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The Long Red Thread How Democratic Dominance Gave Way to Republican Advantage in Us House of Representatives Elections, 1964
THE LONG RED THREAD HOW DEMOCRATIC DOMINANCE GAVE WAY TO REPUBLICAN ADVANTAGE IN U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ELECTIONS, 1964-2018 by Kyle Kondik A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Baltimore, Maryland September 2019 © 2019 Kyle Kondik All Rights Reserved Abstract This history of U.S. House elections from 1964-2018 examines how Democratic dominance in the House prior to 1994 gave way to a Republican advantage in the years following the GOP takeover. Nationalization, partisan realignment, and the reapportionment and redistricting of House seats all contributed to a House where Republicans do not necessarily always dominate, but in which they have had an edge more often than not. This work explores each House election cycle in the time period covered and also surveys academic and journalistic literature to identify key trends and takeaways from more than a half-century of U.S. House election results in the one person, one vote era. Advisor: Dorothea Wolfson Readers: Douglas Harris, Matt Laslo ii Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………....ii List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………..iv List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………..v Introduction: From Dark Blue to Light Red………………………………………………1 Data, Definitions, and Methodology………………………………………………………9 Chapter One: The Partisan Consequences of the Reapportionment Revolution in the United States House of Representatives, 1964-1974…………………………...…12 Chapter 2: The Roots of the Republican Revolution: -
Campaign 1968 Collection Inventory (**Materials in Bold Type Are Currently Available for Research)
Campaign 1968 Collection Inventory (**Materials in bold type are currently available for research) Campaign. 1968. Appearance Files. (PPS 140) Box 1 (1 of 3) 1968, Sept. 7 – Pittsburgh. 1968, Sept. 8 – Washington, D.C. – B’nai B’rth. 1968, Sept. 11 – Durham, N.C. 1968, Sept. 11 – Durham, N.C. 1968, Sept. 12 – New Orleans, La. 1968, Sept. 12 – Indianapolis, Ind. 1968, Sept. 12 – Indianapolis, Ind. 1968, Sept. 13 – Cleveland, Ohio. 1968, Sept. 13 – Cleveland, Ohio. 1968, Sept. 14 – Des Moines, Ia. 1968, Sept. 14 – Santa Barbara, Calif. 1968, Sept. 16 – Yorba Linda, Calif. 1968, Sept. 16 – 17 – Anaheim, Calif. 1968, Sept. 16 – Anaheim, Calif. 1968, Sept. 18 – Fresno, Calif. 1968, Sept. 18 – Monterey, Calif. 1968, Sept. 19 – Salt Lake City, Utah. 1968, Sept. 19 – Peoria, Ill. 1968, Sept. 19 – Springfield, Mo. 1968, Sept. 19 – New York City. Box 2 1968, Sept. 20-21 – Philadelphia. 1968, Sept. 20-21 – Philadelphia. 1968, Sept. 21 – Motorcade : Philadelphia to Camden, N.J. 1968, Sept. 23 – Milwaukee, Wis. 1968, Sept. 24 – Sioux Falls, S.D. 1968, Sept. 24 – Bismarck, N.D. 1968, Sept. 24 – Boise, Idaho. 1968, Sept. 24 – Boise, Idaho. 1968, Sept. 24-25 – Seattle, Wash. 1968, Sept. 25 – Denver, Colo. 1968, Sept. 25 – Binghamton, N.Y. 1968, Sept. 26 – St. Louis, Mo. 1968, Sept. 26 – Louisville, Ky. 1968, Sept. 27 – Chattanooga, Tenn. 1968, Sept. 27 – Orlando, Fla. 1968, Sept. 27 – Tampa, Fla. Box 3 1968, Sept. 30-Oct. 1 – Detroit, Mich. 1968, Oct. 1 – Erie, Scranton, Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 1968, Oct. 1 – Williamsburg, Va. 1968, Oct. 3 – Atlanta, Ga. 1968, Oct. 4 – Spartenville, S. -
1968: a Tumultuous Year
Page 1 of 6 1968: A Tumultuous Year MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW Terms & Names An enemy attack in Vietnam, Disturbing events in 1968 •Tet offensive •Eugene McCarthy two assassinations, and a accentuated the nation’s •Clark Clifford •Hubert Humphrey chaotic political convention divisions, which are still healing •Robert Kennedy •George Wallace made 1968 an explosive year. in the 21st century. CALIFORNIA STANDARDS One American's Story 11.9.3 Trace the origins and geopolitical consequences (foreign and domestic) On June 5, 1968, John Lewis, the first chairman of of the Cold War and containment the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, policy, including the following: • The era of McCarthyism, instances fell to the floor and wept. Robert F. Kennedy, a lead- of domestic Communism (e.g., Alger ing Democratic candidate for president, had just Hiss) and blacklisting • The Truman Doctrine been fatally shot. Two months earlier, when Martin • The Berlin Blockade Luther King, Jr., had fallen victim to an assassin’s • The Korean War bullet, Lewis had told himself he still had Kennedy. • The Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis And now they both were gone. Lewis, who later • Atomic testing in the American West, became a congressman from Georgia, recalled the the “mutual assured destruction” lasting impact of these assassinations. doctrine, and disarmament policies • The Vietnam War • Latin American policy A PERSONAL VOICE JOHN LEWIS REP 1 Students distinguish valid arguments from fallacious arguments “ There are people today who are afraid, in a sense, in historical interpretations. to hope or to have hope again, because of what HI 1 Students show the connections, happened in . -
Civil Rights and the Primary Election of 1964 in Indiana: the Wallace Challenge* Matthew E
Civil Rights and the Primary Election of 1964 in Indiana: The Wallace Challenge* Matthew E. Welsh** In the spring of 1964 Democratic Governor George Corley Wallace of Alabama announced that he was going to campaign for the presidency of the United States, opposing President Lyndon B. Johnson, also a Democrat. Wallace had become a national figure by defying the United States Supreme Court in refusing admission of Negro students to the University of Ala- bama, and his campaign for the Democratic presidential nomi- nation had obvious overtones of racial intolerance which I found most disturbing. Indiana had come a long way since the adoption of its Constitution of 1851, Article XI11 of which barred Negroes and mulattoes from entering the state. At that time blacks already living in the state, many of whom had been born here, were not regarded as citizens. They could neither vote nor hold public office. They could not serve on juries or in the militia, and they were barred from public schools.' Article XI11 was voided by the Indiana Supreme Court in 1866. The General Assembly authorized school integration in 1877, prohibited discrimination in enjoyment of public accommodations in 1885, and in 1963 created the Indiana Civil Rights Commission with broad pow- ers and an adequate budget.2 The record also disclosed, how- ever, that the statewide referendum in 1936 approving amend- ment of the Constitution to permit Negroes to be members of * This article is an account of the 1964 primary election in Indiana as experienced and remembered by one of the major participants in the campaign. -
Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential Election Matthew Ad Vid Caillet Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2011 "Are you better off "; Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential election Matthew aD vid Caillet Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Caillet, Matthew David, ""Are you better off"; Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential election" (2011). LSU Master's Theses. 2956. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/2956 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ―ARE YOU BETTER OFF‖; RONALD REAGAN, LOUISIANA, AND THE 1980 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History By Matthew David Caillet B.A. and B.S., Louisiana State University, 2009 May 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to many people for the completion of this thesis. Particularly, I cannot express how thankful I am for the guidance and assistance I received from my major professor, Dr. David Culbert, in researching, drafting, and editing my thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. Wayne Parent and Dr. Alecia Long for having agreed to serve on my thesis committee and for their suggestions and input, as well. -
Fall/Winter 2010-2011
58080_TulLaw_Cvr:58080_TulLaw_Cvr 2/14/11 9:08 AM Page CvrA TULANE UNIVERSITY LAW SCHOOL TULANE VO L. 2 8 – N O. 1 LAWYER FALL\WINTER 2 0 1 0–11 THE INFINITE FRONTIER LEGAL SCHOLARSHIP IS PERPETUAL PASSION FOR TULANE LAW FACULTY THIS ISSUE Q & A W I T H N E W L AW D E A N D AV I D M E Y E R I CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS F O R C O R P O R AT I O N S ? I C O M M E N C E M E N T 2 0 1 0 I 6 0 Y E A R S I N L AW 58080_TulLaw_Cvr:58080_TulLaw_Cvr 2/9/11 3:59 PM Page CvrB DAV I D MEYER DEAN LAUREN VERGONA G AV I O L I EDITOR AND EXECUTIVE ASSISTANT TO THE DEAN ELLEN J. BRIERRE LAW ALUMNI AFFAIRS TA NA COMAN ART DIRECTION AND DESIGN CONTRIBUTORS NAT H A N BAY S (L ’0 7 ) STELLA CZIMENT (JD C A N D I DAT E 2 0 1 1 ) A S S O C I AT E DEAN SUSAN KRINSKY TULANE NEW WAV E S TA F F TULANE UNIVERSITY COMMUNICATIONS AND PUBLICATIONS MADELINE VA N N (MPH ’9 8 ) LIZBETH TURNER (L ’8 5 ) PHOTOGRAPHY SALLY ASHER, pages 12, 13 top; FRANK AYMAMI, page 13 bottom; PAULA BURCH-CELENTANO/Tulane University Publications, pages 1, 3, 7, 26, 27, 32; GUILLERMO CABRERA-ROJO, page 11 right; RICK OLIVIER, inside front and back covers; LAUREN V. GAVIOLI, pages 6, 9 top, 14, 20 top, 21, 34–35, 47, 48; JOHN GRIPKA AND COURTNEY HALWIG (JD CANDIDATES 2012), page 17; JOSEPH HALM, page 11 left; ALICIA DUPLESSIS JASMIN/Tulane University Publications, pages 10, 18; ERIK KELLAR/ Naples News, page 42; NATHAN PRIHODA (L ’10), page 15; TRACIE MORRIS SCHAEFER/Tulane University Publications, page 9 bottom. -
George Wallace on Segregation, 1964 Introduction Excerpt
1 George Wallace on segregation, 1964 Introduction In 1958, George Wallace ran against John Patterson in his first gubernatorial race. In that Alabama election, Wallace refused to make race an issue, and he declined the endorsement of the Ku Klux Klan. This move won Wallace the support of the NAACP. Patterson, on the other hand, embraced Klan support, and he trounced Wallace in the election. In 1962 Wallace, having realized the power of race as a political tool, ran for governor again—this time as a proponent of segregation. He won by a landslide. In 1964, Wallace decided to make a run for the presidency as a Democratic candidate. The first Democratic primary was held in Wisconsin. Local politicians treated Wallace’s candidacy as a joke, but Wallace shocked his critics when he received 266,000 votes—one-third of the 780,000 votes cast. On April 8, one day after the Wisconsin primary, Michigan resident Ms. Martin wrote to Wallace asking him for literature on segregation. The sentiments expressed in Wallace’s reply stand in stark contrast to the reality of race relations in Alabama during his time as governor. Between the time of Wallace’s inauguration and his correspondence with Martin, Alabama had seen the bombings in Birmingham as well as Wallace’s face-off with federal forces over the integration of the University of Alabama. Despite growing conflict over race and civil rights, Wallace wrote Martin that “we have never had a problem in the South except in a few very isolated instances and these have been the result of outside agitators.” Wallace asserted that “I personally have done more for the Negroes of the State of Alabama than any other individual,” citing job creation and the salaries of black teachers in Alabama. -
European Journal of American Studies, 14-1 | 2019 Citizens’ Councils, Conservatism and White Supremacy in Louisiana, 1964-1972 2
European journal of American studies 14-1 | 2019 Special Issue: Race Matters: 1968 as Living History in the Black Freedom Struggle Citizens’ Councils, Conservatism and White Supremacy in Louisiana, 1964-1972 Rebecca Brückmann Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/ejas/14437 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.14437 ISSN: 1991-9336 Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic reference Rebecca Brückmann, “Citizens’ Councils, Conservatism and White Supremacy in Louisiana, 1964-1972”, European journal of American studies [Online], 14-1 | 2019, Online since 06 July 2019, connection on 08 July 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/14437 ; DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.4000/ejas.14437 This text was automatically generated on 8 July 2021. Creative Commons License Citizens’ Councils, Conservatism and White Supremacy in Louisiana, 1964-1972 1 Citizens’ Councils, Conservatism and White Supremacy in Louisiana, 1964-1972 Rebecca Brückmann 1 “Did you ever see anything like it?” asked The Citizen, the Citizens’ Councils of America’s monthly publication in May 1968. “Within a couple of hours” after Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination on April 4, 1968, “the nation’s Liberal Establishment, official and unofficial,” had “donned sackcloth and ashes and plunged into an orgy of public- breastbeating [sic],” the magazine continued. “Can you imagine any other time in history when a man with the record of MLK could be transformed by the alchemy of propaganda from a real instigator of violence into instant sainthood?” The Citizen opined and concluded that “the wages of integration and ‘black power’ are violence, anarchy and death.”1 The conservative Louisiana newspaper The Shreveport Journal, edited by George Shannon, condemned King’s “senseless, barbaric” murder pro forma, but noted that “the Rev. -
Allen Rostron, the Law and Order Theme in Political and Popular Culture
OCULREV Fall 2012 Rostron 323-395 (Do Not Delete) 12/17/2012 10:59 AM OKLAHOMA CITY UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW VOLUME 37 FALL 2012 NUMBER 3 ARTICLES THE LAW AND ORDER THEME IN POLITICAL AND POPULAR CULTURE Allen Rostron I. INTRODUCTION “Law and order” became a potent theme in American politics in the 1960s. With that simple phrase, politicians evoked a litany of troubles plaguing the country, from street crime to racial unrest, urban riots, and unruly student protests. Calling for law and order became a shorthand way of expressing contempt for everything that was wrong with the modern permissive society and calling for a return to the discipline and values of the past. The law and order rallying cry also signified intense opposition to the Supreme Court’s expansion of the constitutional rights of accused criminals. In the eyes of law and order conservatives, judges needed to stop coddling criminals and letting them go free on legal technicalities. In 1968, Richard Nixon made himself the law and order candidate and won the White House, and his administration continued to trumpet the law and order theme and blame weak-kneed liberals, The William R. Jacques Constitutional Law Scholar and Professor of Law, University of Missouri–Kansas City School of Law. B.A. 1991, University of Virginia; J.D. 1994, Yale Law School. The UMKC Law Foundation generously supported the research and writing of this Article. 323 OCULREV Fall 2012 Rostron 323-395 (Do Not Delete) 12/17/2012 10:59 AM 324 Oklahoma City University Law Review [Vol. 37 particularly judges, for society’s ills. -
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's MARCH to the RIGHT Cliff Checs Ter
Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 29 | Number 4 Article 13 2002 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cliff checS ter Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Accounting Law Commons Recommended Citation Cliff cheS cter, EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT, 29 Fordham Urb. L.J. 1663 (2002). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cover Page Footnote Cliff cheS cter is a political consultant and public affairs writer. Cliff asw initially a frustrated Rockefeller Republican who now casts his lot with the New Democratic Movement of the Democratic Party. This article is available in Fordham Urban Law Journal: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT by Cliff Schecter* 1. STILL A ROCK PARTY In the 2000 film The Contender, Senator Lane Hanson, por- trayed by Joan Allen, explains what catalyzed her switch from the Grand Old Party ("GOP") to the Democratic side of the aisle. During her dramatic Senate confirmation hearing for vice-presi- dent, she laments that "The Republican Party had shifted from the ideals I cherished in my youth." She lists those cherished ideals as "a woman's right to choose, taking guns out of every home, campaign finance reform, and the separation of church and state." Although this statement reflects Hollywood's usual penchant for oversimplification, her point con- cerning the recession of moderation in Republican ranks is still ap- ropos. -
Michigan Presidential Primary
Michigan Presidential Primary Facts and Statistics Michigan Department of State Bureau of Elections February 2019 MICHIGAN PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY LEGISLATIVE HISTORY 1912 The legislature enacted Public Act 9 to direct that a presidential preference primary be conducted in the month of April. 1931 The legislature enacted Public Act 200 to repeal the presidential preference primary. 1972 The legislature enacted Public Act 60 to reestablish the presidential primary subject to the following provisions: • Primary would be held on the third Tuesday in May in presidential election years for each political party that received greater than 5% of the total vote cast nationwide in the last presidential election. • The Secretary of State would issue a list of individuals generally advocated by the national news media as potential candidates for president. The law also provided that the state political party chairpersons could provide the Secretary of State with a list of individuals whom they consider to be potential presidential nominees for their political party. The Secretary of State was then required to notify each candidate appearing on the lists who in turn was required to file an affidavit indicating his or her political party preference and willingness to have his or her name appear on the ballot. Individuals whose names did not appear on either the Secretary of State’s or a political party list could qualify as a candidate by filing nominating petitions. The petitions were required to be signed by registered electors equal to at least ½ of 1% of the total vote cast in the previous presidential election for the presidential candidate of the political party of the individual. -
State and Local Political Party and Other Political Group Contributions
AT&T Corporate Political Contributions to State & Local Party Committees and Other Political Groups July–Dec. 2020 State & Local Party Committees and Other Political Groups Contributions Advancing Michigan Forward $1,000 Alex Padilla Ballot Measure Committee For Democracy and Justice (California) $25,000 Assembly Democratic Campaign Committee (Wisconsin) $3,750 Assembly Democratic Caucus (Nevada) $5,500 Assembly Republican Caucus (Nevada) $5,500 Associated Republicans of Texas $25,000 Building Bridges Fund (Michigan) $2,000 Bumstead Administrative Account (Michigan) $1,000 California Democratic Party $360,000 Civic Progress Action Committee (Missouri) $4,500 Committee to Elect a Republican Senate (Wisconsin) $8,750 Committee to Elect House Republicans New Hampshire $1,750 Commonwealth Victory Fund (Virginia) $3,500 Community Leaders of America $10,000 Concord Fund (Michigan) $1,000 Conservative Michigan $2,000 Democratic Assembly Campaign (New York) $51,000 Democratic Governors Association $100,000 Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee $50,000 Democratic Party of Arkansas $10,000 Democratic Party of Georgia $35,000 Democratic State Central Committee of Louisiana $10,000 Fairview Fund (Michigan) $2,000 Florida Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee $25,000 Florida Democratic Party $25,000 Florida House Republicans Campaign Committee $75,000 Florida Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee $75,000 Georgia Republican Party $15,000 Georgia Republican Senatorial Committee, Inc. $20,000 GoPAC, Inc. (Kentucky) $5,000 Great Lakes Justice