DOCSLIB.ORG

FREEDOM and VIGILANCE Ronald Reagan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
FREEDOM and VIGILANCE Ronald Reagan The 1988 Francis Boyer Lecture on Public Policy FREEDOM AND VIGILANCE Ronald Reagan With introductions and tributes by CHRISTOPHER C. DeMUTH GERALD R. FORD JEANE J. KIRKPATRICK IRVING KRISTOL American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research FREEDOM AND VIGILANCE The 1988 Francis Boyer Lecture on Public Policy FREEDOM AND VIGILANCE Ronald W. Reagan With introductions and tributes by CHRISTOPHER C. DeMuTH GERALD R. FORD ] EANE j. KIRKPATRICK IRVING KRISTOL MICHAEL NOVAK WILLARD C. BUTCHER American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington, D.C. Distributed by arrangement with UPA, Inc. 4 720 Boston Way 3 Henrietta Street Lanham, MD 20706 London WC2E 8LU, England ISBN 0-8447-1387-2 <D 1988 by the American Enterprise Institute forPublic Policy Research, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflectthe views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. "American Enterprise Institute" and @) are registered service marks of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. Printed in the United States ofAmerica American EnterpriseInstitute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N. W., Washington, D.C. 20036 CONTENTS ABOUT THE FRANCIS BOYER LECTURES ON PUBLIC POLICY, Christopher C. DeMuth vu INTRODUCTIONS AND TRIBUTES Christopher C. DeM uth 3 Gerald R. Ford 6 Jeane]. Kirkpatrick 8 Irving Kristof 10 Michael Novak 12 Presentation of Boyer Award, Willard C. Butcher 15 THE 1988 FRANCIS BOYER LECTURE ON PUBLIC POLICY "Freedom and Vigilance," Ronald W. Reagan 19 v ABOUT THE FRANCIS BOYER LECTURES ON PUBLIC POLICY The American Enterprise Institute initiated the Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy in 1977 to examine the relationship between business and government in Ameri­ can society. The lectures are made possible by a gift from the SmithKline Beckman Corporation in memory of Mr. Francis Boyer ( 1893 - 1972), the late chairman of the board of the corporation and a distinguished business leader for many decades. The lecture is given annually by an eminent thinker who has developed notable insights on the relationship between the nation's private and public sectors. It is intended to illuminate central issues of public policy in contemporary America and contribute significantly to the dialogue by which the public interest is served. The Francis Boyer lecturer is selected by the American Enterprise Institute's Council of Academic Advisers. The Boyer Lecture is delivered in Washington, D.C., during the American Enterprise Institute's annual Policy Conference. These several days of seminars bring together government policy makers, business leaders, and scholars for the purpose of exploring the major policy problems facingthe United States and the world. The Francis Boyer Award for 1988 was conferred upon President Ronald Reagan. By giving the award for Vil the first time to a sitting head of state, we intended to recognize President Reagan's singular contributions to American political dialogue and public policy as his second term drew to a close. We also wished to mark the close relationship between the Reagan administration and AEI. More than forty Institute scholars served in senior government positions under President Reagan, ranging from the cabinet departments to the White House staff, fromthe regulatory agencies to the federal courts. The president's address, Freedom and Vigilance, was delivered before an audience of 1,600 guests at AEI's annual dinner on December 7, 1988. Earlier that day the president, accompanied by President-elect George Bush, had met with the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev at Governors Island in New York, and much of his address was devoted to this meeting and to the dramatic changes in U.S.-Soviet relations during his tenure in office. The president's address was preceded by several introductions and special tributes by AEI scholars; we have reprinted these remarks here along with the president's Boyer Lecture. CHRISTOPHER C. DeMuTH President, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research December 1988 Vlll INTRODUCTIONS AND TRIBUTES Christopher C. DeMuth President, American EnterpriseInstitute President Reagan, you honor the American Enterprise Institute and the goals we share by being with us this evening and accepting AEI's Francis Boyer Award for 1988. Your years in office have had a transforming effect on Washington-and also on the American Enter­ prise Institute. AEI has been engaged in public policy research forforty-five years now. For most of these years, ours was a lonely voice crying in the wilderness. And how exhilarating, how deeply gratifying it was! As the Tom Lehrer ditty goes, "They may have had the best armies, but we had all the best songs." To dissent boldly, to demonstrate with analytical precision the follies of the great and powerful, to be gloriously on the attack against an implacable establishment-these were our accustomed roles, and we performed them with relish. But since you came to town things just haven't been the same. First you impressed into public service many of AEI's most accomplished scholars. Then, through your leadership, many of the ideas they and you had been writing about for so many years became actual policy. And finally, many of these ideas, when put to the test, yielded exactly the benefits you had predicted-for domestic prosperity, for national security and interna­ tional peace, for the spread of democratic capitalism around the world. CHRISTOPHER C. DcMUTH / 3 All this success has left those of us who were trained in the skills of dissent and debunking-thinking we had a lifetime's work ahead of us-in a very awkward position. The job retraining program does not apply to economists and political scientists; nor is import relief available, since your revolution has been so thoroughly American. Now I must say that AEI has not been altogether disarmed. We have, as you may have noticed, registered the occasional mild reproach, the polite and respectful suggestion for improvement; as you are yourself a man of ideas, you have surely understood our restlessness. And for all our innate skepticism, we have never been of the despairing, decline-of-the-West school of thought: from Wattenberg to Novak, from Kristal to Burns to Scalia, our iconoclasm has usually been that of the optimist and ever-hopeful reformer, just as yours has been. That you have actually achieved so many of the reforms we had hoped for is therefore reason for the deepest satisfaction-and a galvanizing reminder of the importance of our work in the years ahead, whatever transitory defeats or successes we may encounter. For you have taught us that ideas and power-the best songs and the best armies-are not the irreconcilable forces intellectuals have often (consolingly) supposed and can indeed be potent allies. At the same time, you have taught us that the policy ideas we at AEI traffic in-however true, however skillfully extracted from the tangle of human experience, however brilliantly pro­ pounded-are of small moment in practical affairs until they are catalyzed by that rare and ineffable human substance: political leadership. You have said, Mr. President, that facts are 4 / THE 1988 FRANCIS BOYER LECTURE stubborn things. I must quarrel (true to form!) with this proposition. Facts are not stubborn; they are merely inanimate. They acquire their capacity to stop or move the world only in the hands of men stubborn in the pursuit of large ideals-such as you have been, such as you have taught us to be. CHRISTOPHER C. DeMUTH / 5 Gerald R. Ford Thirty-eighth President ofthe United States and Distinguished Fellow, American Enterprise Institute I am delighted to be part of this tribute to President Ronald Reagan. I must say, President Reagan, you're not the first occupant of the White House to benefit from the wisdom of AEI scholars-nor the first to make ample contributions to AEI's research staff in return. Arthur Burns, Bob Bork, Nino Scalia, Jim Miller, and Larry Silberman are only a few of those who served with great distinction in my administration who later became promi­ nent members of the AEI team-and who were fit, willing, and able to return to public service under your admini­ stration. These examples illustrate the critical role AEI has come to play in American government-not only as a source of independent policy research of the highest quality but as a source of men and women who combine great intellectual abilities with practical experience in the rough-and-tumble world of politics. I know that President­ elect Bush-another individual who held important posts in the Reagan administration and the Ford administration and has been very closely associated with AEI over the years-will rely heavily on both the Institute's analyses and its people in the very challenging years ahead. Eleven years ago this evening I was honored to deliver AEI's first Boyer Lecture-an address that, Chris DeMuth reminds me, concluded with a ringing call for tax 6 / THE 1988 FRANCIS BOYER LECTURE reductions as the best key to economic progress. Let me assure you, it is a great pleasure and a high honor to be here tonight to hear President Reagan's address, with his views after an exciting and, I'm sure, productive day, and after eight years of outstanding leadership in the White House. President Reagan, I salute you for your superb achievements in office, and I want to assure you that there is life after Washington. We are both firm believers in individual liberty-and I know you will be as happy as I was to have a little of it back for yourself after living in the gilded cage on Pennsylvania Avenue.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • THE UNITED STATES and the WORLD: SETTING LIMITS Jeane J
    The Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD: SETTING LIMITS Jeane J. Kirkpatrick American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD: SETTING LIMITS The Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD: SETTING LIMITS Jeane J. Kirkpatrick American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research ISBN 0-8447-1379-1 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 86-70364 ©1986 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. "American Enterprise Institute" and @) are registered service marks of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. Printed in the United States of America American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N. W., Washington, D.C. 20036 THE FRANCIS BOYER LECTURES ON PUBLIC POLICY The American Enterprise Institute has initiated the Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy to examine the relationship between business and government and to develop contexts for their creative interaction. These lectures have been made possible by an endowment from the SmithKline Beck­ man Corporation in memory of Mr. Boyer, the late chairman of the board of the corporation. The lecture is given by an eminent thinker who has developed notable insights on one or more aspects of the relationship between the nation's private and public sectors.
    [Show full text]
  • Periodicalspov.Pdf
    “Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious.
    [Show full text]
  • Dictatorships & Double Standards
    8/10/2021 Dictatorships & Double Standards - Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, Commentary Magazine NOVEMBER 1979 FEATURED Dictatorships & Double Standards The Classic Essay That Shaped Reagan's Foreign Policy by Jeane J. Kirkpatrick he failure of the Carter administration’s foreign policy is now clear to everyone except its architects, and T even they must entertain private doubts, from time to time, about a policy whose crowning achievement has been to lay the groundwork for a transfer of the Panama Canal from the United States to a swaggering Latin dictator of Castroite bent. In the thirty-odd months since the inauguration of Jimmy Carter as President there has occurred a dramatic Soviet military buildup, matched by the stagnation of American armed forces, and a dramatic extension of Soviet influence in the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan, Southern Africa, and the Caribbean, matched by a declining American position in all these areas. The U.S. has never tried so hard and failed so utterly to make and keep friends in the Third World. As if this were not bad enough, in the current year the United States has suffered two other major blows–in Iran and Nicaragua–of large and strategic significance. In each country, the Carter administration not only failed to prevent the undesired outcome, it actively collaborated in the replacement of moderate autocrats friendly to https://www.commentary.org/articles/jeane-kirkpatrick/dictatorships-double-standards/ 1/38 8/10/2021 Dictatorships & Double Standards - Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, Commentary Magazine American interests with less friendly autocrats of extremist persuasion. It is too soon to be certain about what kind of regime will ultimately emerge in either Iran or Nicaragua, but accumulating evidence suggests that things are as likely to get worse as to get better in both countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Executive Order 13978 of January 18, 2021
    6809 Federal Register Presidential Documents Vol. 86, No. 13 Friday, January 22, 2021 Title 3— Executive Order 13978 of January 18, 2021 The President Building the National Garden of American Heroes By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, it is hereby ordered as follows: Section 1. Background. In Executive Order 13934 of July 3, 2020 (Building and Rebuilding Monuments to American Heroes), I made it the policy of the United States to establish a statuary park named the National Garden of American Heroes (National Garden). To begin the process of building this new monument to our country’s greatness, I established the Interagency Task Force for Building and Rebuilding Monuments to American Heroes (Task Force) and directed its members to plan for construction of the National Garden. The Task Force has advised me it has completed the first phase of its work and is prepared to move forward. This order revises Executive Order 13934 and provides additional direction for the Task Force. Sec. 2. Purpose. The chronicles of our history show that America is a land of heroes. As I announced during my address at Mount Rushmore, the gates of a beautiful new garden will soon open to the public where the legends of America’s past will be remembered. The National Garden will be built to reflect the awesome splendor of our country’s timeless exceptionalism. It will be a place where citizens, young and old, can renew their vision of greatness and take up the challenge that I gave every American in my first address to Congress, to ‘‘[b]elieve in yourselves, believe in your future, and believe, once more, in America.’’ Across this Nation, belief in the greatness and goodness of America has come under attack in recent months and years by a dangerous anti-American extremism that seeks to dismantle our country’s history, institutions, and very identity.
    [Show full text]
  • Dissident Knowledge in Higher Education
    Advance Praise for Dissident Knowledge in Higher Education “The space for dissent and real democratic debate is quickly shrinking both in public life and academic institutions in western democracies. Today, the cries of ‘fake news’ make the loudest (though rarely the best informed) voices the site of authority and truth. This volume helps readers in higher education ask critical and conscious questions about what it means to con- tend for truth. It is an important and significant read for those who want the intellectual space to remain a terrain for thinkers.” —Gloria Ladson-Billings, author of The Dreamkeepers “This deep and layered book maps the path toward a university based on eth- ics and justice rather than corporate needs and military standards. It reaches anyone who wants to understand the social, political, and economic trends that define our times. It is an outstanding contribution to the scholarship on higher education.” —William Ayers, author of Teaching with Conscience in an Imperfect World “Dissident Knowledge in Higher Education is a rich and multi-layered examina- tion of the impact of corporatization on our universities, as well as how they can be reclaimed. Highly recommended.” —James Turk, editor of Academic Freedom in Conflict dissident knowledge in higher education edited with an introduction by marc spooner & James MCNinch © 2018 University of Regina Press “An Interview with Noam Chomsky” © 2016 Noam Chomsky, Marc Spooner, and James McNinch This publication is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommerical- NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. See www.creativecommons.org. The text may be reproduced for non-commercial purposes, provided that credit is given to the original author.
    [Show full text]
  • WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
    SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Movement
    Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul.
    [Show full text]
  • Presentation of the Jeane J
    Foundation For Defense Of Democracies: Presentation Of The Jeane J. Kirkpatrick Award to U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley August 28, 2018 Speakers: Mark Dubowitz, CEO, Foundation For Defense Of Democracies; U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley; Cliff May, President, Foundation For Defense Of Democracies [*] DUBOWITZ: Good morning. My name is Mark Dubowitz and I'm the Chief Executive of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. And before we begin today's event, I'd like to just take a moment to pay tribute to Senator John McCain. And I really can think of no better tribute than the one sent out by one of today's honorees, Ambassador Nikki Haley. She wrote, "Tonight we say goodbye to a true hero. A man who never sought accolades. A patriot who fought every day for American freedom and dignity. A warrior of strength. A patriot of heart and a man of conviction. There will never be another John McCain, may he rest in peace." So please pause for a moment of silence and prayer for Senator McCain, a great American who will be badly missed and may his memory be a blessing. So as you know, FDD was organized in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks and we are a nonpartisan policy institute. We're focused on foreign policy and national security. And I've been really honored to work alongside my FDD colleagues for 15 years, since 2003. And since that time we've conducted in-depth research. We've produced timely analyses. We've tracked illicit networks and we've provided policy options with the objective of strengthening the United States and its national security and countering those who threatened free and democratic nations.
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
    The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
    Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand.
    [Show full text]
  • The Imperial President ...And His Discontents
    2012_7_9 ups_cover61404-postal.qxd 6/19/2012 9:58 PM Page 1 July 9, 2012 $4.99 FOSTER ON BS LOU CANNON on Rodney King The Imperial . and His President . Discontents John Yoo Jonah Goldberg Andrew C. McCarthy Kevin D. Williamson $4.99 28 0 74820 08155 6 www.nationalreview.com base_milliken-mar 22.qxd 6/19/2012 4:07 PM Page 1 Never Be On The Wrong Side Of The Stock Market Again re you tired of building your portfolio and seeing it wither But cracks started showing in late March. IBD noted distribution A in a punishing market downtrend? Read Investor’s Business days were piling up on the major indexes. On March 28 - just one Daily® every day and you’ll stay in step with the market. day after the market hit a new high - IBD told readers the uptrend was under pressure, which presented a proper time to book some IBD uses 27 market cycles of history-proven analysis and rules profits, cut any losses and begin raising cash. Five days later to interpret the daily price and volume changes in the market further heavy selling indicated the market was in a new correction. indexes. Then we clearly tell you each day in The Big Picture market column if stocks are rising, falling, or changing course. IBD is not always perfect. But we don’t argue with the market and we quickly correct any missteps. On April 25, the S&P 500 You should be buying when the market is rising. But when offered a tentative sign that the correction was over.
    [Show full text]
  • The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns
    The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns Hopkins University [email protected] Sam Rosenfeld Colgate University [email protected] Version of January 2019. Paper prepared for the American Political Science Association meetings. Boston, Massachusetts, August 31, 2018. We thank Dimitrios Halikias, Katy Li, and Noah Nardone for research assistance. Richard Richards, chairman of the Republican National Committee, sat, alone, at a table near the podium. It was a testy breakfast at the Capitol Hill Club on May 19, 1981. Avoiding Richards were a who’s who from the independent groups of the emergent New Right: Terry Dolan of the National Conservative Political Action Committee, Paul Weyrich of the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress, the direct-mail impresario Richard Viguerie, Phyllis Schlafly of Eagle Forum and STOP ERA, Reed Larson of the National Right to Work Committee, Ed McAteer of Religious Roundtable, Tom Ellis of Jesse Helms’s Congressional Club, and the billionaire oilman and John Birch Society member Bunker Hunt. Richards, a conservative but tradition-minded political operative from Utah, had complained about the independent groups making mischieF where they were not wanted and usurping the traditional roles of the political party. They were, he told the New Rightists, like “loose cannonballs on the deck of a ship.” Nonsense, responded John Lofton, editor of the Viguerie-owned Conservative Digest. If he attacked those fighting hardest for Ronald Reagan and his tax cuts, it was Richards himself who was the loose cannonball.1 The episode itself soon blew over; no formal party leader would follow in Richards’s footsteps in taking independent groups to task.
    [Show full text]