The Crimea Crisis from an International Law Perspective

The Crimea Crisis from an International Law Perspective Author(s): Christian Marxsen Source: Kyiv-Mohyla Law and Politics Journal 2 (2016): 13–36 Published by: National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy http://kmlpj.ukma.edu.ua/ The Crimea Crisis from an International Law Perspective 1 Christian Marxsen Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law Abstract In February and March 2014, Ukraine was literally overrun by a chain of events that eventually led to Crimea’s incorporation into Russian territory. Crimean and Russian authorities jointly used the internal conflict in Ukraine to deprive the Ukrainian government of its control over Crimea, to hold a so-called referendum, and to declare Crimea’s independence. On the day after independence was declared, Russia formally recognized Crimea as an independent state,2 and the Crimean parliament requested Russia to admit Crimea to the Russian Federation.3 Soon after that, the accession treaty was signed, and, within a few more days, all Russian constitutional requirements for Crimea’s accession to the Russian Federation were fulfilled.4 All parties to the conflict refer to international law to justify their positions. The Crimean authorities and Russia claim that Russia had a legal basis for intervening and that Crimea had the right to secede from Ukraine. Most states, however, reject these claims. Thus, three questions are presented: Was Crimea’s secession lawful under international law? To what extent has Russia violated international law? And what is Crimea’s status? This article addresses these questions. Part 1 briefly describes the relevant circumstances and events leading to Crimea’s secession. Part 2 reviews the legal obligations between Ukraine and Russia concerning territorial integrity and the prohibition against the use and threat of force. Parts 3 and 4 discuss the legality of Russia’s intervention in Crimea and the legality of Crimea’s secession from Ukraine, respectively. Part 5 concludes this article by answering the questions it raises. Key Words: use of force, self-determination, intervention by invitation, Ukraine, Crimea, Russia. 1 This contribution is the slightly revised and updated reprint of an article that was originally published in Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht/Heidelberg Journal of International Law 74.2 (2014): 367–91. Sources that have been published later could only occasionally be included. 2 See “Executive Order on Recognizing Republic of Crimea,” President’s web-site, March 17, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/20596. 3 Luke Harding and Shaun Walker, “Crimea Applies to be Part of Russian Federation After Vote to Leave Ukraine,” The Guardian, March 17, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://www.theguardian.com/ world/2014/mar/17/ukraine-crimea-russia-referendum-complain-result. 4 See in regard to the Russian constitutional process Otto Luchterhandt, who argues that during that process Russian constitutional law was violated (Otto Luchterhandt, “Annexion der Krim — Putin verstößt gegen russische Verfassung,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, April 18, 2014). 14 Kyiv-Mohyla Law and Politics Journal 2 (2016) 3 The Escalation of the Conflict in Ukraine After the Cold War ended, Ukraine became a focus of competing geo-strategical interests, including those of the EU and Russia. Internally, too, Ukraine was torn between the European Union and Russia. Yet, over time, its orientation along this continuum between Russia and the EU has been in the EU’s direction, albeit with interruptions, most notably in November 2013. More recently, this westward turn was reaffirmed by the first part of the March 2014 EU-Ukraine association agreement, which calls for closer political and economic cooperation between the EU and Ukraine. Russia, however, has strongly opposed this development and others like it, fearing the loss of its political influence in Eastern Europe. The number of non-NATO and non- EU states in Eastern Europe has declined significantly over the last two decades, and Russia does not want the remaining neutral states to also join these organizations. Moreover, Russia has had a key interest in Ukrainian territory because it relies on access to Crimea as a base for its Black Sea Fleet. Russia’s bargaining power is immense: Ukraine depends on gas supplies from Russia, and Russia is an important trading partner. This enabled Russia to prevent the adoption of the EU–Ukraine association agreement that was scheduled to be signed in November 2013. These external divisions — the EU versus Russia — have an internal corollary: while Eastern Ukraine is predominantly Russia-oriented with Russian being the native language of a good part of its population, Western Ukraine is more oriented towards the EU. The catalyst for the current crisis between Russia and Ukraine was the internal protests that arose in November 2013 against then Ukrainian President Yanukovych and his decision to refrain from signing an association agreement with the EU. The protests soon became tumultuous, with hundreds injured and more than 100 killed. The underlying political orientation of the groups that carried the protest remains uncertain to a degree. Certain, however, is that nationalist, xenophobic, and anti-Semitic groups such as the “Right Sector” or the “Svoboda” party played a role, an especially crucial one during the violent phases of the protests.5 During the turmoil, representatives of EU member states expressed clear sympathies for the protesters and met with opposition leaders. What EU officials saw as mediation in the conflict was on the other side perceived, especially by Russia and Ukraine’s then-government, as illegal interference in Ukraine’s internal affairs. Towards the end of February 2014, Ukraine’s parliament voted to remove Yanukovych from office and established an interim government. Immediately after Yanukovych’s overthrow, pro-Russian troops took control of Crimea and initiated an incremental accession of Crimea to the Russian Federation. On 1 March 2014, the Russian Federation Council authorized the use of armed forces on the territory of Ukraine.6 In the following weeks, Russia reinforced its troops in Crimea and assembled some of them at the Ukrainian border. After Crimea declared its independence, Russian troops acted openly in 5 “Maidan on my Mind,” The Economist, February 15, 2014. 6 ITAR-TASS Press Report, “Putin’s Letter on Use of Russian Army in Ukraine Goes to Upper House,” March 1, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://tass.ru/en/russia/721586. Christian Marxsen. The Crimea Crisis from an International Law Perspective 15 Crimea, including by forcing Ukrainian military units to surrender and leave the peninsula.7 If and to what extent Russian troops were in Crimea before the referendum was an open question initially. Russian authorities proclaimed that the soldiers who took control of Crimea after Yanukovych’s removal from office were actually independent Crimean “self-defense units.” 8 Numerous press reports, however, suggested from the beginning that these soldiers included not only local militias, but also Russian soldiers.9 While the Russian soldiers did not wear official emblems, they were spotted using Russian military equipment and military vehicles registered to the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea.10 The direct involvement of Russian soldiers on Ukrainian territory became certain, however, when Russian President Putin openly acknowledged that “Crimean self-defense forces were of course backed by Russian servicemen.” 11 Legal Obligations Between Russia and Ukraine The obligations between Russia and Ukraine regarding territorial integrity and the prohibition against the use of force are contained in bi- and multilateral agreements. These two principles are clearly expressed in Article 2 (4) UN Charter,12 and in the Helsinki Final Act.13 Other bi-lateral 7 David M. Herszenhorn et al., “Russian Forces Take Over One of the Last Ukrainian Bases in Crimea,” New York Times, March 23, 2014. 8 Vladimir Putin, “Vladimir Putin Answered Journalists’ Questions on the Situation in Ukraine,” Kremlin Press Conference, March 4, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://en.kremlin.ru/events/ president/news/20366. 9 Anthony Faiola and Will Englund, “Ukraine Denounces ‘Invasion’ by Russian Forces on Eve of Crimea’s Referendum,” Washington Post, March 15, 2014; Robert Mackey, “Russia’s Defense Minister Calls Evidence of Troop Presence in Crimea ‘Complete Nonsense,’” New York Times, March 5, 2014, accessed July 1, 2016, http://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/03/05/russias-defense-minister-calls-evidence- of-troop-presence-in-crimea-complete-nonsense/; Andrew Higgins and Steven Lee Myers, “As Putin Orders Drills in Crimea, Protesters’ Clash Shows Region’s Divide,” New York Times, February 27, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/27/world/europe/russia.html. 10 Alison Smale and Steven Erlanger, “Ukraine Mobilizes Reserve Troops, Threatening War,” New York Times, March 2, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/02/world/europe/ ukraine.html; Andrew Higgins, “Amid More Signs of Russian Force in Crimea, Delight Mixes With Dismay,” New York Times, March 2, 2014, accessed June 1, 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/02/ world/europe/tensions-rise-in-crimean-capital-as-armed-men-continue-to-take-up-posts.html. 11 “Putin Acknowledges Russian Military Serviceman Were in Crimea,” RT, April 17, 2014, published together with a video documentation of Putin’s statements with simultaneous translation into English, accessed June 1, 2016, http://www.rt.com/news/crimea-defense-russian-soldiers-108/. 12 Article 2 (4) UN Charter states: “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.” 13 Helsinki Final Act (1975), Part 1 (a) “Declaration on Principles Guiding Relations between Participating States,” Principle III (Inviolability of frontiers); Principle IV (Territorial integrity of States). 16 Kyiv-Mohyla Law and Politics Journal 2 (2016) agreements also are relevant.

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