass vessels was utilized for figuring the distribution of functional categories, as was the case with figuring mean ceramic dates. Using a minimum vessel count, similarly decorated sherds from a particular privy are identified as one specimen, reducing the total number of specimens assigned to functional categories to eight-hundred thirty-four. These specimens are distributed among the seven privies into 14 functional categories (Table 6). For the most part, the percentage of each functional category is similar for each privy. The exception is Privy 7, which was not excavated fully and yielded only 11 specimens. 130

It is likely that each privy was frequented by particular individuals while they li ved in the officer's quarters. Specifically, it is probable that particular officers and their families used the privy directly behind their quarters. For instance, Privy 1, is considered to have been the commanding officer's latrine (McKusick 1975). Likewise, it is probable that each of the other privies was used by particular officers and their families. Such a situation should create discrete privy assemblages that represent materials deposited by individuals representing particular households. It is interesting, then, to note that the distribution of functional categories in each privy is quite similar, the exception being Privy

7, as mentioned.

Building materials and hardware comprised the majority of the cultural material from the privies (57.6 percent of specimens). The percent of building materials from each privy ranges from 53.2 percent (Privy 5) to 67.7 percent (Privy 2). The main contributor to the high percent of building materials and hardware was the large number of nails recovered from each privy. The next most frequently represented categories are tableware, recreational items, and storage/utilitarian wares, constituting only 10. 7 percent, 8.4 percent, and 7.1 percent of the total number of specimens respectively. Glass and ceramic vessels make up the majority of the tableware and storage/utilitarian ware categories. The surprisingly small percentages represented by these two categories can be explained by the fact that a minimum number of glass and ceramic vessels was utilized for the functional analysis. Had the total number of sherds and shards been used instead of a minimum number of vessels, tableware and storage/utilitarian wares would have made up a more 131 significant portion of the privy assemblage. Likewise, building materials and hardware would constitute a lesser portion of the total privy assemblage. Also surprising is the rather variable distribution of recreational items, represented by smoking pipes mostly.

Minimally, recreational items constitute only 1.4 percent of Privy 3' s artifact assemblage, but represent 29 percent of Privy S's artifact assemblage. Such variation may be linked to the smoking habits of the users of each privy. Clothing, mostly represented by buttons, constitutes 5.8 percent of the total privy assemblage, with miscellaneous hardware representing 3.4 percent and medical/toiletry representing 2.4 percent. The remaining functional categories each constitute less that 2 percent of the privy assemblages.

Similarities between the privy assemblages have become apparent through a functional analysis of the material culture of each privy. However, differences in socio­ economic status come to light through an examination of ceramic decorative types and the diversity of artifacts in each privy. Studies of late eighteenth and early nineteenth century

Euro-American sites have indicated that decorated ceramics predominate in higher status deposits (Miller 1980; Scott 1989; Stone 1974). The majority of ceramics recovered from the Fort Atkinson privies are transfer printed or undecorated. The process involved in transfer printing utiliz.es several steps and, thus, is one of the most costly decorative techniques (Siebert 1997). Conversely, undecorated ceramics represent the least expensive wares available (Miller 1993). Presumably, the amount of expensive transfer printed wares found in the privies of enlisted men would be less than what has been recovered from the officers' privies. Likewise, undecorated wares in enlisted privies would be more numerous 132 that those found in the officers' privies. This theory cannot be tested until the enlisted men's privies are located, however. For this study, the occurrence of particular decorative techniques or the absence of decoration was noted for each vessel. A total of 13 techniques were noted (Table 7). Overall, transfer printing occurs 20.4 percent of the time, hand painting occurs 16. 6 percent of the time, and undecorated ceramics occur 28. 7 percent of the time. The remaining decorative techniques each represent less than 8.3 percent of the total occurrences of decorative techniques. Privy 5 and 6 are characterized by the lowest occurrences of undecorated ceramics, 23.5 percent and 20.4 percent of each ceramic assembly, respectively. Privies 1, 3, and 4 share similar occurrences of undecorated ceramics (33.3 percent, 35 percent, and 32.6 percent respectively). On the other hand, the occurrences of transfer printing (the most costly decorative technique) from Privies 1, 4, 5, and 6 the privies are similar (between 23.5 percent and 27.4 percent). Transfer printing ceramics accounted for 60 percent of the ceramics from Privy 7, a result that is probably skewed due to the small number of artifacts recovered from that privy. However, Privy 2 is characterized by an undecorated ceramic component equaling 45.5 percent of its ceramic assemblage and a transfer printed component equaling 9.1 percent. Privy 3 has no transfer printed wares to speak of. Such percentages of undecorated and decorated ceramics suggest that those people frequenting Privies 5 and 6 were of a higher socio-economic standing than others, and that those who frequented Privies 2 and 3 were of a lower standing. Such a co~clusion is surprising because it most likely that the commanding officer at an Army fort would be of the highest socio-economic standing. In this case, 133

Pri vy 1, the presumed commanding officer's privy, is somewhere in the middle of the privy rankings. Of course, the difference in pay between a commanding officer and other highly ranked officers may not be great, or the unusual ranking may just reflect the spending habits of a particular individual. Also, it may have been that the commanding officer curated his possessions more carefully or that he did not have children, who might tend to break items more often than adults.

One other indicator of socio-economic status is the diversity of archaeological deposits, where more diverse assemblages indicate a higher social and economic status

(Stachiw 1978). Generally, the diversity of material culture, especially luxury goods, is characteristic of greater purchasing power and more wealth (Scott 1989:30). In this case,

Privy 1 contains the most diverse assemblage, represented by 12 of the 14 functional categories. Privy 4 and 6 are represented each by 11 of the 14 categories. However, this trend is most likely caused by the total number of artifacts recovered from each, and is not necessarily and indication of status. The most diverse privy deposits at Fort Atkinson also contained the most artifacts, suggesting that the greater the number of artifacts recovered from a privy, the more diverse the artifacts from that privy.

Still, it is worthwhile to examine the privy assemblage as a whole not only to define status but to understand more clearly the lives of the officers. Overall the material culture of Fort Atkinson's privies is quite diverse. Though it is predominated by building materials, a wide array of materials was recovered representing 14 functional categories.

Such diversity indicates that the officers may have been of a higher status than most 134

nineteenth century Euro-Americans (Stachiw 1978). Ceramic artifacts also suggest such a

high socio-economic standing. Only 28.7 percent of whiteware, porcelain, and ironstone

was undecorated, with the rest decorated in various manners. Definite indicators of status,

such as imported goods, were recovered. French olive oil and champagne were consumed

by the officers at Fort Atkinson. German marbles were imported for the children of officers.

As indicated by historic documents, informal recreational activities included

smoking, drinking, and gaming. Recreational items recovered from the privies corroborate such activities. Williams (1982) suggests that enlisted men might have been more prone to indulge in such activities because some frontier commanders complained of such actives.

However, the presence of pipes, intoxicant bottles, and dominos suggests that the officers of Fort Atkinson did not necessarily feel constrained to avoid such activities. Music was also most likely present at Fort Atkinson. Though it is not likely that an organized band was present, post returns indicate a musician was enlisted at the fort. Further, the recovery of a Jew's harp indicates that music was something that filled the leisure time of an officer or his family.

A final question concerning the interaction between the military occupants of Fort

Atkinson and the Winnebago can be addressed. Historical documents pertaining specifically to Fort Atkinson do not mention interaction between the two groups outside of instances when the Army was removing, containing, or forcibly returning the Winnebago to the Neutral Ground. This is not necessarily surprising because of the fact that the 135

Winnebago occupied the area around the Turkey River Subagency, approximately five miles from the fort. Having received their annuity payments at the subagency, there was probably little incentive for the Winnebago to venture up to the fort. Still, it is possible that the two groups would interact at times other than when the soldiers were policing the

Winnebago. Evidence for trade between the two groups is represented by beads that were recovered from Privies three and four. Though a tiny portion of the privy assemblage, the trade items suggest that the Winnebago and the soldiers might have had minor relationships beyond those of constable and ward. Also, a number of beads may not have been recovered during the excavation of the privies. Having not utilized water flotation methods in an attempt to recover minute artifacts, beads could very well have passed through dry screens unnoticed. 136

CHAPTER 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The focus of this study has been the archaeology, history, architecture, and

preservation of Fort Atkinson (13WH5 7), an 1840s United States Army post in northeast

Iowa. The goals of this study were based on methods and theories of historical

archaeology and historic preservation. One goal has been to model past lifeways of those

military inhabitants living at Fort Atkinson in the 1840s utilizing documentary evidence

and material culture, including architecture, portable artifacts, and features. The second

goal of this study was to provide an architectural description of Fort Atkinson, examining

relevant preservation issues and providing recommendations on how the preservation and

interpretation of preserved structures and features may be improved. In order to reach these goals it was necessary to provide a thorough description of the artifact assemblage from the privies as well as architectural descriptions of extant and non-extant fort-period

buildings.

This study is significant in that it has provided an analysis and interpretation of an artifact assemblage which has gone unreported for over 30 years. The analysis of the artifact collection, fort buildings, and historic documents has allowed for a more complete and accurate depiction of the lives of those who inhabited the site in the 1840s. The study serves to supplement Iowa history, Winnebago history, United States Military history, and the histories of the City of Fort Atkinson and of Winneshiek County. Finally, this research has presented new interpretations of fort-era happenings that may not have been 137 accurately or completely portrayed in the historical record or understood by the public at large.

The methods utilized and environmental setting were discussed early in this thesis in order to provide the background needed to proceed with this study. Methods utilized were grounded mainly in the subjects of historical archaeology, architectural history, and historic preservation. Although each of the three databases utilized for this study (the historical record, the architectural record, and the artifactual record) are characterized by particular biases, the complementary and contradictory nature of the three allow for more complete and accurate interpretations of the lifeways of Fort Atkinson' s military inhabitants. Various historical sources made possible a discussion of the environment of nineteenth century Winneshiek County and Iowa. Such a discussion was included in the study in order to establish the environmental context in which Fort Atkinson was founded and occupied. A number of indigenous plant and animal species were available to those living at the fort and were probably exploited for subsistence to some extent.

Characterized by numerous springs and streams, the region provided the troops with adequate drinking water. Also abundant were building materials including limestone and timber that were necessary to construct such a post. Finally, climatic data indicate that, much like today, Iowa weather not only provided an adequate growing season for crops in the fort's garden plots but also plagued the site with sometimes extreme weather conditions to which the inhabitants were forced to adapt. 138

Historical context was based on data that was obtained from a variety of primary and secondary sources. lnfl uential to the establishment and operation of Fort Atkinson was the presence of the U. S. Army in the Upper Mississippi Valley as well as the

Winnebago people and the United States' policy towards Native Americans. Between

1809 and 18 17 the number of military establishments on the American frontier had grown from 27 to 73. By the 1820s, approximately 60 percent of the U.S. Army was stationed on the western frontier. This expansion was driven by an effort to control Native

American populations and to encourage Euro-American settlement on the frontier.

Like many other posts, Fort Atkinson was built ultimately to control a group of

Native Americans. Specifically, the existence of the fort is tied directly to the Winnebago people and to an effort to remove them from east of the Mississippi River into Iowa and then to keep them from returning to their homelands. The Winnebago, a Siouan-speaking people, were first encountered by Europeans in 1634 at Red Banks on the east shore of

Green Bay. By the early nineteenth century the U.S. government had begun efforts to remove the Winnebago from Wisconsin in order to make way for Euro-American Settlers.

In 1840, one of two groups of Winnebago moved into the Neutral Ground, a 20-mile-wide strip of land located in present-day northern Iowa that was created to separate two hostile native groups, the Santee and the allied Sauk and Meskwaki. Nervous about this arrangement, the Winnebago were reassured that they would be protected and Fort

Atkinson was established. The general history of Fort Atkinson is characterized by efforts to construct the post, to control the Winnebago, and to expel Whites from the Neutral 139

Ground. A series of military units, of both Army regulars and vol unteers, served at the post. From 1840 to 1846 the post was garrisoned by federal troops including infantry and dragoons (mounted infantry). Troops were withdrawn from the fort at the onset of the

Mexican-American War in 1846. From this time until 1848 Fort Atkinson was garrisoned by a force of Iowa volunteers. Regular Army troops returned in 1848, staying until 1849, the year the fort was abandoned by the military. The Winnebago had been removed from

Fort Atkinson in 1848 and moved to Minnesota. In 1862, the Winnebago were moved to

Crow Creek, South Dakota. Once there, most of the Winnebago left Crow Creek to establish themselves among the Omaha in Nebraska or to return to Wisconsin. Eventually, in 1865, a Winnebago reservation was established adjacent to the Omaha reservation, south of Sioux City, Iowa, where it still exists today.

Life at Fort Atkinson was modeled using primary fort correspondence and secondary sources, and by analogy to daily life, health, and diet at other nineteenth century military and civilian settlements. A soldier's life was governed by a set routine and was probably monotonous at times. Officers most likely spent their time completing paperwork, supervising and training the troops, and policing the fort. At times, the repetition of post life was broken by mail, courier, and purchasing assignments that allowed officers to leave the post for a period. Many officers brought their families with them to the frontier, as did officers at Fort Atkinson. Though little record exists concerning the families of officers at Fort Atkinson, wives of the officers probably spent their time supervising the children, gardening, and performing domestic tasks including 140 cooking and sewing. Children probably spent a hearty portion of their weekday in the schoolroom in the South Barracks. At other times, children may have helped with domestic chores or spent time playing.

An enlisted man probably spent his days performing duties assigned according to skill or past experience. Between 1840 and 1842 much of an enlisted man's time must have been spent constructing the fort. Apart from construction duty, a soldier might be assigned to cut firewood, gather and prepare food, care for the animals, stand guard, or ride patrol. Patrol duty might have been a welcome change from a soldier's regular duties.

Though often physically taxing, patrol duty allowed men to leave the fort for a time to help prevent the Winnebago from returning to Wisconsin and to remove Euro-Americans who were in the Neutral Ground illegally.

Major factors affecting life on the military frontier were health and diet. Compared to other frontier populations who were not as financially secure, military populations probably enjoyed a more varied and reliable diet. Not only were foodstuffs including salt pork, flour, beans, and vinegar purchased for the fort, fort gardens provided the soldiers with produce. Though they probably enjoyed a diet superior to those of other frontier populations, the men at Fort Atkinson are likely to have suffered disease at a rate similar to or greater than civilian populations. Diseases such as cholera, tuberculosis, and typhoid flourished in the close-quartered living that characterized military posts on the frontier.

Fort Atkinson did staff a surgeon; however, nineteenth century medical practices rarely did little more than treat the symptoms of an illness. Also affecting the general health of 141

soldiers were trauma and physical activity. Garrison life contained periodically stressful

and/or dangerous activities. Activities such as felling tress, horseback riding, quarrying

stone, or cutting ice very likely resulted in both traumatic injuries from time to time and degenerative physical changes through time, ultimately affecting the lives of those soldiers participating in such activities.

The discussion of the architecture and preservation of Fort Atkinson was also reliant on primary and secondary sources, as well as on previous studies concerning the site. Furthermore, an on-site architectural survey also provided a good deal of information about the architecture, preservation, and interpretation of the Fort Atkinson State

Preserve. Detailed architectural descriptions of fort-period buildings, both extant and non­ extant, have been presented in this study. Also included has been a discussion concerning preservation issues including past preservation efforts, the present state of repair of the site, accessibility and safety, and how the fort might be administered more effectively.

First, the site is administered as if it is a state park and not a state preserve, which is its official designation. Access is often limited to a preserve in order to maintain the site in a certain state. However, people are encouraged to visit Fort Atkinson, especially during an annual rendezvous. That is not to say that the site should be treated as a preserve and be off limits to the public. The site represents a significant cultural resource and should be used to inform the public of this important period of history. The most sensible remedy would be to transfer control of Fort Atkinson from the Preserves Board to the Parks Board in order for the site to be administered as a state park. 142

Second, a policy of preventative maintenance should be adopted by those who administer the site. The present state of repair of Fort Atkinson indicates that there are certain problems concerning the preservation of the site. Problems include water damage to buildings, poorly fitted doors, and collapsing foundations of non-extant buildings. In order to preserve the site in its present state, certain repairs must be made and the condition of the buildings must be monitored in the future. Realizing that funds are likely restricted, it will be necessary to prioritize needed repairs, completing them when money becomes available. One problem that should be addressed as soon as practicable is water damage to the structures. A thorough inspection of the roofs of fort structures should be made to ensure that they are in good repair and are shedding water appropriately. Also suggested is that gutter systems be installed on the structures in order to direct water away from the buildings. True, gutters are not original to the buildings. However, water damage is evident on certain areas of the foundations of the buildings and will become worse through time if the problem is not treated. Once the problem of water damage is corrected, focus may shift to other needed repairs including re-hanging doors, reconstructing collapsed foundations, and restoring rotted wooden window sills.

Third, philosophies outlined in the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) should be incorporated into the administration of Fort Atkinson. Suggested improvements include the reservation of accessible parking spaces in the lot north of the site. The accessible parking spaces, if not the entire parking lot, should be paved, making it easier to navigate for those whose mobility is impaired. The fort grounds are characterized by an uneven, 143 grass-covered surface, which mi ght also be difficult to navigate for seniors or those who are impaired. Such individuals might benefit from a paved path leading from one feature to the next. Such a path could also be used to direct the public along a self-guided tour of the site planned by fort staff Finally, the entrance to the Powder Magazine requires an individual to take one step up. A small ramp would make the entrance more accessible.

A final recommendation concerning the site is that steps be taken to better secure the preserve. Vandals have carved and drawn graffiti on buildings, most notably on the exterior east wall of the North Barracks and on the interior walls of the Powder Magazine.

Again, funds are probably not available to provide security staff year round. However, a fence might be erected in sections where the stockade was not reconstructed, possibly providing a deterrent to potential vandals. A security system or motion activated flood lights might also serve to protect the site.

Archaeological data utilized for this study is represented by the artifacts recovered by Marshall B. McKusick during his excavations of the fort privies in 1966. One thousand, five hundred, thirty-six artifacts made of ceramic, metal, leather, glass, bone, and wood have been described and analyzed in this study. Analysis was based on a functional classification of privy artifacts, where specimens were assigned to categories including building materials/hardware, tableware, storage/utilitarian wares, and recreational items.

Because each privy was arranged so that it was directly behind the quarters of a particular officer's quarters, it was theorized that each privy represented a household. It was expected that differences between the privies, and thus households, would become 144 apparent when the privies were compared in terms of frequency of artifacts from each functional category. Save for Privy 7, which only yielded 11 specimens, the privies share a rather similar distribution of functional types. One exception is in the distribution of recreational items, the majority of which are smoking pipes. Recreational items represent

29 percent of Privy 5's total artifact assemblage, but only represent 1.4 percent of the

Privy 3 assemblage. Such variation may reflect the smoking habits of the users of each privy. Slight socio-economic differences between privy users are indicated by an analysis of decorated ceramics. Studies of late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Euro­

American sites indicate that expensively decorated ceramics predominate in higher status deposits (Miller 1980; Scott 1989; Stone 1974). Privies 5 and 6 are characterized by lesser percentages of undecorated whiteware (the least expensive type of whiteware) than the other privies. The percent of transfer printed wares (the most expensive decorative technique) from each privy is similar (between 23 .5 and 28.3), with three exceptions. Sixty percent of occurrences of decorative techniques from Privy 7 ceramics were transfer prints.

Such a unusual result is expected because of the small number of artifacts were recovered from the privy. Of the ceramics recovered from Privy 2, only 9.1 percent were transfer printed. Privy 3 had no transfer printed ceramics at all. This may indicate that those using

Privies 2 and 3 may have been of a lesser economic standing than other fort inhabitants. In fact, the location of Privies 2 and 3 directly to the east of the center section of the East

Barracks (Figure 6) suggests that both Privies may have been used by the same household. 145

Lieutenant Reyno lds ' 1842 map identifies Privy 3, but not Privy 2. It is possible that

Privy 3 became full over time and Privy 2 was dug as a replacement

An analysis of the overall privy assemblage indicates that the officers at Fort

Atkinson had access to imported goods such as English ceramics, French olive oil, and

German marbles. Not surprisingly, these artifacts indicate that the officers could afford rather expensive ceramic wares, such as those decorated with transfer prints and hand painting. The diversity of the privy goods and the presence of expensive ceramic wares and imported goods suggest that the officers enjoyed a higher socio-economic standing than most people living in nineteenth century America. Pipes, dominos, musical instruments, and intoxicant bottles recovered from the privies indicate that the officers partook in leisure activities that in some cases may have been frowned upon (e.g., drinking). Documentary evidence suggests that officers on the frontier complained about enlisted men who drank.

However, Fort Atkinson's privy assemblage indicates that drinking was part of the lives of officers, too. Physical evidence for the presence of women and children at Fort Atkinson was characterized by women 's toiletry items and by children's toys such as marbles and miniature tea sets. Finally, a small number of trade beads from the privies indicates a minor trade relationship between the Winnebago and the soldiers. Interaction between the two groups is not discussed in the historical record outside of incidences where the military was sent out to police the Winnebago. It may be that the Winnebago had little incentive to venture to the fort, some five miles from the Turkey River Subagency where they lived and received their annuity payments. However, it is possible that the two groups traded 146 regularly and that a larger number of beads were not recovered during the 1966 excavations of the privies because of the recovery techniques employed at that time.

Recommendations for Future Research

Fort Atkinson's potential to provide further architectural, archaeological, and historical data and knowledge is far from exhausted. Additional subsurface features very likely exist within the vicinity of the site. Yet to be located are the enlisted men's privies, a fort midden, and other structures and features not included on Lieutenant Reynolds' 1842 map of the site. The area outside of the fort stockade, which is now under private ownership, may be an especially rich source of archaeological and architectural data. Much of the area has been impacted by farming, road construction, and house building. However,

Kean's (1981) survey located the foundations of many of Fort Atkinson's outbuildings.

Yet to be excavated, these buildings might provide valuable data concerning the lives of those at the post.

Finally, interpretations based on data presented in this study are by no means plenary. It is likely that varied and numerous interpretations of fort life may derived from the data presented here; such interpretations are welcomed. Comparative studies between

Fort Atkinson and other forts on the frontier are potentially fruitful in increasing what is known of life at nineteenth century military posts. Also, comparisons between Fort

Atkinson and associated, contemporaneous sites such as the Turkey River Subagency will increase what is known of local variations in cultural and socio-economic phenomena. 147

APPENDIX A. FIGURES 148

~ 1

__ - Fon Aikin son --- I --~;-- -- .. ,~ _ - - --Turkey River Winnebago Agency / - ..-r , -'., ------\ __ --- -"'Neutral Ground

.' .... _...---- -­

0 20· 40 60mi.

0 40 80km.

Figure 1. Location of the Neutral Ground in northeast Iowa (from Merry and Green 1989). 149

Figure 2. West-facing view of Southwest Blockhouse.

I

Figure 3. East-facing view of Powder Magazine. 150

Figure 4. North-facing view of North Barracks

Figure 5. Northeast-facing view of reconstructed Northeast Blockhouse. 151 Laundresses' Hut A Privy 5 Privy 6 D Laundresses' Hut B D Southwest Blockhouse Commissary Building Y

D Laundresses' Hut C Privy 7 a uard House D Carpenter Shop

-North Barracks South Barracks a 0 Blacksmith Shop 0 a a Building X

Gate 0 Bakehouse

C. 0 . Quarters D Quartermaster Bulding Powder Magazine J....-____.I Quatermaster Stable Privy 1 Northeast Blockhouse Privy 2 (not original to Reynolds' map) 0 Granary Icehouse 00 Roothouse Dragoon Stable A

Dragoon Stable B ------z ...

o· 100' 200'

Figure 6. Map of Fort Grounds redrawn from Lt. Reynolds' 1842 sketch. 152

Figure 7. Northeast-facing drawing of Fort Atkinson by Lt. Reynolds (1842). 153

,, ' '~ ::. == ===~ II II 1r-11 10+',_ - II I Ii - ~

Ou ·f Q . I '- - _,~ ~---- I

~ .) I

.:~o ----..;: · \' '.....;.. -

l,R- r-- f I -1 I I ! ----7:===;+ I

') 1071 ' 57'30" R 9W 586 (ST, LUCAS) 'ST. LUCAS 4 Ml. 588 55' 7610 Ill SW 1:24000 I SCALE 2 0 I MILE 1000 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 FEET t • .5 0 l KILOMETER N IOWA

j QUADRANGLE LOCAT I Figure 8, Location of Fort Atkinson, 154

Figure 9. Views of Fort Grounds. 155

Fort Atkinson ______.. ___ _ I i

o--==2•0-==4•0-==:::i60 m•. 0--===---==::::t 40 BO km .

Figure 10. Landforms of Iowa (from Prior 1991 ). 156

Figure 11. Fort Atkinson Quarry. 157

Rl OW R9W R8W R7W

T100N TlOON

llflC

~~ .THI e T99N 8™1 T99N ,.... TSI ~

~~~ • l'tlA

c;J,... TSO T98N B ~,.... T98N c£7,... . ~&·\ r;J,u ,...e ·· &··· ··· ·· ...... ~ ~ T':"

T97N T97N

• Fort Atkinson ~

~TH I THI ..... T96N ·~ ~TH~ 0GllO Qi THI " ClllO

RlOW R9W RBW ~ R7W 0 2 3

MIL£S Figure 12. Vegetation of Winneshiek County,• Iowa, digitized from 1832-1859 General Land Office Township Plat Maps (from Anderson 1996). 158

(\ \ = Area Surveyed

'. \ ,\ , \

T ,_0

-- ·· ------

---.'......

It" , II I -- • ...I' .I ··---' II

1 c IOWA

Figure 13 . Location of Turkey River Subagency. 159

Figure 14. Northwest-facing view of North Barracks.

Figure 15. View of North Barracks from outside the Stockade. 160

MO &A'°'°'T

Figure 16. Plan of North Barracks (from McKusick l 966b ).

Figure 17. Historic photograph of North Barracks prior to stabilization efforts. 161

Figure 18. Northwest-facing view of Partial reconstruction of North Barracks. 162

Figure 19. West cement block wall of North Barracks. 163

Figure 20. Northeast-facing view of reconstructed Northeast Blockhouse.

-

Figure 21. Southeast-facing view of reconstructed Northeast Blockhouse. 164

Figure 22. Plan of reconstructed Northeast Blockhouse (from McKusick l 966b ).

Figure 23 . Roughly east-facing view of Powder Magazine. 165

Figure 24. Plan of Powder Magazine (from McKusick I 966b).

Figure 25. West-facing view of Southwest Blockhouse. 166

Figure 26. Plan of Southwest Blockhouse (from McKusick 1966b).

el!IOUNO L[VE\.

(IO'XU'I

Figure 27. Plan of Commissary (from McKusick 1966b). 167

qrou11d Jewel .S ' l~c.. I our.dGllOftS orouftd ......

Figure 28. Plan of East Barracks (from McKusick 1966b).

Figure 29. Plan of Guardhouse (from McKusick l 966b ). 168

Figure 30. Photograph of 1966 privy excavations.

Figure 31 . Photograph of 1966 privy excavations. 169

Figure 32. Plan of South Barracks (from McKusick 1966b ).

(H'XU'I

Figure 33 . Plan of Sutler's store (from McKusick 1966b). 170

Figure 34. Modem structure sheltering fort-period well. 171

/I 1 W®J 11 illOO~/..___ rnilill __ l J

~ Q - 0 Cl Cl a a • a a •

Figure 35. Plan of West Barracks (from McKusick 1966b).

101eet

Figure 36. Plan of bakeoven (from Kean 1981).

tN

A

20leet

Figure 3 7. Plans of Dragoon Stable A and B (from Kean 1981 ). 172

D 0 0 D

0 .. t D 0 D

B 10teet

Figure 38. Plan of Granary (from Kean 1981).

.. t

10 feet

Figure 39. Plan of Laundresses Hut A (from Kean 1981). 173

10 feet

Figure 40. Plan of Fireplace from Laudresses Hut B (from Kean 1981).

tN

10 feet

Figure 41. Plan of Quartermaster's Building (from Kean 1981). 174

Figure 42. Reconstructed main gate.

Figure 43 . Partially reconstructed Stockade. 175

Figure 44. East walJ of North Barracks. 176

Figure 45 . Damage to east wall of North Barracks. 177

Figure 46. Remnants of second story Porch beams, south wall of North Barracks. 178

Figure 47. Window with rotting sill and cracks in wall, south wall of North Barracks. 179

Figure 48. Water damage to comer of Southwest Blockhouse.

..

'' .,

Figure 49. Water damage and mold growth on Powder Magazine 180

Figure 50. Poorly fitted doors to Southwest Blockhouse. 181

Figure 51. Gravel parking lot with no accessible parking places. 182

Figure 52. Grass covered fort grounds.

Figure 53 . Monochrome hand painted ceramics. 183

Figure 54. Polychrome hand painted whiteware.

2 /' d

3

- 5cm- - Figure 55. Annular banded wares (from Carlson 1979). 184

Figure 56. Mocha decorated pitcher.

Figure 57. Shell edged plate. 185

Figure 58. Decaling on porcelain cup (right).

Figure 59. Sponged decoration. 186

Figure 60. Spatter decorated ceramics (from Comer 1985).

Figure 61. Blue transfer printed ceramics. 187

Figure 62. Purple, black, and red transfer printed ceramics.

Figure 63 . Flow decorated ceramics. 188

Figure 64. Chamber pot with molded lid handle.

Figure 65 . Gilding on miniature tea pot. 189

Figure 66. Luster decorated ceramics.

Figure 67. Stoneware. 190

Figure 68. Y ellowware. 191

\ l l \ ! \ \ ----7 ---Tl I I I I --L I I I ;I I ; I : I -- '-:.---- ::...:::_- .....-. > DIP MOLO bJ HINGED SHOULDER - HEIGHT MOLO BOTTOM • HINGED MOJ..D THREE PART DIP MOLO

-P. )~: £J. 'I ' / l.1 ' I '''I ·. \ rn I I . I '.~ \ I I / \'\' ( j l )~\ i . I '. l I ; I I I I I / \ I I I I I I I ! I I ( 1 I I .. [ I I I I . I I I I I I I .i I I J . _~-J- i. -.:..:..:=.. . ___ J' -:~~-:;:~-;.~ _!/ THREE· PART ,.. .. - - ~ ...... _~ LEAF MOLO POs; - BOTTOM MOLO CUP. eon-cM MCLO AUTO MA TIC BOTTLE MACHINE Figure 69. Mold seams characteristic of historic glass (from IMAcs 1992). 192

EARLY M'ACHINE CUT HANO WROUGHT NAILS witb handmade head EARLY MACHINE HEAC'ED • 17.ll!. -19th c. Cu. 1790-mid 1920s CUT NAILS T head Rose head Common nail Ca.1815-late 1830s 0 0

ShankS often have a bevled facet on one side caused by pressure frum die

MODERN MACHINE CUT NAILS - Late 1830s-present _ MODERN WIRE NAILS 0 Ca.1850 -present . . or Flooring tmJds Finish Common Ruo~ing 0

Marks of gripper die

Usually hO\d a 4-facet point caused °!JJ cutt~r di~

Figure 70. Historic nails (from IMACS 1992). 193

Figure 71 . Modern machine cut nails.

Figure 72 . Wire or round nails. 194

Figure 73 . Clinched nails.

Figure 74. Spike and Rod or Spike. 195

Figure 75. Stock lock.

Figure 76 . Keys. 196

Figure 77. One of four bolts recovered from Fort Atkinson Privies.

Figure 78. Iron disk. 197

Figure 79. Iron straps.

Figure 80. Rivets. 198

Figure 81. Barbed wire.

Figure 82. Basins. 199

Figure 83 . Chamber pot.

Figure 84. Soap dish. 200

Figure 85 . Medicalffoiletry bottles. 201

Figure 86. Clear glass stopper.

Figure 87. Beads. 202

Figure 88. Loop shank buttons.

Figure 89. Bone buttons. 203

Figure 90. Shell buttons.

Figure 91. Ceramic buttons. 204

Figure 92. Scissors.

Figure 93 . Thimble. 205

Figure 94. Styli similar to those recovered from Fort Atkinson privies. 206

FRONT BACK STEM

SPUR__/

BACK FRONT MOLD LINE MOLD LINE

Figure 95 . Pipe terminology (from Tobey 1974 ). 207

a

b

Figure 96. T. D. pipes.

a

. .. · ·- .. .v!J , 1· l\ .., ' -..:;::..t'L •

e

Figure 97. Ribbed pipes . 208

a

d c b

Figure 98. Miscellaneous decorated pipes.

Figure 99. A Jew's harp similar to one recovered from Fort Atkinson privies. 209

Figure 100. Miniature teapot. 210

Figure 101. Condiment bottle. 211

Figure 102. A typical olive oil bottle (from Switzer 1974 ).

Figure 103. Olive oil bottle medallion. 212

Figure 104. Jar fragments.

Figure 105. Vegetable bottle. 213

Figure J 06. Double oil or mineral bottle neck finish (from IMACS 1992).

Figure 107. Probable tobacco can from Privy 7. 214

Figure 108. Purple transfer printed bowl.

Figure 109. Soup tureen or caudle cup. 215

Figure 110. Brown transfer printed pitcher.

Figure 111 . Porcelain cup. 216

Figure 112. Mugs (from Beaudry et al. 1991).

Figure 113. Undecorated plates. 217

Figure 114. Blue transfer printed plates.

Figure 115. Blue transfer printed plate with hand painted details. 218

Figure 116. Maker's mark by Ridgway, Son, and Company.

Figure 117. Flow blue (left) and red transfer printed (right) saucers. 219

Figure 118. Serving dishes (from Beaudry et al. 1991 ).

Figure 119. Willow patterned gravy boat. 220

Figure 120. Tumblers.

Figure 121. Stemware. 221

Figure 122. Spoon with engraved handle, "M De Mc".

Figure 123. Iron chisel. 222

Figure 124. Artifacts from the transportation component (boot spur, horseshoe nail, horseshoe).

Figure 125. Harne (from American Heritage Dictionary 1996). 223

Figure 126. Iron roller buckle.

Figure 127. Unidentified aqua glass disks. 224

Figure 128. Unidentified boss-like specimen.

Figure 129. Unidentified iron specimen with attached fabric. 225

Figure 130. Unidentified leather "wheels".

Figure 131. Unidentified wood "pegs". 226

Figure 132. Unidentified cylinder fragment. 227

APPENDIX B. TABLES 228

Table 1. Deaths associated with the Military Occupation of Fort Atkinson. Individual Association Dates* Gideon Post Co. K 1st Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 3 I, 1841 Leo W. Wallask Co. K 1st Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 3 1, 1841 Alfred Weir Co. K 1st Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 3 1, 1841 Execkael O'Leary Co. K 1st Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 3 1, 1841 John IBe Lane Co. K 1st Infantry Oct. 31 and Dec. 31 , 1841 John Faltersan Co . K 1st Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 3 1, 1841 William Thompson Jr. Co. K 1st Infantry Mar. 30 and Jun. 30, 1842 Robert Murray Co. K 1st Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 31 , 1842 William Williams Co. K 1st Dragoons Aug. 31 , 1844 Corneleius Blej Co . K 1st Dragoons Feb. 28 and Apr. 30, 1846 John Montgomery Co. A 1st Iowa Volunteer Infantry Nov. 6, 1846 Joseph Madden Co. A 1st Iowa Volunteer Infantry Aug. 4, 1847 Titus Owen Co. A 1st Iowa Volunteer Infantry Oct. 29, 1847 Philip Watts Co. C 6th Infantry Aug. 31 and Oct. 31 , 1948 James Garrtly Co. C 6th Infantry Dec. 31 , 1848 and Feb. 28, 1849 Howard (only name given) Teamster Oct. 1840

*Note: It is not clear why two dates were listed on the original document (State Historical Society of Iowa, Iowa City, Fort Atkinson Research File Ms 173 ). Table 2. Ceramic Vessels from Fort Atkinson Privies (13WH37). Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference I Ott 401 l I stoneware Albany mt; wheel thrown post 1805 I anenhaus 1982

2 TBL 401 1 1 whiteware bowl molded (floral design) post 1840 Majewski and O' Brien 1984

3 401, 402 2 I whiteware brown transfer 1825-1915 Rogers 1992

4 401, 403 8 1 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

5 404, 405, 5 1 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992 406

6 UTL 402 1 1 stoneware salt glaze ext; gray slip pre 1910 Tanenhaus 1982

7 403 I I whiteware multi-colored sponge 1840-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

N 8 UTL 404 1 I stoneware lead or clear glaze; wheel pre 1880s Ketchum 1983 N thrown '° 9 406 2 I whiteware green transfer; 1840-ca.1860 Majewski and blue handpainted O' Brien 1984

10 406, 407 4 I whiteware blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

11 TBL 408 3 I whiteware bowl undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

12 TBL 409 I I porcelain handled undecorated post ca.1826 Ketchum 1983 cup

13 TOI 416, 418 2 1 whiteware chamber molded lid handle (floral post 1840 Majewski and pot and design) O'Brien 1984 lid 14 TOI 417 2 I whiteware chamber blue transfer; maker's mark: 1836-1842 pot and "RMW&CO" Ridgeway, Godden 1968 lid Morley, Wear & Co.

15 TOI 419 I I whiteware basin undecorated; "propeller" post 1820 Rogers 1992 Table 2. (continued) Vessel # functtonal Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type T·ype Description Dates Reference stamp

16 TBL 421 l I earthenware cream Luster; white banding post 1830s Bagdade 1991 (brown) pitcher

l 7 TBL 422 l I whiteware saucer molded; blue hand painted popular 1880- Ketchum 1983 1930

18 TBL 501 l 2 porcel_ain bowl blue hand painted popular 1880- Ketchum 1983 1930

19 TBL 501 l 2 porcelain bowl flow blue (dense coloration) 1835-1850s Bagdade 1991

20 501 2 2 porcelain undecorated; hard pasted post 1826 Ketchum 1983

21 UTL 501 l 2 yellowware annular banding 1827-1940 Rogers 1992

22 UTL 501 I 2 stoneware Bristol slip ext; salt glaze pre 1910 Tanenhaus 1982 ext.

23 UTL 501 l 2 stoneware wheel thrown pre 1880s Ketchum 1983

24 UTL 501 l 2 stoneware Albany slip int; salt glaze post 1843 IMACS 1992 N !.;.) ext 0

25 501 7 2 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

26 TBL 501 3 2 ironstone plate undecorated post 1830 Wetherbee 1985

27 501 2 2 ironstone molded (floral design)

28 501 l 2 ironstone undecorated post 1830 Wetherbee 1985

29 501 1 2 porcelain undecorated; hard pasted post ca.1826 Ketchum 1983

30 501 1 2 whiteware green transfer; hand painted 1840-ca.1860 Majewski and O'Brien 1984

31 501 1 2 whiteware blue hand painted (floral 1840-1860 Rogers 1992 design)

32 501 1 2 whiteware blue annular banding 1830-1860 Deiss 1988: Majewski and O'Brien 1984 Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference

33 601, 604 3 3 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

34 601 I 3 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

35 601 I 3 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

36 601 1 3 porcelain molded; guilded post 1836 Miller 1987 (gilding)

37 UTL 601 I 3 yellowware undecorated 1827-1940 Rogers 1992

38 602 I 3 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

39 603 I 3 whiteware red spatterware 1810-1840 McConnell 1990

40 TBL 603 5 3 porcelain saucer blue annular banding (hand painted); bluish glaze

41 TBL 603, 604 2 3 porcelain plate blue hand painted N w 42 TBL 604 I 3 porcelain plate blue annular banding (hand - painted); bluish glaze

43 TBL 604 I 3 porcelain gravy blue transfer; blue hand post 1790 Miller 1991 boat painted; Willow pattern

44 TBL 604 l 3 whiteware saucer green hand painted ca. 1780-1865 Ingalls 1995 :3

45 TBL 604 4 3 whiteware cream annular banded; polychrome 1840-1860 Rogers 1992 pitcher hand painted

46 TBL 604 l 3 whiteware plate decaling post 1860 IMACS 1992

47 TOI 604 1. 3 whiteware chamber undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992 pot

48 UTL 704, 706 3 4 stoneware butter pot undecorated

49 704 l 4 whiteware transfer; handpainted 1840-ca. I 860 Majewski and Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference O'Brien 1984

50 704 1 4 ironstone undecorated post 1830 Whetherbce 1985

5 1 704 3 4 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

52 704, 706 8 4 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

53 706 1 4 porcelain undecorated post ca.1826 Ketchum 1983

54 TBL 706, 707 2 4 whiteware plate blue shell edge 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

55 TBL 706, 740 3 4 porcelain cup purple annular banding; post 1830s Bagdade 1991 luster

56 TBL 706, 707 6 4 whiteware pitcher mocha 1820-1900 Rogers 1992

Ketchum 1983 57 UTL 707, 708, 10 4 stoneware butter pot wheel thrown pre 1880s N 719, 740 \.;.) N 58 707 1 4 whiteware mocha; blue annular banding 1820-1900 Rogers 1992

59 UTL 707 1 4 yellowware bowl annular banding; hand 1827-1940 Rogers 1992 painted

60 TBL 707 1 4 whiteware saucer molded; maker's mark 1843-1855 Godden 1968 "Thomas, John, and Joseph Mayers

61 TBL 707, 708 2 4 whiteware saucer molded; maker's mark 1843-1855 Godden 1968 "Thomas, John, and Joseph Mayers"

62 707 3 4 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

63 707 1 4 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

64 707 4 4 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

65 707 2 4 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992 Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference 66 101. 108 2 4 porcelam undecorated post ca.1826 Ketchum 1983

67 TBL 707 2 4 whiteware pitcher red transfer 1828-1850 Majewski and O'Brien 1984

68 707 I 4 whiteware brown transfer 1820-1915 Rogers 1992

69 707, 708 4 4 whiteware blue transfer; polychrome 1840-ca. 1860 Majewski and hand painted O' Brien 1984

70 707 I 4 whiteware black hand painted, crudely popular 1840- Majewski and applied 1870 O' Brien 1984

71 TBL 707, 713 2 4 whiteware platter blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

72 708 I 4 whiteware brown transfer, blue hand 1840-ca. 1860 Majewski and painted O'Brien 1984

73 TBL 708, 717 1 4 porcelain plate undecorated post 1826 Ketchum 1983

Godden 1968 74 TBL 709 I 4 ironstone saucer molded, "NS"; maker's mark 1843-1855 t..J "G F Filley, St Louis, MO UJ by T JJ mayers Longport UJ (Eng)" 75 TOI 711 I 4 whiteware chamber blue hand painted; floral 1820-1860 Rogers 1992 pot design 76 TBL 712 I 4 whiteware mug blue annular banded 1830-1860 Deiss 1988

77 TBL 714 l 4 whiteware plate blue transfer; polychrome 1840-ca. 1860 Majewski and floral hand painted; maker's O'Brien 1984 mark, planter and anchor motif "W. P. S. & C."

78 UTL 715 I 4 ink bottle brown slip ext/purple and white slip int.

79 TBL 717 l 4 whiteware saucer flow blue; willow pattern; 1845-1851 Cushion 1994 maker's mark "T WALKER, SCINDE IRONSTONE"

80 TBL 718 2 4 whiteware . pitcher brown transfer 1820-1915 Rogers 1992

8 1 TBL 718 I 4 whiteware plate blue transfer; polychrome 1840-ca. 1860 Majewski and Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference - ---- ·------hand pamted O'Bnen 1984

82 TBL 720 1 4 porcelain saucer undecorated becoming Ketchum 1983 popular ca. 1826

83 TOI 721 1 4 whiteware soap dish brown transfer 1820-1915 Rogers 1992

84 TBL 722 7 4 whiteware dish blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982 85 728 I 4 whiteware brown annular banding 1830-1860 Deiss 1988

86 UTL 737 1 4 red ware flower pot clear or lead glaze

87 TBL 738 1 4 porcelain cup guilded; polychrome floral post 1880 Miller 1987 hand painted

88 UTL 740 1 4 stoneware wheel thrown pre 1880s Ketchum 1983

89 UTL 740 1 4 yellowware annular banded 1827-1940 Rogers 1992 N (.;.) 90 740 2 4 whiteware flow blue 1835-1850s Bagdade 1991 ~

91 740 1 4 whiteware green floral hand painted 1840-1860 Rogers 1992

92 TBL 740, 742 5 4 whiteware cup annular banded 1830-1860 Deiss 1988

93 740 1 4 porcelain guilded; polychrome transfer post 1880 Miller 1987

94 740 1 4 whiteware black transfer popular 1830- Majewski and 1850 O' Brien 1984

95 740 1 4 porcelain undecorated post ca. 1826 Ketchum 1983

96 740 1 4 whiteware molded; guilded post 1855 Majewski and O'Brien 1984

97 TBL 740 2 4 whiteware bowl green maker' s mark, post 1820 Rogers 1992 indistinguishable

98 740 2 4 porcelain undecorated 1830-1969 !MACS 1992 Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference 99 IBt 803, 804 2 5 porcelain plate undecorated post ca. 1826 Ketchum 1983

100 804 3 5 whiteware undecorated 1830-1969 !MACS 1992

101 804, 808 3 5 whiteware blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

102 804 l 5 porcelain blue hand painted

103 UTL 804, 808 2 5 stoneware lead glaze; wheel thrown pre 1880s Ketchum 1983

104 TBL 805 l 5 whiteware saucer red transfer; maker's mark 1828- 1850 Majewski and "ANGLING " O' Brien 1984

105 807 l 5 porcelain undecorated post ca. 1826 Ketchum 1983

106 807 l 5 porcelain blue hand painted

107 UTL 808 l 5 yellowware clear glaze 1830-1900 !MACS 1992

108 808 l 5 whiteware red transfer 1828- 1850 Majewski and O' Brien 1984

Deiss 1988 N 109 TBL 808 l 5 whiteware plate blue feather edge 1820-1860 VJ Ul 110 808 l 5 whiteware green feather edge 1830-1860s Miller 1980

l I l TBL 808 3 s whiteware cup polychrome floral hand popular 1840- Rogers 1992 painted 1860

112 TBL 808 2 5 whiteware bowl polychrome floral hand popular 1840- Rogers 1992 painted 1860

113 TBL 808 3 5 whiteware plate flow blue 1835-1850s Bagdade 1991

114 TBL 808 l 5 whiteware dish flow blue 1835-1850s Bagdade 1991

115 808 5 5 whiteware blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

116 808 10 5 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

117 808 1 s whiteware molded post 1840 Majewski and O' Brien 1984 Table 2. (continued)

Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference

118 901 3 6 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

119 UTL 901 I 6 stoneware Albany slip int; salt glaze post 1843 !MACS 1992 ext; wheel thrown pre 1880s Ketchum 1983

120 901, 905. 19 6 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992 906, 907

121 UTL 901 I 6 stoneware Albany slip int/ext post 1805 Tanenhaus 1982

122 TBL 901, 905 3 6 whiteware plate flow blue 1835-1850s Bagdade 1991

123 901 I 6 whiteware red hand painted, crudely popular 1840- Majewski and applied 1870 O'Brien 1984

124 UTL 905 1 6 yellowware blue annular banding 1827-1940 Rogers 1992

125 UTL 906 I 6 yellowware undecorated 1830-1900 !MACS 1992

126 906 3 6 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992 tv 127 906 I 6 whiteware undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992 VJ C°' 128 906 I 6 whiteware blue and green annular 1830-1860 Deiss 1988 banding

129 906 I 6 whiteware blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

130 906 I 6 whiteware polychrome floral hand 1830-1860 Deiss 1988 painted

13 I 906 I 6 whiteware blue transfer; red hand 1840-ca. 1860 Maj ewski and painted O' Brien 1984

132 906 2 6 whiteware red transfer 1828- 1850 Majewski and O'Brien 1984

133 906 I 6 whiteware purple transfer popular 1830- Majewski and 1860 O' Brien 1984

134 907 I 6 porcelain undecorated post ca. 1826 Ketchum 1983 Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference 135 907 I 6 porcelam undecorated post ca. 1826 Ketchum 1983

136 TBL 907, 910 I 6 porcelain tea cup polychrome floral hand painted

137 UTL 907 I 6 stoneware salt glaze ext; wheel thrown pre 1880s Ketchum 1983

138 907 l 6 ironstone undecorated post 1830 Wetherbee 1985

139 TBL 907 l 6 ironstone saucer molded post 1830 Wetherbee 1985

140 907 2 6 ironstone undecorated post 1830 Wetherbee 1985

141 907 l 6 whiteware black transfer popular 1830- Majewski and 1850 O'Brien 1985

142 907 l 6 whiteware green transfer 1830-1969 IMACS 1992

143 907 2 6 whiteware brown transfer 1820-1915 Rogers 1992

144 TBL 907 I 6 whiteware saucer polychrome floral hand 1830-1860 Deiss 1988 painted N w 145 TBL 907 1 6 whiteware plate blue annular banding 1830-1860 Deiss 1988 -..J

146 TBL 907 I 6 whiteware saucer hand painted, crudely popular 1840- Majewski and applied 1870 O'Brien 1985

147 907 I 6 whiteware lid molded; blue hand painted 1830-1880 Lofstrom et al.

148 TOI 907 I 6 whiteware chamber gilded; polychrome floral 1830-1860 Deiss 1988 pot lid hand painted post 1855 Majewski and O'Brien 1985

149 907 2 6 whiteware blue banded; mocha 1820-1900 Roger 1992

150 907 I 6 whiteware green hand painted (leaf 1840-1860 Rogers 1992 design)

151 907 l 6 whiteware blue and brO\m hand popular 1840- Majewski and painted 1870 O'Brien 1985

152 907 2 6 whiteware guilded; green hand painted post 1855 Majewski and Table 2. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog # Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference green

153 TBL 908 I 6 whiteware plate molded post 1840 Majewski and O'Brien 1985

154 907 I 6 whiteware molded post 1840 Majewski and O' Brien 1985

155 907 1 6 whiteware blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1980

156 TBL 909 1 6 whiteware saucer undecorated; Wedgwood post 1759 Godden 1968

157 TBL 910 1 6 porcelain tea cup polychrome hand painted

158 TBL 912 1 6 whiteware mug green transfer; "vermicelli 1834-66 Cushion 1994 J&RG" (Jon & Robert Godwin)

159 UTL 913 I 6 porcelain ink bottle guilded post 1855 Majewsk i 1984:39 N 160 TBL 917 I 6 whiteware saucer molded; stamped "J. post 1929 Godden 1968 (.;..) WEDGWOOD" 00

161 TBL 917 I 6 whiteware caudle blue hand painted, crudely popular 1830- Majewski and cup/pot applied 1860 O'Brien 1984 or soup tureen

162 TOI 915 I 6 whiteware basin undecorated post 1820 Rogers 1992

163 TBL 919 I 6 whiteware plate blue transfer; maker's mark, 1838-1848 Godden 1968 William Ridgway, Son, & Co. 164 TBL 921 I 6 whiteware bowl purple transfer popular 1830- Majewski and 1860 O' Brien 1984

165 TBL 921 1 6 whiteware saucer red transfer 1828-1850 Majewski and O' Brien 1984

166 CHI 924 I 6 porcelain miniature guilded; polychrome hand post 1855 Majewski and tea pot painted O' Brien 1984 Table 2. (continued)

Vessel II Functional Catalog II Vessel Code Count Privy Ware Type Type Description Dates Reference 167 !BL 925 2 6 wh1teware cup blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrometal. 1982

168 926 7 whiteware blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

169 TBL 926 7 whiteware plate blue transfer 1830-1860 Lofstrom et al. 1982

170 TBL 926 3 7 ironstone cup undecorated post 1830 Wetherbee 1985

17 l 926 7 whiteware molded post 1840 Majewski and O' Brien 1984

172 TBL 926 3 7 whiteware cup brown transfer 1820-1915 Rogers 1992

173 UTL 926 7 red ware salt glaze int; lead glaze ext ca. 1800- Ketchum 1983 l 850s

N VJ '° 240

Table 3. Glass Vessels from Fort Atkinson (13WH57) Vessel# Functional Catalog Privy Count Description Material Manufacturing Code # # Tne Techni9ue UTL 401 double oil or mineral bottle olive 2 UTL 401 champagne bottle olive 3 401 container glass; embossed aqua "TE" 4 401 container glass aqua 5 CON 401 container glass; molded clear 6 401 , 402 2 container glass olive 7 401 container glass clear 8 UTI 403 3 lamp chimney glass clear 9 404 container glass; embossed aqua " SI" 10 TBL 405 10 tumbler; molded clear 11 TOI 405 4 perfume bottle aqua free blown 12 TBL 406 13 tumbler; molded clear 13 TBL 406 3 tumbler; molded clear 14 CON 406, 407 39 container glass cobalt blue 15 CON 406, 407 32 container glass cobalt blue 16 TOI 406 5 perfume bottle aqua free blown 17 MED 406 11 medicine bottle; embossed "J aqua mold blown P PRESTON BOSTON" 18 CON 406, 407 21 container glass clear 19 UTL 406 brandy bottle olive 20 TBL 407 mug handle clear 21 TBL 407 2 mug handle clear 22 TBL 407 tumbler clear 23 TBL 407 18 tumbler clear 24 UTL 411 champagne bottle olive blown-in- mold 25 UTL 413 champagne bottle; stamped aqua free blown "Huile/Surfine" 26 UTL 415 champagne bottle olive 27 501 2 7 container glass olive 28 501 2 container glass aqua 29 501 2 3 container glass cobalt blue 30 601 3 container glass olive 241 Table 3. (continued) Vessel# Functional Catalog Privy Count Description Material Manufacturing Code # # Tn~e Technigue 31 601 3 container glass olive 32 UTL 602 3 brandy bottle olive 33 602 , 603 3 4 container glass olive 34 TBL 602, 3 29 tumbler clear 603 , 604 35 UTI 603 3 candle stick holder green 36 UTL 604 3 2 champagne bottle olive 37 UTL 604 3 28 champagne bottle olive 38 TOI/MED 604 3 bottle olive 39 UTL 703 4 champagne bottle olive blown-in- mold 40 704, 4 15 container glass aqua 706, 707 41 704 4 container glass olive 42 704, 706 4 2 container glass olive 43 706 4 2 container glass cobalt blue 44 706 4 6 container glass olive 45 TBL 706,707 4 41 tumbler clear 46 UTL 706,707 4 wine bottle olive free blown 47 UTL 704, 707 4 2 champagne bottle; clean pontil clear free blown 48 TBL 707 4 7 tumbler clear 49 TBL 707 4 small handle clear 50 TBL 707 4 wine glass base clear 51 TBL 707 4 wine glass base clear 52 TBL 707 4 wine glass base clear 53 TBL 707 4 wine glass stem fragment clear 54 MED 707 4 patent medicine bottle aqua two piece mold 55 707 4 4 container glass aqua 56 UTL 707 4 wine bottle; shallow kick up; aqua clean pontil 57 UTL 707 4 4 wine bottle; deeper kickup; aqua larger pontil 58 UTL 707 4 bottle; flaring neck; bead finish aqua 59 UTL 707 4 olive oil bottle; applied olive free blown medallion "HUILE D'OLIVE 242 Table 3. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog Privy Count Description Material Manufacturing Code # # TvEe Technigue BORDEAUX SURFINE CLARIFIEE" 60 UTL 707 4 olive oil bottle olive 61 UTL 707 4 wine bottle; high kickup, large olive pontil 62 UTL 706, 707 4 25 wine bottle; high kickup, large olive pontil 63 UTL 710 4 vegetable bottle aqua rolled over collar; blown in mold 64 UTL 708 4 olive oil bottle olive 65 UTL 708 4 2 unidentified intoxicant bottle; olive mold blown 2 8-sided base and body; piece mold diagonal seem across base 66 UTL 708 4 6 brandy bottle olive 67 TBL 708 4 4 champagne flute clear 68 TBL 708 4 wine glass; molded similarly clear to tumblers 69 715 4 unidentified bottle aqua 70 TBL 716 4 tumbler; molded clear 71 732 4 champagne bottle olive blown-in- mold 72 TBL 733 4 2 tumbler; molded clear 73 TBL 733 4 unidentified container; molded clear similarly to tumblers, but larger 74 TBL 734 4 tumbler clear 75 TBL 735 4 tumbler clear 76 TBL 736 4 tumbler clear 77 TBL 740 4 tumbler clear 78 TBL 740 4 tumbler clear 79 TOI/MED 740 4 small bottle; rough pontil aqua 80 TOI/MED 740 4 small bottle; rough pontil aqua 81 740 4 container glass; molded aqua 82 UTL 804 5 unidentified bottle aqua 83 UTL 804 5 42 unidentified bottle aqua 243 Table 3. (continued) Vessel # Functional Catalog Privy Count Description Material Manufacturing Code # # T:t:~e Technigue 84 UTL 804 5 double oil or mineral finish olive bottle 85 808 5 stopper clear 86 TOI/MED 901 6 unidentified bottle aqua 87 UTL 907 6 brandy bottle olive 88 MED 905 6 panel medicine bottle aqua 89 TBL 905 6 tumbler clear 90 UTL 905 6 unidentified bottle aqua 91 UTL 906, 907 6 brandy bottle; embossed olive "H.RICKETS & C GLASS WORKS BRISTOL" 92 UTL 906, 907 6 13 Jar clear 93 UTL 906, 907 6 wine bottle aqua 94 UTL 906 6 double oil or mineral finish olive bottle 95 TOI 906, 916 6 2 toiletry bottle aqua 96 UTL 906, 923 6 2 ground pepper bottle; type 3 aqua base (Switzer 1974:63) 97 UTL 907 6 unidentified bottle olive 98 UTL 907 6 unidentified bottle; lager than aqua a wine bottle 99 TBL 907 6 2 tumbler clear 100 MED 926 6 unidentified bottle aqua 101 MED 907 6 vial; cylindrical aqua free blown 102 907 6 container glass; molded amethyst triangles banded around specunen 103 TBL 920 6 stem wine glass clear 244

Table 4. Distribution of nails according to method of manufacture. Method of Manufacture Privy 1 Privy 2 Privy 3 Privy 4 Privy 5 Privy 6 Privy 7 Total Modern Machine Cut 45 21 10 80 9 18 2 185 Wire 10 1 5 4 20 Hand Wrought 1 1 Early Machine Cut 1 Square 27 13 10 8 9 28 95 Unidentified 14 9 24 22 14 66 2 151 Total 97 44 44 115 33 116 4 453

Table 5. Distribution of complete or nearly complete nails according to pennywei mt. Pennyweight Privy 1 Privy 2 Privy 3 Privy 4 Privy 5 Privy 6 Privy 7 Total 2d 3d 1 5 1 7 4d 2 2 2 1 3 10 5d 1 1 2 3 6d 2 1 6 19 3 31 7d 2 1 1 2 6 8d 9 2 5 2 3 4 1 26 9d 13 2 13 24 1 9 62 lOd 12 1 6 2 5 1 27 12d 2 6 2 1 1 1 1 14 16d 1 1 20d 2 5 2 9 30d 1 1 40d 1 1 Total 44 14 29 67 12 30 3 199 245

Table 6. Distribution of functionally defined specimens. Functional Privy I Privy 2 Privy 3 Privy 4 Privy 5 Privy 6 Privy 7 Total Category n % n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Building 110 62.5 44 67.7 46 67.6 125 53.9 33 53.2 11 53.6 4 36.4 480 57.6 Materials/ 8 Hardware

Miscellaneous 7 4.0 4 6.2 2 2.9 7 3.0 5 2.3 3 27.3 28 3.4 Hardware

Medical/ 6 3.4 2 2.9 5 2.1 7 3.2 20 2.4 Toiletry

Clothing 8 4.5 3 4.4 24 10.3 13 5.9 48 5.8

Domestic Tools 3 1.3 3 .4

Personal Items 2 I. I 1.5 .4 3 1.3 7 .8

Recreation 9 5.1 8 12.3 1.4 6 2.6 18 29.0 28 12.7 70 8.4

Toys/ Children's 6 2.7 6 .7 Items

Storage/ 9 5.1 4 6.2 4 5.9 21 9.1 5 8.1 15 6.8 9.0 59 7. 1 Utilitarian Wares

Tableware 12 6.8 3 4.6 8 11.8 38 16.4 6 9.7 19 8.6 3 27.3 89 10.7

Tools .6 . 1

Transportation 6 3.4 1.4 .4 2 .9 IO 1.2

Utility (Heating .6 1.4 2 .2 and Lighting)

Fauna! Materials 5 2.8 1.5 .4 4 1.8 11 1.3

Total 176 65 68 232 62 22 834 0 246

Table 7. Distribution of Occurrences of Decorative Techniques on Ceramics. Privy 1 Privy 2 Privy 3 Privy 4 Privy 5 Privy 6 Privy 7 Total Decorative Technique n % n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Hand Painted 6.7 2 18.2 2 14.3 4 8.7 4 23 .5 13 26.5 26 16.6 Molded 2 13.3 9.1 2 4.3 5.9 5 10.2 20 12 7.6 Transfer Printed 4 26.7 9.1 8 17.4 4 23.5 12 24.5 3 60 32 20.4 Undecorated 5 33.3 5 45.5 5 35 15 32.6 4 23.5 10 20.4 20 45 28.7 Sponge 6.7 .6 Transfer Printing with 6.7 5 10.9 2 7 4.5 Hand Painting Flow 9.1 2.2 2 11.8 2 5 3.2 Luster 6.7 .6 Annular 9.1 3 21.4 6 13 3 6 .1 13 8.3 Gilded 7.1 3 6.5 4 8.2 8 5.1 Spatter 7.1 .6 Willow 7.1 2.2 2 1.3 Decal 7.1 .6 Shell Edge 2.2 2 11.8 3 1.9 247

APPENDIX C. POST RETURNS 248

Number of Men Number of Stationed at Fort Number of Men Number of Recruits Year and Month Atkinson Number of Sick in Confinement Desertions Required 1840 June 79 0 3 7 14 July, 80 0 0 0 13 August, 91 5 3 0 2 September 87 5 0 2 7 October, 82 4 0 4 12 November 81 5 2 6 13 December 76 4 2 1 17 1841 January 71 6 0 0 23 February 69 7 0 1 25 March 66 3 3 4 28 April 62 1 2 2 34 May 60 6 2 2 35 June 127 8 2 0 41 July 126 10 3 0 42 August 133 10 3 1 36 September 115 11 0 1 56 October 113 10 4 0 57 November 138 11 0 0 33 December 138 8 1 0 33 1842 January 138 10 0 0 33 February 138 15 0 0 33 March 137 9 0 0 35 April 157 5 0 3 37 May 158 14 1 0 0 June 156 15 0 1 14 July 136 11 1 18 33 August 196 7 3 6 47 September 191 14 8 5 7 October 142 13 1 0 7 November 124 15 2 0 7 December 121 1 0 0 0 1843 January 122 3 0 0 7 February 121 10 0 1 7 March 120 7 0 8 8 April 169 3 0 0 16 May 121 4 0 1 9 June 110 4 0 1 IO July 169 10 13 3 15 August 161 4 0 2 20 September 106 3 0 1 14 October 103 5 23 0 18 November 104 I 3 0 16 December 100 3 2 3 20 1844 January 100 8 0 0 20 February 98 1 1 0 22 March 97 6 2 0 24 April 91 4 0 1 30 May 96 8 1 0 26 June 121 11 0 0 10 249

Nwnber of Men Nwnber of Stationed at Fort Nwnber of Men Nwnber of Recruits Year and Month Atkinson Nwnber of Sick in Confinement Desertions Required July 112 2 0 0 10 August 112 3 2 3 13 September 109 7 1 2 15 October 107 5 3 0 16 November 124 6 3 2 6 December 124 8 0 0 5 1845 January 122 4 0 0 5 February 123 4 I 1 4 March 128 8 1 1 6 April 128 8 0 0 0 May 126 15 0 0 0 June 120 1 1 1 3 July 116 2 3 3 7 August 115 4 0 0 8 September 59 0 1 1 7 October 58 4 0 0 8 November 66 4 1 1 0 December 67 3 0 0 0 1846 January 66 1 0 1 0 February 64 2 2 1 1 March 61 2 0 1 3 April 57 13 0 2 8 May 60 2 2 3 5 June 2 0 0 0 0 July 74 7 0 0 0 August 74 7 1 0 0 September 150 19 2 1 0 October 146 13 0 3 0 November 67 1 0 2 0 December 67 4 0 0 0 1847 January 65 3 3 1 0 February 66 0 0 0 0 March 66 4 0 0 0 April 66 0 0 0 0 May 66 0 0 0 0 June 66 5 0 0 0 July 144 8 0 0 0 August 78 0 0 0 0 September 78 0 0 0 0 October 77 0 0 0 0 November 77 0 0 0 0 December 77 0 0 0 0 1848 January 89 0 0 0 0 February 93 0 0 0 0 March 93 0 0 0 0 April 92 0 0 0 0 May 91 0 0 0 0 June 12 0 0 0 0 September 54 4 0 0 0 October 53 1 0 0 0 November 56 3 0 1 0 250

Number of Men Number of Stationed at Fort Number of Men Number of Recruits Year and Month Atkinson Number of Sick in Confinement Desertions Required December 54 6 0 1849 January 54 6 0 0 0 251

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would first like to thank my wife, Susan, for all of her help and patience during

these last two and a half years. It must have been difficult living with an easily stressed

graduate student. Susan has also directly assisted me with this project on several

occasions, editing text, identifying artifacts, and taking photographs. In fact, she is

responsible for all the photographs of Fort Atkinson structures taken during our survey of

the site. For all you have done, thank you. I love you.

Many other individuals offered their support as this study progressed. I would

like to thank William Green and John Cordell at the Office of the State Archaeologist of

Iowa (OSA) for allowing me to take the Fort Atkinson materials on loan. I would

especially like to thank John for arranging that loan extension at a time when I was having trouble getting the artifact photos to tum out. I am also greatly indebted to Cindy

Peterson for her role in introducing me to the history and archaeology of the Turkey River

Subagency and Fort Atkinson. Her help and encouragement is appreciated very much.

Thanks also goes to members of the Fort Atkinson Historic Preservation

Commission, Alan Becker and Myles Kupka. Your interest in and dedication to the culture and history of your community is commendable.

Finally, I am deeply indebted to the guidance and support of my graduate committee members. Margaret S. Mook was good enough to step in rather late in the game when it was brought to my attention that I would need a committee member from outside 266

of both of my major departments. Her effort and suggestions are appreciated very much.

I would not have attempted a second degree, one in Architectural Studies, if it had not been

for the suggestion and encouragement of Arvid E. Osterberg. I have learned a great deal in

the areas of historic preservation, restoration, and rehabilitation due to Arvid's knowledge

and commitment to the field. Nancy R. Coinman has the distinction of having been my

undergraduate advisor at Iowa State. Since I have known her, her enthusiasm and

excitement for archaeology have remained constant through the years and are undoubtedly

contagious. My decision to focus on the archaeology of the historic period is most likely

attributed to the influence of David M. Gradwohl. Lectures given in Anthropology 308

concerning buried Buxton and Fort Atkinson, Nebraska initially sparked my interest in

historical archaeology and were instrumental in directing me to this area. A final thanks goes to Joseph A. Tiffany whose given me so many opportunities to learn and work in

archaeology. During these past years I have valued his knowledge and friendship greatly.