Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco Dear Delegates
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s BACKGROUND Mexico 68: Massacre at GUIDE 2012 Tlatelolco Crisis Director: Linnea Sandin Chair: Andrea Marquez Vice-Chair: Hayley Culver FCMUN V Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco Dear Delegates, It is my pleasure to welcome you to the Mexico 68: Tlatelolco Massacre committee here at the Five College Model United Nations conference! As your crisis director, I am so excited to work with all of you throughout the weekend and lead what is sure to be a stimulating and innovative committee. I was born and raised in Santa Barbara, CA, although I spent my sophomore year in high school living in Querétaro, Mexico, where my mother lived part-time until December. I have always been interested in Latin America, but Mexico holds a special place in my heart, and I consider it to be a second home. Currently, I am a senior at Mount Holyoke majoring in Latin American Studies and minoring in Spanish, although sometimes it feels like I’m really majoring in MUN! This year, I have had the pleasure of serving as MHCMUN’s President, as well as working as a Study Abroad Advisor for the McCulloch Center for Global Initiatives. The massacre at the Plaza de Tres Culturas on October 2, 1968, remains one of the darkest events in modern Mexican history. The student protests that preceded the tragedy spotlighted the intense corruption within Mexico’s elite, and the lack of political freedom in the country. After the smoke cleared from the plaza, Mexicans were left stunned and without answers. The question on many people’s minds was “Why?” as they buried teenagers and young adults. The government launched a huge cover-up campaign after the massacre, and the truth about its involvement was not revealed until 2003. During the conference, you will be representing student delegates from the National Strike Council (CNH), the organizing body of the protests of the summer and fall of 1968. During the weekend, you will have to plan and carry out protests and campaigns, attempt to negotiate with an authoritarian government, and deal with the aftermath of the violence at Tlatelolco. I have written the following background guide to introduce and direct your research for this committee. If you have any questions or would simply like to introduce yourself, please do not hesitate to contact me at [email protected]. Welcome to FCMUN 2012 and ¡Viva México! Best, Linnea Sandin Crisis Director, Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco Five College Model United Nations 2012 Page 1 of 10 FCMUN V Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco Dear Delegates, I am excited to welcome you to the Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco committee of the Five College Model United Nations 2012. My name is Andrea Marquez and I am a freshman at Mount Holyoke planning to double major in International Relations and Dance also aspiring to attend Law School. I grew up at the border of Texas and Mexico and I have studied in Texas, Michigan, and Switzerland. As the daughter of a Mexican and a Honduran, these are two countries that I love the most. Apart from Model United Nations I am also involved in the Student Government Association and am a student ambassador of Mount Holyoke. During my free time I love running or dancing as well as reading books on human behaviour. As a Mexican citizen I am particularly excited for this committee and although this is my first time running a conference, I will work hard to make this an interesting and fun experience for all of you. The Massacre at Tlatelolco was a worldwide movement that was handled much differently in Mexico. The authoritarian regime of 68 led to the death of many innocent university students. I encourage you to read the background guide and be fully prepared to be able to participate as much as possible. I wish you luck with your studies; feel free to contact me at [email protected] with any questions. I can’t wait to meet you! Sincerely, Andrea Marquez Chair, Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco Five College Model United Nations 2012 Page 2 of 10 FCMUN V Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco Introduction The Tlatelolco Massacre is known as Mexico’s Tiananmen Square, Mexico’s Kent State. On October 2, 1968, Mexican soldiers opened fire in the Plaza de Tres Palacios in Mexico City, where thousands of students, professors, and the supporters had gathered to demand transparency from a decidedly corrupt government. Although the official numbers are disputed, around 325 people were killed that day, most of them high school and university students, and thousands more were wounded and jailed. Perhaps the most appalling aspect of the massacre is that the government gave no reason for its violent reaction towards the students, and infamously covered up the entire operation for several decades afterwards. The massacre and the student movement that preceded it remain engrained in the memory of Mexico. Background In1929, Plutarco Elías Calles, the president from 1924-28, founded the precedent to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in response to the political unrest after the Mexican Revolution. The party was an attempt to streamline the various victorious factions of the revolution and to institutionalize the revolution. After Calles left office in 1928, a slew of his cronies occupied the presidential office, ending with Lázaro Cárdenas in 19341 . Although Calles approved of Cárdenas, it soon became clear that Cárdenas was not going to continue the nepotism of the previous administrations, and he arrested and then deported Calles and many of his associates. Cárdenas then began a major campaign to socially and politically reform Mexico, which included the redistribution of lands, the creation of secular schools, and the formation of workers’ unions. Cárdenas also began an oil expropriation project, and founded Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex), which became a blueprint for other countries seeking to nationalize their oil. Because of Cárdenas’ effective economic reforms, Mexico’s economy improved exponentially, a trend that would continue throughout the 1960s2. Although Cárdenas is widely recognized as one of the most honest politicians in Mexican history, his political party, the PRI, came to be a symbol of corruption in Mexican politics. From its beginnings in the 1930s through the 1980s, the PRI won every presidential election with at least 70% of the popular vote. The PRI maintained its overwhelming dominance of Mexican politics through coercion and electoral fraud, experiencing virtually no challengers until the late 1980s. Mexico’s status as a virtual one-party state would become one of the major points protest for the student movements in 19683. During the 1960s, Mexico’s economy continued to grow at impressive rates, increasing its GDP by almost six-fold. This growth led to the expansion of the previously non-existent middle class and was dubbed the “Mexican Miracle”. Although Mexico continued to grow and modernize, the gap between the rich and the poor increased, a trend that continues today. On the other hand, the new middle class began to live more comfortably, and many used their new disposable income to send their children to university. Students from these newly middle class families comprised of the majority of the protestors in 19684. Page 3 of 10 FCMUN V Mexico 68: Massacre at Tlatelolco In 1964, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz assumed the presidency. Although he continued Mexico’s economic growth, he was also prone to authoritarian actions. Díaz Ordaz despised dissidence, especially that which took place in the public arena. Along with his Secretary of the Interior and presidential successor Luís Echeverría Álvarez, Díaz Ordaz shut down student- and union- led protests across the country, and fired union members who took part in strikes. The president, along with several other Mexican officials including Echeverría, became a CIA informant under the LITEMPO program, coordinated by an operative named Winston Scott. Díaz Ordaz would use his friendship with Scott to his advantage during the student movement in 1968. Díaz Ordaz was eager to show the world Mexico’s progress, and submitted a successful bid to host the 1968 Summer Olympics in the capital. At the time, Mexico was the only Latin American country to host an Olympics, a title it still holds today5. Although the government was excited to showcase the capital, many citizens did not feel the same way. Faced with a widening gap between the rich and poor, a one-party state, and a corrupt government, many Mexicans felt it was hypocritical for the State to pour money and resources into the Olympic Games. Inspired by similar movements across the globe people began protesting the Díaz Ordaz administration across Mexico, especially in the capital. Both the American and Mexican administrations falsely believed that communist governments from abroad, especially Cuba, supported the protestors and were determined to crush the movement. Worldwide Context 1968 was an eventful year for not only Mexico, but also several other countries around the world. In the United States, the Civil Rights Movement was in full swing, although it took a blow with the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. in April. In addition to demanding equal rights for all citizens, Americans across the country also protested the Vietnam War, especially with the onset of the Tet Offensive. In Europe, protests swept several countries, most notable Czechoslovakia and France. In Czechoslovakia, members of the Warsaw Pact, including East Germany and the Soviet Union, reacted to the de-Stalinization of the country by invading it, prompting protests around the country in an era known as the “Prague Spring”6. In France, 22% of the population went on strike in May, almost crippling the French economy and toppling Charles De Gaulle’s government7.