Interview with Michael Randle
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This American Life Pitch
Pagan Kennedy from The Dangerous Joy of Dr. Sex, a short, eccentric biography of the man who authored The Joy of Sex One day in 1934, he sequestered himself in his family’s greenhouse in London to perform an experiment. Alex Comfort – then 14 years old – had decided to invent his own fireworks. He ground together sugar, sulfur and saltpeter, an operation so dangerous that most chemists pour water over the ingredients to prevent a blast. Alex neglected to take that precaution. The container exploded. The roof of the greenhouse blew out. A red- tinted vapor hovered in the air before him. Four fingers on his left hand had vanished, leaving a lump of meat with one thumb hanging off it. He felt no pain. Indeed, he found it thrilling to be blown apart. Or, at least, that’s how he told the story later. Alex Comfort loved explosions, even the one that mutilated him. He never would admit any regret at the loss of his four fingers. As a middle-aged physician, he bragged that his stump could be more useful than a conventional hand, particularly when it came to performing certain medical procedures— exploring a woman’s birth canal, for instance. One thing was clear after the accident: Alex should avoid laboratories, at least until he was older. So he set his sights on literary greatness instead. When he was 16, his father took him on a tramp steamer to Buenos Aires and then Senegal; Alex scribbled notes along the way. In 1938, his final year of high school, he published a little gem of travel book, titled The Silver River, billed as the “diary of a schoolboy.” The Glove. -
Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest of Recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A
Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A. Citation Gewald, J. B. (2004). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense. In Genocide, war crimes and the West: history and complicity (pp. 59-77). London: Zed Books. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest for Recompense Jan-Bart Gewald On 9 September 2001, the Herero People's Reparations Corporation lodged a claim in a civil court in the US District of Columbia. The claim was directed against the Federal Republic of Germany, in the person of the German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, for crimes against humanity, slavery, forced labor, violations of international law, and genocide. Ninety-seven years earlier, on n January 1904, in a small and dusty town in central Namibia, the first genocide of the twentieth Century began with the eruption of the Herero—German war.' By the time hostilities ended, the majority of the Herero had been killed, driven off their land, robbed of their cattle, and banished to near-certain death in the sandy wastes of the Omaheke desert. The survivors, mostly women and children, were incarcerated in concentration camps and put to work as forced laborers (Gewald, 1995; 1999: 141—91). Throughout the twenti- eth Century, Herero survivors and their descendants have struggled to gain recognition and compensation for the crime committed against them. -
British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Apollo British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964 William Styles Corpus Christi College, University of Cambridge September 2016 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy William Styles British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964 This thesis is concerned with an analysis of British governmental attitudes and responses to communism in the United Kingdom during the early years of the Cold War, from the election of the Attlee government in July 1945 up until the election of the Wilson government in October 1964. Until recently the topic has been difficult to assess accurately, due to the scarcity of available original source material. However, as a result of multiple declassifications of both Cabinet Office and Security Service files over the past five years it is now possible to analyse the subject in greater depth and detail than had been previously feasible. The work is predominantly concerned with four key areas: firstly, why domestic communism continued to be viewed as a significant threat by successive governments – even despite both the ideology’s relatively limited popular support amongst the general public and Whitehall’s realisation that the Communist Party of Great Britain presented little by way of a direct challenge to British political stability. Secondly, how Whitehall’s understanding of the nature and severity of the threat posed by British communism developed between the late 1940s and early ‘60s, from a problem considered mainly of importance only to civil service security practices to one which directly impacted upon the conduct of educational policy and labour relations. -
Mary Benson's at the Still Point and the South African Political Trial
Safundi The Journal of South African and American Studies ISSN: 1753-3171 (Print) 1543-1304 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsaf20 Stenographic fictions: Mary Benson’s At the Still Point and the South African political trial Louise Bethlehem To cite this article: Louise Bethlehem (2019) Stenographic fictions: Mary Benson’s AttheStillPoint and the South African political trial, Safundi, 20:2, 193-212, DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2019.1576963 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2019.1576963 © 2019 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Published online: 08 May 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 38 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsaf20 SAFUNDI: THE JOURNAL OF SOUTH AFRICAN AND AMERICAN STUDIES 2019, VOL. 20, NO. 2, 193–212 https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2019.1576963 Stenographic fictions: Mary Benson’s At the Still Point and the South African political trial Louise Bethlehem Principal Investigator, European Research Council Project APARTHEID-STOPS, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel ABSTRACT KEYWORDS From the mid-1960s onward, compilations of the speeches and trial South African political trials; addresses of South African opponents of apartheid focused atten- Mary Benson; the Holocaust; tion on the apartheid regime despite intensified repression in the Eichmann trial; wake of the Rivonia Trial. Mary Benson’s novel, At the Still Point, multidirectional memory transposes the political trial into fiction. Its “stenographic” codes of representation open Benson’s text to what Paul Gready, following Foucault, has analyzed as the state’s “power of writing”: one that entangles the political trialist in a coercive intertextual negotiation with the legal apparatus of the apartheid regime. -
Chapter 15: How Effective Are Peace Movements
Chapter 12: How Effective are Peace Movements? On 10 July 1997 Bob Overy made a presentation about the effectiveness - or otherwise - of peace movements. It was based on a booklet he had published in the early 1980s which members of the group read, or re-read, prior to the meeting. Present were: Christina Arber, John Brierley, Howard Clark, Annie Harrison, Yolanda Juarros Barcenilla, Bob Overy, Michael Randle, Carol Rank, Andrew Rigby. Presentation - Bob Overy Bob explained that he had written the original text with that title back in 1980-81 while he was doing his Ph.D at Peace Studies. It had subsequently been published as a booklet in 1982 by a Canadian publisher, who had, however, added ideas of his own to the Preface and Postscript - some of which Bob did not even agree with! - and somewhat revamped it with the second UN Special Session on Disarmament in mind. But Bob was mainly responsible for the middle bit. He was not planning to use the analysis he had made some 15 years ago to talk about the present. Instead he would summarise the main points, and it would be up to the group to consider whether or not it provided any useful ways of looking at today's movements and issues. The catalyst for the study was a review by A.J.P.Taylor, eminent historian and member of CND Executive, of a book by the war historian, Michael Howard. Taylor, concurring with the author's view, said that the attempt to abolish war was a vain and useless enterprise, but that he was proud to be associated with the peace movement when it was trying to stop particular wars. -
Andthe Anarchists Other Issues of "Anarchy"L Gontents of Il0
AilARCHYJ{0.109 3shillings lSpence 40cents "-*"*"'"'r ,Eh$ Russell andthe Anarchists Other issues of "Anarchy"l Gontents of il0. 109 Please note that the following issues are out of print: I to 15 inclusive, 26,27, 38, ANiARCHY 109 (Vol l0 No 3) MARCH 1970 65 March 1970 39, 66, 89, 90, 96, 98, 102. Vol. I 1961l. 1. Sex-and-Violence; 2. Workers' control; 3. What does anar- chism mcarr today?: 4. Deinstitutioni- sariorr; 5. Spain; 6. Cinema; 7. Adventure playgrourrd; 3. Anthropology; 9. Prison; 10. [ndustrial decentralisation. Neither God nor Master V. Ncill; 12. Who are the anarchists?; 13. Richard Drinnon 65 Direct action; 14. Disobcdience; 15. David Wills; 16. Ethics of anarchism; 17. Lum- lleilther God pcn proletariat ; I {l.Comprehensive schools; Russell and the anarchists 19. 'Ihcatrc; 20. Non-violence; 21. Secon- dary Vivian Harper 68 modern; 22. Marx and Bakunin. nor Master Vol. 3. l96f : 23. Squatters; 24. Com- murrity of scholars; 25. Cybernetics; 26. RIOHABD DNIililOI{ Counter-culture 'l'horcarri 27. Yor-rth; 28. Future of anar- chisml 2t). Spies for peace;30. Com- Kingsley lAidmer 18 rnurrity workshop; 31. Self-organising systcmsi 32. Orimc; 33. Alex Comfort; Kropotkin and his memoirs J4. Scicnce fiction. Nicolas Walter 84 .17. I won't votc; 38. Nottingham; 39. Tsoucn ITS Roors ARE DBEpLy BURIED, modern anarchism I Iorncr l-ancl 40. Unions; 41. Land; dates from the entry of the Bakuninists into the First Inter- 42. India; 43. Parents and teachers; 44, Observations on eNanttnv 104 l'rarrsport; 45. Thc Greeks;46. Anarchisrn national just a hundred years ago. -
Anarchism and the British Warfare State: the Prosecution of the War Commentary Anarchists, 1945*
IRSH 60 (2015), pp. 257–284 doi:10.1017/S0020859015000188 © 2015 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Anarchism and the British Warfare State: The Prosecution of the War Commentary Anarchists, 1945* C ARISSA H ONEYWELL Department of Psychology, Sociology and Politics, Sheffield Hallam University Heart of the Campus Building, Collegiate Crescent, Collegiate Campus, Sheffield S10 2BQ, UK E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: The arrest and prosecution in 1945 of a small group of London anarchists associated with the radical anti-militarist and anti-war publication War Commentary at first appears to be a surprising and anomalous set of events, given that this group was hitherto considered to be too marginal and lacking in influence to raise official concern. This article argues that in the closing months of World War II the British government decided to suppress War Commentary because officials feared that its polemic might foment political turmoil and thwart postwar policy agendas as military personnel began to demobilize and reassert their civilian identities. For a short period of time, in an international context of “demobilization crisis”, anarchist anti-militarist polemic became a focus of both state fears of unrest and a public sphere fearing ongoing military regulation of public affairs. Analysing the positions taken by the anarchists and government in the course of the events leading to the prosecution of the editors of War Commentary, the article will draw on “warfare- state” revisions to the traditional “welfare-state” historiography of the period for a more comprehensive view of the context of these events. At the beginning of 1945, shortly before the war ended, a small group of London anarchists associated with the radical anti-militarist and anti-war publication War Commentary1 were arrested and prosecuted. -
Skinner, R. (2015)
Skinner, R. (2015). Bombs and Border Crossings: Peace Activist Networks and the Post-colonial State in Africa, 1959-62. Journal of Contemporary History, 50(3), 418-438. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022009414552148 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1177/0022009414552148 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ Bombs and Border Crossings: Peace Activist Networks and the Post- colonial State in Africa, 1959-62 Rob Skinner (University of Bristol) On 9th December 1959, a small convoy of vehicles left the settlement of Navrongo, on the border of Ghana and Upper Volta, and headed north. The convoy’s passengers comprised an international team of peace campaigners, including the British anti-colonial cleric, Michael Scott, a French member of War Resisters International, Pierre Martin, and US peace campaigner and civil rights activist, Bayard Rustin. The veteran US pacifist A.J. Muste had accompanied the team to the border before returning to the town of Bawku to report on their progress. The aim of the convoy was to travel the thousand miles or so across the Francophone territories of the Sahel and southern Sahara until they reached the military base at Reggane in Algeria, the site of impending French nuclear weapons tests. Passing the borderline unnoticed, ‘out in a near-desert no-man’s land’, it was not until the convoy had travelled sixteen miles into Upper Volta and reached the town of Bittou that police signalled the convoy to halt. -
'On Very Slippery Ground'; 1 the British Churches, Archbishop F
Revised version accepted by Contemporary British History on ‘On very slippery ground’; 1 The British churches, Archbishop Fisher, and the Suez crisis * This article examines the reactions of the churches to the Suez crisis, focusing in particular on the leadership of the Church of England. It argues that the fact of religious establishment required a response from the Archbishop of Canterbury who proved a surprisingly robust critic of the military intervention, albeit at the cost of alienating many in the pews. Whilst making use of his access to political elites, he nonetheless remained keen to work with other church leaders in developing a shared critique based on rejection of the use of force and Britain’s right to be judge in its own case, instead stressing the need for an international resolution of the crisis. Yet as the crisis developed it became apparent that church leaders were not always able to speak for church members, who were as bitterly divided as the rest of society over both the specific issue and the wider argument how best to respond to Britain’s declining role in the world. This in turn presaged future debates, as increasingly specialist church agencies and religious leaders found themselves taking positions on social and political affairs that were often at odds with those of many within their own constituencies. Keywords: Suez crisis, churches, Archbishop of Canterbury, war, Middle East 1 In a joint statement issued on 20 February 2003 the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, and the leader of Britain’s Roman Catholics, Cardinal Cormac Murphy O’Connor, suggested that the moral case for a military attack on Iraq had not been made. -
Indian-Nordic Encounters 1917-2006
Indian-Nordic Encounters 1917-2006 Tord Björk Folkrörelsestudiegruppen – Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam 1 Reclaim Gandhi – Indian-Nordic encounters 1917-2006 Content: Introduction……………………………………………………………………. 3. Part 1. Dialogue, Constructive Programme and Liberation Struggle 1917-1947 - Grundtvig meets Gandhi ………………………………………... 7. 1.2 Building an international solidarity movement for Indian liberation … .. 12. 1.3 Opposing Nazism and building an international work camp movement… 16. Part 2. Peace and Solidarity against any imperialism 1948-1969 – Anarchism, Theosophy and Mao meets Gandhi………………………….….. 22. 2.2 Four Gandhian and Indian influences changing Nordic countries………. 34. 2.3 Overcoming limitations of interpretation of Indian influences………….. 42. 2.4 Young theosophists and antiimperialists continious Gandhian struggle… 49. Part 3. Global Environmental Movement Period 1970-1989 – Ecology meets Gandhi……………………………………………………….. 51. 3.2 Challenging Western Environmentalism and UNCHE 1972……….……. 61. 3.3 Anti-nuclear Power and Alternative Movement…………………….…… 91. 3.4 Nordic peace, future studies and anti-imperialist initiatives……………. 102. 3.5 New struggles and influences from India 1983-1988…………...……… 108. Part 4. The Global Democracy Period 1989-2004 – Solidarity meets Gandhi…………………………………………………...... 113. 4.2 Gandhi Today in the Nordic countries………………………………..… 122. 4.3 Mumbai x 3………………………………………………………….….. 126. 4.4 Reclaim Gandhi…………………………………………………….…… 128. Appendix I Declaration of the Third World and the Human Environment……………… 132. Appendix II Manifesto -
The British Peace Movement and Socialist Change*
THE BRITISH PEACE MOVEMENT AND SOCIALIST CHANGE* Richard Taylor In the post-war period the largest, and arguably the most significant, mobilisation of radical forces in Britain has taken place around the issue of nuclear disarmament. From the late-1950s to the mid-1960s, and again from the late-1970s to the time of writing, the peace movement has been a dominant force and has succeeded in bringing together a diverse coalition in opposition to British possession of nuclear weapons. This paper has two primary purposes: first, to examine the politics of the peace movement of 1958 to 1965 and to analyse the reasons for its ultimate failure; second, to argue, on the basis of the experience of that period, that for the peace movement to succeed in the future there must be a linkage at a number of levels between the movement for peace and the movement for specifically socialist change. The focus is thus upon the various political strategies adopted by the earlier movement, but always within the context of the implications this experience has for the contemporary movement. The persistent and fundamental problem of the movement since its inception has been its inability to translate its undoubted popular appeal into real, tangible achievement. Although the movement has had a very considerable impact upon public opinion, and thus, arguably, indirectly upon formal political structures and policies, it is quite clear that its central objectives have not been achieved. Moreover, the deterioration of the Cold War climate in the 1980s and the increasing escalation of the arms race both testify to the movement's lack of success. -
Science, Scientific Intellectuals and British Culture in the Early Atomic Age, 1945-1956: a Case Study of George Orwell, Jacob Bronowski, J.G
Science, Scientific Intellectuals and British Culture in The Early Atomic Age, 1945-1956: A Case Study of George Orwell, Jacob Bronowski, J.G. Crowther and P.M.S. Blackett Ralph John Desmarais A Dissertation Submitted In Fulfilment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy Imperial College London Centre For The History Of Science, Technology And Medicine 2 Abstract This dissertation proposes a revised understanding of the place of science in British literary and political culture during the early atomic era. It builds on recent scholarship that discards the cultural pessimism and alleged ‘two-cultures’ dichotomy which underlay earlier histories. Countering influential narratives centred on a beleaguered radical scientific Left in decline, this account instead recovers an early postwar Britain whose intellectual milieu was politically heterogeneous and culturally vibrant. It argues for different and unrecognised currents of science and society that informed the debates of the atomic age, most of which remain unknown to historians. Following a contextual overview of British scientific intellectuals active in mid-century, this dissertation then considers four individuals and episodes in greater detail. The first shows how science and scientific intellectuals were intimately bound up with George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty Four (1949). Contrary to interpretations portraying Orwell as hostile to science, Orwell in fact came to side with the views of the scientific rig h t through his active wartime interest in scientists’ doctrinal disputes; this interest, in turn, contributed to his depiction of Ingsoc, the novel’s central fictional ideology. Jacob Bronowski’s remarkable transition from pre-war academic mathematician and Modernist poet to a leading postwar BBC media don is then traced.