An Examination of the Writings and Tactics of Robert F

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Examination of the Writings and Tactics of Robert F EMPLOYING MASCULINITY AS AN AGENT OF SOCIAL CHANGE: AN EXAMINATION OF THE WRITINGS AND TACTICS OF ROBERT F. WILLIAMS A thesis submitted To Kent State University in partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts By Dwight Meyer December, 2010 Thesis written by: Dwight Robert Meyer B.A., Denison University, 1999 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Approved by: __________________________, Julio Pino, Advisor __________________________, Kenneth J. Bindas, Chair, Department of History __________________________, John R. D. Stalvey, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii Table of Contents List of Illustrations v Acknowledgements vi Introduction 1 2. A snapshot of gender as it applied to the work of Robert Williams, followed by a chapter outline. 16 Chapter 1: Gender in History and the Civil Rights Movement 25 2. The Role of Stereotypes in blocking Understanding of the Other. 32 3. The role of Masculinity in Selecting Tactics 39 Chapter 2: Providing for physical and economic safety; the twin responsibilities of the modern man. 46 2. Is fighting for your country a path to full employment? 60 3. The Dr. Perry Abortion Case: Employment should be based on aptitude rather than Racial Politics. 72 4. How we fight is just as important as the causes that we champion: A Debate on the Tactics of the Civil Rights Movement 80 Chapter 3: Life in Cuba results in a different set of difficulties 95 2. Masculinity and Militancy, From Common Ground to Point of Ideological Conflict 102 3. Is the Race Problem Really a Problem? 114 Chapter 4: Exit to China: A new home and the renewal of the debate on the “proper” role of African American men. 131 2. Home Again: A quieter life, but still active politically 146 iii 3. Conclusion: 153 Works Cited 155 Appendix A 167 Appendix B 168 iv List of Illustrations Illustration #1 “OH PLEASE MASTER – LET ME GO TO HELL WID YOU.”……...65 Illustration #2 “How colored they look!”………………………………………………141 Illustration #3 “For democracy? Whose democracy?”………………………………...141 v Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Julio Pino for helping me take this project from an odd conversation about “mate, cigars and beards” into a thesis on masculinity and the role that it played in the Civil Rights Movement. These thoughts about some of the outward appearances and habits of Ernesto Che Guevara and Fidel Castro were some of the first steps that helped me to shape some my understanding of “masculinity” and “machismo” which led me down a path toward understanding the relationships between gender and revolution. The general strategy of understanding feminist perspectives and the French Revolution put me on the path to a much richer understanding of some fundamental theories regarding the nature of gender. Dr. Elizabeth Smith-Pryor helped me understand how black masculinity and most importantly a positive concept of citizen and self shaped the views of Robert F. Williams. It was her class on the Civil Rights Era and her assignment of Timothy Tyson’s Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of the Black Power Movement that first introduced me to Williams. At some time during our reading and discussion of the Tyson piece I came to understand that looking at masculinity and Williams in particular would be an excellent focus for my thesis. vi I also would like to thank Dr. Mary Ann Heiss for her excellent help in putting together the two seminar papers that aided me in focusing and narrowing my topic. The first of those papers helped me to understand Guevara and Guerrilla Warfare which is the intellectual seed where this project started. The second of these seminar papers added some much-needed polish to the third and fourth chapters of this work. I also would like to thank my wife Lisa Regula Meyer and our 4-year-old son Kenny. Without the two of you, I would not understand anything of what it is to be a true man living in the world today. I cherish the life that we have made together and the man you both have helped me to become. The three things that I am most proud of during my time as a graduate student would be the family that we have become together, the home that we have made, and maybe finally becoming a historian and writer. I love you both. vii Introduction Seemingly fundamental questions such as the definition of citizenship have been redefined at critical points in world history. The struggle for black empowerment that was waged during the Civil Rights Era was essentially an effort to expand the definition of citizen in the United States in such a manner that it would include people of African descent and put them on equal footing with those with European backgrounds. Robert Williams used masculinist rhetoric to champion the causes of Civil Rights and Human Rights. He is best known for the work that he did while president of the local NAACP chapter in Monroe, North Carolina. His rhetoric was mostly self-published in his newsletter The Crusader and it was informed by his experiences in the Army as part of a segregated unit at the end of World War II as well as his experience as a member of the Marine Corps soon after their integration. His military service allowed him to attend some college classes where he studied English and Journalism but was never really able to progress professionally in his chosen profession as a writer. Instead he was a working- class black man, and in the pages of The Crusader he argued that black men were first of all; men, and secondly full citizens of the United States of America. While these claims seem self evident to some liberal-minded modern historians, this was not the case in the late 1950s and early 1960s in North Carolina. Racism had deep roots in the era of slavery that centered on the ability of white society to transform 1 2 enslaved blacks into commodities to be bought and sold. The definition of enslaved blacks as property with a value in dollars enshrined racism and second class citizenry.1 The long term psychological and economic effects of this process of dehumanization are a sad American legacy.2 Even after emancipation and Reconstruction white supremacists attempted to maintain the status quo from these earlier periods through their ability to monopolize extra-legal violence. It has been a major difficulty to undo this process and the period of the Civil Rights Era was a revolution of thought directed at establishing a balance of the American social contract without the need for a violent or bloody revolution. While the humanist ideals of the Declaration of Independence declare that “All men are created equal” the founders wrote the Constitution as a proslavery document.3 Reweaving the social contract has often been accomplished during periods of violent insurrection and revolution. The trick has been to get the desired change while avoiding bloodshed.4 1 This definition of enslaved peoples as property comes from Dred Scott v. Sandford which “was a catalyst for a fundamental alteration of the Constitution through the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, forever changing the nature of American law and race relations.” Paul Finkelman, Dred Scot v. Sandford: a brief history with documents, (Boston: Bedford Books, A Division of St. Martin’s Press, Inc., 1997), 2. 2 Slave markets spent much of their time and energy making people appear to be standardized, healthy and free of maladies which preserved the value of people transformed into a marketable commodity. Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market, (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1999), 131. 3 Paul Finkelman argues that preserving the property rights of slaveholders quashed any humanist inclinations at achieving true equality and instead the founders “pursued policies that protected slavery.” Paul Finkelman, Slavery and the Founders: Race and Liberty in the Age of Jefferson (M. E. Sharp, Inc., 2001), x. 4 While there are interesting parallels to be drawn between the Civil Rights Movement and both the American and French Revolutions, they are not as simplistic as the casual observer might argue. David Brion Davis argued that “liberty and natural rights” are so often used to argue in favor of revolution, and subverting others in slavery or other terms of second class citizenship seems antithetical to the overall goals 3 From the perspective of the “Long Movement” school of the Civil Rights Era; the end of World War II provided a unique opportunity to make strides in the cause of black empowerment. During the course of the war, black newspapers including the Pittsburgh Courier argued that a “Double-V” or “Double Victory” was possible. The argument ran that blacks who served in the force that helped to defeat Nazi Fascism abroad should enjoy fuller citizenship at home in the full spirit of spreading democracy throughout the world.5 It is important to note that historian Jacquelyn Dowd Hall defines the Long Civil Rights Movement that began “in the liberal and radical milieu of the late 1930s… accelerated during World War II and culminated under the aegis of the New Right.”6 This Historiographical view argues that the response to integration throughout the nation, in both the north and the south are important and thus Hall and others define the larger movement in terms that are much more temporally expansive definition that went into the 1970s even influenced the ascendency of the Reagan and Bush Administrations.7 of such a process, yet slavery continued following the American Revolution. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution 1770-1823 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 84-85.
Recommended publications
  • The History of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a Curriculum Tool for Afrikan American Studies
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1990 The history of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a curriculum tool for Afrikan American studies. Kit Kim Holder University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Holder, Kit Kim, "The history of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a curriculum tool for Afrikan American studies." (1990). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 4663. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/4663 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966-1972 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES A Dissertation Presented By KIT KIM HOLDER Submitted to the Graduate School of the■ University of Massachusetts in partial fulfills of the requirements for the degree of doctor of education May 1990 School of Education Copyright by Kit Kim Holder, 1990 All Rights Reserved THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966 - 1972 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES Dissertation Presented by KIT KIM HOLDER Approved as to Style and Content by ABSTRACT THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966-1971 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES MAY 1990 KIT KIM HOLDER, B.A. HAMPSHIRE COLLEGE M.S. BANK STREET SCHOOL OF EDUCATION Ed.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS Directed by: Professor Meyer Weinberg The Black Panther Party existed for a very short period of time, but within this period it became a central force in the Afrikan American human rights/civil rights movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Kwame Nkrumah, His Afro-American Network and the Pursuit of an African Personality
    Illinois State University ISU ReD: Research and eData Theses and Dissertations 3-22-2019 Kwame Nkrumah, His Afro-American Network and the Pursuit of an African Personality Emmanuella Amoh Illinois State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd Part of the African American Studies Commons, and the African History Commons Recommended Citation Amoh, Emmanuella, "Kwame Nkrumah, His Afro-American Network and the Pursuit of an African Personality" (2019). Theses and Dissertations. 1067. https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd/1067 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ISU ReD: Research and eData. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ISU ReD: Research and eData. For more information, please contact [email protected]. KWAME NKRUMAH, HIS AFRO-AMERICAN NETWORK AND THE PURSUIT OF AN AFRICAN PERSONALITY EMMANUELLA AMOH 105 Pages This thesis explores the pursuit of a new African personality in post-colonial Ghana by President Nkrumah and his African American network. I argue that Nkrumah’s engagement with African Americans in the pursuit of an African Personality transformed diaspora relations with Africa. It also seeks to explore Black women in this transnational history. Women are not perceived to be as mobile as men in transnationalism thereby underscoring their inputs in the construction of certain historical events. But through examining the lived experiences of Shirley Graham Du Bois and to an extent Maya Angelou and Pauli Murray in Ghana, the African American woman’s role in the building of Nkrumah’s Ghana will be explored in this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Conrad Lynn to Speak at New York Forum
    gtiiinimmiimiHi JOHNSON MOVES TO EXPLOIT HEALTH ISSUE THE Medicare As a Vote-Catching Gimmick By M arvel Scholl paign promises” file and dressed kept, so he can toss them around 1964 is a presidential election up in new language. as liberally as necessary, be in­ year so it is not surprising that Johnson and his Administration dignant, give facts and figures, President Johnson’s message to know exactly how little chance deplore and propose. MILITANT Congress on health and medical there is that any of the legislation He states that our medical sci­ Published in the Interests of the Working People care should sound like the he proposes has of getting through ence and all its related disciplines thoughtful considerations of a man the legislative maze of “checks are “unexcelled” but — each year Vol. 28 - No. 8 Monday, February 24, 1964 Price 10c and a party deeply concerned over and balances” (committees to thousands of infants die needless­ the general state of health of the committees, amendments, change, ly; half of the young men un­ entire nation. It is nothing of the debate and filibuster ad infini­ qualified for military services are kind. It is a deliberate campaign tum). Words are cheap, campaign rejected for medical reasons; one hoax, dragged out of an old “cam- promises are never meant to be third of all old age public as­ sistance is spent for medical care; Framed-Up 'Kidnap' Trial most contagious diseases have been conquered yet every year thousands suffer and die from ill­ nesses fo r w hich there are know n Opens in Monroe, N.
    [Show full text]
  • Dayo Gore from Communist Politics to Black Power
    Want to Start a Revolution? Gore, Dayo, Theoharis, Jeanne, Woodard, Komozi Published by NYU Press Gore, Dayo & Theoharis, Jeanne & Woodard, Komozi. Want to Start a Revolution? Radical Women in the Black Freedom Struggle. New York: NYU Press, 2009. Project MUSE., https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/10942 Access provided by The College Of Wooster (14 Jan 2019 17:20 GMT) 3 From Communist Politics to Black Power The Visionary Politics and Transnational Solidarities of Victoria “Vicki” Ama Garvin Dayo F. Gore As recounted in this collection’s introduction, when listing the key figures in Ghana’s expatriate community during the 1960s, writer Les- lie Lacy referenced Vicki Garvin, a longtime labor activist and black radi- cal, as one of the people to see “if you want to start a revolution.”1 While several recent studies on Black Power politics have acknowledged Vicki Garvin’s activism and transnational travels, she is often mentioned only as a representative figure, a “radical trade unionist,” or a “survivor of Mc- Carthyism,” with little attention given to the specific details of her life and political contributions.2 Yet Vicki Garvin played a leading role in the six decades of struggle that marked the shift from Negro civil rights to black liberation. Politicized in the upheavals of Depression-era Harlem and ac- tive in the U.S. left well into the 1980s, Garvin provides an important win- dow for understanding the significant channels of influence between the Old Left and the New Left and between black radicalism and the black freedom struggle.
    [Show full text]
  • The Crusader Monthll,J Nelijsletter
    THE CRUSADER MONTHLL,J NELIJSLETTER ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, EDITOR -IN EXILE- VoL . ~ - No. 9 MAY 1968 Afro-Americans & Slick John Kennedy Government of the United States is no government T~E of the Afro-Americans at all. The slick John Ken- nedy gang is operating one of the greatest sham govern- ment in the entire world. Afro-Americans and fair minded Od > ~- O THE wN«< /l~USL . lF Yov~Re EyER IN NE60, CALL ME AT whites must be gullible indeed to believe that the racist, KKK dominated so-called U.S. Government is concerned with the welfare and human rights of colored people. The colored people of the USA must bring themselves to realize that taken integration is a slick manuever to check the restlessness of an oppressed people fast becoming infect ed with the germ of total resistance policy developing among all of the oppressed peoples of the world. Token integration means nothing to the masses. Even an idiot should be able to see that so-called Token integration is no more than window dressing designed to lull the poor downtrodden Afro-American to sleep and to make the out side world think that the racist, savage USA is a fountainhead of social justice and democracy. The Afro-American in the USA is facing his greatest crisis since chattel slavery. All forms of violence and underhanded methods o.f extermination are being stepped up against our people. Contrary to what the "big daddies" and their "good nigras" would have us believe about all of the phoney progress they claim the race is making, the True status of the Afro-Ameri- can is s#eadily on the down turn.
    [Show full text]
  • 332-01 Jackson
    History 332-01, Spring 2005 Civil Rights and Black Freedom (RI, WI) Professor Tom Jackson Tuesday, Thursday, 11:00-12:15 Office: 200 McIver Building HEHP 351 Office Phone: 334-5709; History Dept.: 334-5992 [email protected] Office Hours: T, 1:30-2:30, Th, 12:30-1:30, W, by appt. This course begins with the assumption that women’s activism and issues of human rights and economic justice were integral elements of the African American freedom movement that spanned the twentieth century. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s looks different in this light, less distinctive chronologically and regionally, and suffused with issues not traditionally regarded as central to “civil rights” politics. This was more than simply a heroic battle against southern segregation, violence and disfranchisement. It was more than a series of dramatic, publicized confrontations that led to national policy breakthroughs. It was also a mass movement of ordinary people, intensely local, rife with internal conflict and contending ideologies, confronting bitter failures as well as extraordinary breakthroughs. Reconsidering the traditional civil rights narrative, we will examine Martin Luther King’s nonviolence, celebrity, and charismatic leadership in the context of his larger commitments to racial and economic justice, to international peace and to a global war on poverty. As a related issue, we will examine the mass media’s powerful role in communicating (and obscuring) the movement’s aspirations to national and international audiences. We will examine issues and people that did not make headlines: grass-roots organizers, women, labor union activists and working class “foot soldiers,” northern civil rights activists, articulate black nationalists, and especially, people who insisted that class and gender equality must also be goals in the struggle for racial equality.
    [Show full text]
  • KILLENS, JOHN OLIVER, 1916-1987. John Oliver Killens Papers, 1937-1987
    KILLENS, JOHN OLIVER, 1916-1987. John Oliver Killens papers, 1937-1987 Emory University Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library Atlanta, GA 30322 404-727-6887 [email protected] Descriptive Summary Creator: Killens, John Oliver, 1916-1987. Title: John Oliver Killens papers, 1937-1987 Call Number: Manuscript Collection No. 957 Extent: 61.75 linear feet (127 boxes), 5 oversized papers boxes (OP), and 3 oversized bound volumes (OBV) Abstract: Papers of John Oliver Killens, African American novelist, essayist, screenwriter, and political activist, including correspondence, writings by Killens, writings by others, and printed material. Language: Materials entirely in English. Administrative Information Restrictions on Access Special restrictions apply: Series 5: Some student records are restricted until 2053. Terms Governing Use and Reproduction All requests subject to limitations noted in departmental policies on reproduction. Source Purchase, 2003 Citation [after identification of item(s)], John Oliver Killens papers, Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library, Emory University. Processing Processed by Elizabeth Roke, Elizabeth Stice, and Margaret Greaves, June 2011 This finding aid may include language that is offensive or harmful. Please refer to the Rose Library's harmful language statement for more information about why such language may appear and ongoing efforts to remediate racist, ableist, sexist, homophobic, euphemistic and other Emory Libraries provides copies of its finding aids for use only in research and private study. Copies supplied may not be copied for others or otherwise distributed without prior consent of the holding repository. John Oliver Killens papers, 1937-1987 Manuscript Collection No. 957 oppressive language. If you are concerned about language used in this finding aid, please contact us at [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Letter from Senator Joseph Mccarthy to the President of the United States
    Letter from Senator Joseph McCarthy to the President of the United States This letter from Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican representative of Wisconsin, to President Harry Truman was written three days after McCarthy’s famous Wheeling Speech. This speech signaled McCarthy’s rise to influence, as he gained national attention by producing a piece of paper on which he claimed he had listed the names of 205 members of the Communist Party working secretly in the U.S. State Department. McCarthy was, at the time of this letter, beginning to exploit national concerns about Communist infiltration during the Cold War. This fear of infiltration was intensified by the Soviet Union’s recent development of the atomic bomb and the coming Communist takeover of China. “McCarthyism” however was not yet at its peak. Senator McCarthy here at first encourages President Truman to commit more resources to the war of containment being fought in South Korea, and secondly questioned the legitimacy and effectiveness of Truman’s loyalty program, signed into effect by Executive Order 9835 in 1947. This program required the FBI to run checks on almost anyone involved in the U.S. government and subsequently to launch investigations into any government employee with what could be presumed as questionable political associations. The Loyalty Program was not enough to satisfy Senator McCarthy, who suspected that a number of subversives had slipped through the investigation and remained in the State Department. President Truman made it clear that he would not take McCarthy’s accusations seriously and that the Senator was “the best asset the Kremlin has.”109 July 12, 1950 The President The White House Washington, D.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Panthers Hold Forth at Camoius Pally , Identifies BARBARA AUTHIOR
    Eldridge Cleaver FBI File #100-HQ-447251 Section 29 4* -:i-, Assoc. Dir. Dep. AD Adm. LAW OFFICES Dep. AD Iny. WALD, HARKRADER & ROSS Asst. Dir.: Adm. Serv. Ext. Affairs ROBERT L.WALD CARLETON A.HARKRADER WM.WARFIELD ROSS 910 SEVENTEEN THOMAS H. TRUITT ROBERT M. LICHTMAN STEPHEN B.IVESJR. Fin.& Pers. WASHINGTON, DONALD H. GREEN NEAL P. RUTLEDGE GEORGE A. AVERY THOMAS C. MATTHEWS, JR. THOMAS J.SCHWAB JOEL E. HOFFMAN Gen. Inv. (202) 87, TERRY F. LENZNER DANIEL F;O KEEFE,JR, DONALD T. BUCKLIN Ident. JERRY D.ANKER CHARLES C.ABELES ROBERT E. NAGLE CABLE ADORE ALEXANDER W.SIERCK TERRENCE ROCHE MURPHY WILLIAM R.WEISSMAN TELEX: 2 I ntell. STEPHEN M.TRUITT, TONI K.GOLDEN KEITH S.WATSON JAMES DOUGLAS WELCH ROBERT A. SKITOL STEVEN K.YABLONSKI SELMA M. LEVI] THOMAS W. BRUNNER C.COLEMAN BIRD GREER S. GOLDMAN Plan. & In GERALD B. WETLAUFER LEWIS M. POPPER MARK SCHATTNER OF COU Rec. RICHARD A. BROWN AVRUM M. GOLDBERG DENNIS D. CLARK Mgt. PHILIP I DAVID R. BERZ CAROL KINSBOURNE LESLIE S. BRETZ S.& T. Serve. ROBERT B. CORNELL DAVID B. WEINBERG ANTHONY L.YOUNG CHARLES F, ROBERT M.COHAN STEVEN M. GOTTLIEB STEVEN E. SILVERMAN Spec. Inv. NANCY H. HENDRY SHEILA JACKSON LEE + JAMES R. MYERS Training . GLORIA PHARES STEWART RANGELEY WALLACE * ON LEAVE Telephone Rm. Director's Sec'y February 14, 191 DELIVERED BY HAND FBI/DOJ OUTSIDE .,OLE ALL INFOTOTAT: CONTAIN Mr. Clarence M. Kelley HERMIN IS TN b Director DAT 09-11-2( U/P/EL b7C Federal Bureau of Investigation United States Department of Justice Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Courses Taught at Both the Undergraduate and the Postgraduate Levels
    Jadavpur University Faculty of Arts Department of History SYLLABUS Preface The Department of History, Jadavpur University, was born in August 1956 because of the Special Importance Attached to History by the National Council of Education. The necessity for reconstructing the history of humankind with special reference to India‘s glorious past was highlighted by the National Council in keeping with the traditions of this organization. The subsequent history of the Department shows that this centre of historical studies has played an important role in many areas of historical knowledge and fundamental research. As one of the best centres of historical studies in the country, the Department updates and revises its syllabi at regular intervals. It was revised last in 2008 and is again being revised in 2011.The syllabi that feature in this booklet have been updated recently in keeping with the guidelines mentioned in the booklet circulated by the UGC on ‗Model Curriculum‘. The course contents of a number of papers at both the Undergraduate and Postgraduate levels have been restructured to incorporate recent developments - political and economic - of many regions or countries as well as the trends in recent historiography. To cite just a single instance, as part of this endeavour, the Department now offers new special papers like ‗Social History of Modern India‘ and ‗History of Science and Technology‘ at the Postgraduate level. The Department is the first in Eastern India and among the few in the country, to introduce a full-scale specialization on the ‗Social History of Science and Technology‘. The Department recently qualified for SAP.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Only Position for Women in SNCC Is Prone'
    ‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’ 29 ‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’: Stokely Carmichael and the Perceived Patriarchy of Civil Rights Organisations in America 1 Sabina Peck Second Year Undergraduate, 1 University of New South Wales There is the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement ... There are those, some of the young people [of SNCC] especially, who have said to me that if I had not been a woman I would have been well known in certain places, and perhaps held certain kinds of positions. – Ella Baker, 19702 Until relatively recently, historiography concerning the Civil Rights movement and its organisations has been fairly devoid of the study of the participation of women, focusing instead on certain charismatic, notably black male individuals such as Martin Luther King Jnr., Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X.3 Steven Lawson, for example, has traced the evolution of 1 Note the following abbreviations are used throughout the article: CORE- Congress of Racial Equality MFDP – Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party NAACP – National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People SCLC – Southern Christian Leadership Conference SNCC – Student Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee 2 Ella Baker, Developing Community Leadership, Taped interview with Gerda Lerner (December 1970) paragraphs 15 and 14, respectively. 3 Joan C. Browning explores the extent to which women’s activities have been glossed over in Civil Rights Historiography in her article, ‘Invisible Revolutionaries: White Women in Civil Rights Historiography’ Journal of Women’s History, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • 54 Doi:10.1162/GREY a 00234 Glenn Ligon. a Small Band, 2015. Neon, Paint, and Metal Support. Installation Views, All the World F
    Glenn Ligon. A Small Band , 2015. Neon, paint, and metal support. Installation views, All the World’s Futures, Fifty-Sixth International Venice Biennale, 2015–2016. © Glenn Ligon. Courtesy the artist; Luhring Augustine, New York; Regen Projects, Los Angeles; and Thomas Dane Gallery, London. 54 doi:10.1162/GREY_a_00234 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/GREY_a_00234 by guest on 26 September 2021 How to Hear What Is Not Heard: Glenn Ligon, Steve Reich, and the Audible Past JANET KRAYNAK In 2015, on the occasion of the Venice Biennale, Glenn Ligon prominently installed a large neon sign sculpture atop the façade of the Central Pavilion, one of the buildings in the historic exhibition’s giardini . The visibility of its site, however, stood in contrast to its muted presence and enigmatic message. Crafted from translucent neon and white paint and mounted on a horizontal scaffolding, the work comprised just three detached words (“blues,” “blood,” and “bruise”) that obscured the existing sign (for “la Biennal e” ). Extending an idiosyncratic welcome to visitors, the three words, at any moment, were illu - minated or not, yielding a playful, if nonsensical semiosis. Fragmented from any semantic context, the words were bound together only by the rhythmic sound pattern suggested by their repeating “b’-b’-b’s.” A Small Band , as the work is titled, that silently plays. 1 Ligon has used this strategy—of simultaneous citation and deletion—many times before, most notably in text paintings where he appropriates language only to subject it to processes of distortion and fragmentation, so that words succumb to illegibility.
    [Show full text]