ASPIRATION FOR A NEW FUZHOU: LOCAL PRINT AND URBAN CHANGES, 1927-1937
ZHANG JING
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2010
ASPIRATION FOR A NEW FUZHOU: LOCAL PRINT AND URBAN CHANGES, 1927-1937
ZHANG JING (B.A. & M.A.), FUJIAN NORMAL UNIVERSITY
A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2010 Acknowledgements
Along the long road towards the completion of the thesis, many people and institutions have rendered me valuable assistance, and I am truly grateful to them all.
First and foremost, I wish to thank my supervisor Associate Professor Huang Jianli.
As a foreign graduate student, I faced many difficulties throughout my education at the National University of Singapore. Prof. Huang gave me his warmest encouragement, strong support, unwavering patience and helped me go through so many hard periods. I have also benefited tremendously from the help of Professor Ng
Chin Keong. He provided me with sound advice on my thesis topic and helpful guidance along the way of my research. I am grateful to Associate Professor Teow
See Heng for his constant encouragement and for reading the earlier drafts and making many insightful suggestions. I give my heartfelt thanks to Dr. Yang Bin. He opened me to the fantastic world of the global studies, shared his personal hardship as a foreign student in US to encourage me, provided me the most delicious Chinese foods I ever had in Singapore, and also criticized me at times when I was going on the wrong way. I am grateful to Professor Huang Guosheng. Without his generous assistance during my Masters’ studies at Fujian Normal University, I would never have chance to study abroad. I would also like to thank other professors who had taught me or kindly given me advices in the History Department: They are Associate
Professor Thomas DuBois, Associate Professor Maurizio Peleggi, Associate
Professor Bruce Lockhart, Dr. Maitrii Aung-Thwin and Dr. Jason Lim. I also enjoyed the warm friendship from several fellow graduate students in the History Department. My appreciations go to Chi Zhen, E Mei, Edgar Liao, Emily
Chua, Fang Xiaoping, Ho Chi Tim, Jack Chia Meng Tat, Leander Seah, Minami
Orihara, Mok Mei Feng, Ng Eng Ping, Pang Yang Huei, Seng Guo Quan, Shen
Huifen, Shu Sheng-chi, Wang Lu Man, Wei Bingbing, Xiang Hongyan, Yamamoto
Fumihito, Yang Shao-yun, Zhang Leiping. Special thanks to Jack and Sheng-chi, who gave me practical advices on my research. I am also grateful to Edgar and Eng
Ping, for taking time off their busy schedule to proofread my work.
During my research trip to Beijing, Xiamen, Nanjing, Hangzhou and
Fuzhou from Oct 2007 to March 2008, I was greatly indebted to many people who offered generous advice and assistance. Professor Wu Xiaoan gave me kind assistance during my stay in Beijing University. Professor Wang Chaoguang in the
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences provided me important index for the research of Republican China. Professor Chen Zhiping in Xiamen University generously sent me several books related to my research. Mr. Ma Zhendu, the Vice- Curator of the
Second Historical Archives of China, provided me with important information and contacts. He also granted me access to invaluable archival sources. Mr. Chen Qiao in the Fujian Arts Research Institution shared with me his research experience. Mr. Lin
Zhanghua in the Fujian Provincial Library had facilitated my access to the thousands of microfilm collections. I also want to thank several of my friends, Chen Jinliang,
Lu Yi, Meng Qingzi, Wu Weizhen, Xu Dengpan, Xu Zhenzheng, Zhang Huiqing,
Zheng Jing and Zhuang Wanting for their warm hospitality during my stays in
ii Beijing, Xiamen and Nanjing.
The writing of this thesis was generously sponsored by the NUS Faculty of
Arts and Social Sciences through NUS Research Scholarship (2005-2009) and Field
Trip Grant (2007). For the unstinting administrative guidance and support I have been receiving from the History Department, I would like to express my appreciations to Associate Professor Yong Mun Cheong, Associate Professor Albert
Lau, Associate Professor Ian Gordon, Associate Professor Bruce Lockhart, Associate
Professor Brian Farrell, Associate Professor Thomas DuBois and our Graduate
Secretary Ms Kelly Lau. The early draft of one chapter in this thesis had been presented at the First Congress of the Asian Association of World Historians at
Osaka University (May 29-31, 2009).
Last but not least, to my parents for their emotional and financial support throughout my years of education. My mum sat with me in the microfilm reading room of Fujian Provincial Library and helped me hand-copy magazine and newspaper articles in a chilling winter. I am also grateful to Fengchun, for his understanding, support and endless love. All well layout maps and figures shown in this dissertation were visualized from the unbelievably messy condition by his talent as an amateur graphic designer.
iii Table of Contents
Acknowledgements i Table of Contents iv Summary v List of Maps, Figures, Tables and Diagrams vii Weights, Measures and Currencies viii
I. Introduction 1 Pre-modern Fuzhou and Weak Local Administration 1 Neglect of Fuzhou in Chinese Urban Studies 6 Emergence of Vibrant Local Publications 23 Local Print and Urban Changes 33
II. Yearning for a Modern Fuzhou 41 Early Administrative Reforms and Onset of Kuomintang Rule 42 Abortive Campaign for City Construction 51 Utopian Urban Planning 58
III. Building a New Urban Infrastructure 72 Engaging the Issue of Road Modernity 73 Mediating between Tradition and Modernity 86 Negotiating between Public Welfare and Commercial Interest 97
IV. Moulding a “Civilized” Community 111 Displacing Superstition and Tradition 113 Advocating Hygienic Modernity 125 Cultivating “Good Citizenship” 136
V. Scripting Fuzhou Women 145 Rescuing Servant Girls 147 Desiring Marriage Freedom 161
VI. Relating to the “Outside” 176 Presenting “Nanyang” to the Local Community 177 Surveying Overseas Chinese during the Great Depression 186 Shaping Public Attitude towards the Fuzhou Diaspora 196
VII. Conclusion: Aspiration for a New Fuzhou 207 Rescuing a City from Stagnancy 208
Role of Local Print in Fuzhou’s Modernity 211
Glossary 216 Bibliography 221
iv Summary
This study examines the interactions between local print and urban changes in the city of Fuzhou during the Nanjing Decade (1927-1937) of modern Chinese history.
Specifically, it explores how local print sought to promote and implement a wide range of urban reforms. In doing so, these local publications played a crucial and multi-faceted role as propagator, coordinator and overall facilitator in the urban transformation of Fuzhou.
The “local print” in this thesis follows the practice as used in the scholarly works of Barbara Mittler and Joan Judge to refer to “Western-style” publications which had emerged in the locality and which came to play the role of a “middle realm” between the power holder and the masses. However, the “print” here will not be confined exclusively to the newspapers and will instead be extended to cover periodicals, private publications, and a small number of government gazettes. During the Republican era, Fuzhou’s local print appears to have succeeded in breaking the firm hold of centralized government agencies over the Chinese public sphere and become a channel for Fuzhounese to express their independent voices.
The administrative chaos of Fuzhou had posed serious obstacles to urban development in this city during the Nanjing Decade. With the failure of early
Republican municipal reforms and of attempts at establishing an independent municipal government, local print took up the responsibility and burden of drawing comprehensive blueprints for the urbanization of Fuzhou. Despite the impracticality of some of their utopian visions, they nevertheless provided new directions for urban
v reforms in the city.
The twin pillars of these urbanization blueprints were the reorganization of urban space and the reforming of urban culture. The former entailed the construction of modern roads and launching of public facilities, while the latter involved campaigns and movements embedded within the broader trend of building a new, modern Chinese nation, such as the anti-superstition movement, the launch of
“Hygienic Modernity” and the promotion of a “civilized community” in the city. In conjunction with the newly painted visions for the city, Fuzhou’s local print also advocated the emancipation and liberation of women. Moreover, they tapped into
Fuzhou’s long history of migration by emphasizing how Fuzhou’s longstanding overseas connections with the Chinese diasporic community could bring enormous benefits to its urban development.
By demonstrating how local print in Fuzhou became an influential voice in the urban transformation of the city, this dissertation highlights the emergence of new-style print as a significant force in the shaping of China’s urban modernity.
Local print functioned as a platform for uniting the wisdom and passion of citizens from various segments of society and turning their aspirations for the new city into reality. Moreover, this case study on Fuzhou will hopefully serve as an effort in shifting the attention of history scholarship on urban modernization in China away from its overt focus on great metropolises to the smaller cities. Exploring the developmental experiences of these smaller cities will help in bringing about a fuller picture of historical urban development in Modern China.
vi List of Maps, Figures, Tables and Diagrams
Maps
Map 1: Evolution of Walled Fuzhou (908-1371) 18 Map 2: Administrative Map of Fuzhou (1945) 44 Map 3: Road Constructions in Fujian (1917-1927) 85 Map 4: Road Constructions in Fujian (1927-1937) 86
Figures Figure 1: Figures for Fuzhounese 112 Figure 2: Mahjong Gambling 113 Figure 3: Rite for the Birthday of Gods 118
Figure 4: Scenes on the Street 131
Tables
Table 1: Administrative Division in Fuzhou area (Eve of the Republic era-1946) 43 Table 2: Statistics for Road Constructions in Fuzhou (1927-June 1935) 84 Table 3: Fuzhou Electricity Company: Annual Total Capital Balance
(Mar. 1912 to Dec. 1937) 99 Table 4: Fuzhou Electricity Company: Debt Incurred by Users (1927-1936) 105 Table 5: Fuzhou Electricity Company: Annual Balance Sheet 108
Diagram Diagram 1: Administrative Agencies in Fuzhou (1912-1937) 50 Diagram 2: Branches Focusing on Road Constructions under the Fujian Provincial Construction Department 77
vii
Weights, Measures and Currencies
A. Weights
1 dan = 100 catties
B. Measures
1. 1 li ¡ = 500 meters
2. 1 chi ¢ = 0. 3333 meters
3. 1 cun £ = 3.3333 centimeters
4. 1 zhang ¤ = 3.3333 meters
C. Currencies 1. 1 pound = 3 taels = 4 Spanish dollars 2. The yuan was the standard unit of Chinese currency during the Nanjing decade. The value of the yuan fluctuated considerably. In the early Republican era, both yuan and tael were currency units circulated in China. In 1933, the KMT government commanded to abandon taels as currency in the whole
country. In 1935, Fabi ( ¥§¦ legal tender) was issued as currency in 1935. The unit of Fabi also called “yuan”.
Sources:
1. Xiandai hanyu zidian ¨ © (Modern Chinese Dictionary) (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2007), p. 1859. 2. Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society: the Amoy Network on the China Coast
1683-1735 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1983), p. xv.
§ §¦
3. Qian Jiaju , Guo Yangang , Zhongguo huobi yanbianshi (Chinese currency history) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2005), pp. 210 - 221.
viii
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
During the Nanjing decade (1927-1937), the Southeastern Chinese city of Fuzhou
( ! ) experienced the failure of administration reform and abortive attempts to establish an independent municipal government. With the rise of new-style print since the late Qing dynasty, local print assumed the burden of generating the blueprint for the future of Fuzhou and became an influential voice in the urban transformation of the city. This study examines the interactions between local print and urban changes in Fuzhou in this period. In doing so, the study seeks to address two questions: What were the struggles of smaller cities within the context of turbulent social-political changes and transformations during the Republican era?
What role did the local new-style print play in China’s urban modernity? The case of
Fuzhou provides a fascinating vista for us to explore these issues. To begin our detailed analysis, we need to first explain the administrative development of the city.
Pre-modern Fuzhou and Weak Local Administration
Before the 1911 Revolution, Fuzhou was a prefecture ( " ) in Fujian Province. The city lost its privileged status as a prefecture seat and experienced administrative disorder during the Republican era (1912-1949). To understand this administrative chaos, we need to trace the history of the city through the ages.
The name “Fuzhou” first appeared during the Tang dynasty (618-906). In
725, the Fuzhou Prefect Area Command ( !$# %&" ), which was situated in the
Min County ( ')( ), was in charge of six counties located in the present-day Fuzhou area.1 According to records, the earliest city wall in Fuzhou was constructed during
the Han dynasty. During the Eastern Han period, the Fuzhou municipal area was ' + ,- called Ye ( * ). Serving as the capital of the so-called Minyue Kingdom ( ),
2 ')( it was made up of two counties, namely Houguan ( . / ) and Minxian ( ).
During the Song dynasty (960 - 1279), Fuzhou was known as the Fuzhou Weiwu ! Military Prefecture ( !$01 2 ), governing over six prefectures ( ), one military
3 ( prefecture ( 2 ) and eleven counties ( ). The Song imperial administration set up
the Fujian Circuits ( 3$4 ) in 985, and Fuzhou was made the location of the circuit
( 4 ) government. Since the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), Fuzhou was the location of the Fujian provincial administration, overseeing thirteen counties.4 During the Ming
dynasty (1368-1644), Fuzhou Prefecture ( 5! " ) was one of the prefectural administrative divisions in Fujian Province, governing altogether thirteen counties.5
1
6;: <>=;?A@ Li Xiangliu 6 798 and Li Da , Fuzhou diming (Place names of Fuzhou) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2002), pp. 6-7.
2 < =9E>FHGAIAJLK M Zheng Lipeng BAC;D , Fuzhou chengshi fazhanshi yanjiu (Study of Fuzhou urban development) (Unpublished Ph.D thesis, South Technology University, 1991).
3
N = O>= PH=
The six prefectures were Fuzhou < = , Quanzhou , Jianzhou , Tingzhou ,
R>= SAT U
Zhangzhou QA= and Jianzhou ; One military prefecture was Shaowujun ; eleven
Y>Z [H\ ]>^
counties were Minxian VXW , Houguan , Lianjiang , Changle , Changxi , Fuqing
`a b;< Vc_ d9e f9g h i
and Fu’an 5 Y Z [H\ ]H^ The thirteen counties were Minxian VjW , Houguan , Liangjiang , Changle , bk< V9_ d>e hli Gutian `a , Yongfu , Minqing , Luoyuan , Huai’an , Fuqing , f;g Ningde f>g were removed as administrative divisions. Fuzhou Prefecture dominated ten 2 During the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), Fuzhou Prefecture continued to be the political and military centre. It was in charge of nine counties in the beginning. Later the number of its administrative sub-units increased to ten counties and one 6 sub-prefecture ( m ) in 1798. Overall, the history of pre-modern Fuzhou reflected its great importance as an administrative centre in Fujian Province. During the Qing dynasty, the prefectural government was located within the Fuzhou city wall. In addition, the local administrations of the Min and Houguan counties were also located there. The Min and Houguan counties were divided by the Xuanzheng ( no p p ) and Nanmen ( qsr ) streets in the centre of the “Inner City” (the city area within the walled enclosure). Moreover, the southern area outside the walled city was the traditional commercial centre of Nantai ( qut ). Due to the growing economic and political importance of the Nantai area, an administrative institution – the Sub-prefecture of Fuzhou Defense ( wvx)y ) was set up in 1734 to manage this area. Since then, the responsibility for Fuzhou’s municipal administration was placed under three separate agencies (the Fuzhou prefectural government, the Min and Houguan county governments, and the sub-prefect of Fuzhou Defense) with overlapping duties.7 Prior to the Republican period, the overlapping administrative machinery in the city resulted in administrative inefficiency. None of these three counties. In 1580, Huai’an combined with Houguan counties. The other nine counties were under Fuzhou. 6 YkZ [k\ ]>^ The nine counties were Minxian VzW , Houguan , Liangjiang , Changle , bL< Vc_ d9e Gutian `a , Yongfu , Minqing , Loyuan and Fuqing . In 1734, Pingnan {H| County was established, followed by Pingtan Sub-prefecture in 1798. Hence, Fuzhou Prefecture administered ten counties and one ting. 7 Qianlong Fuzhou fuzhi }k~z< =9 (Qianlong Gazetteer of Fuzhou Prefecture), Vol. 32, Zhiguan No.5 (Fuzhou: Haifeng chubanshe, 2001), p. 165. 3 agencies was able to cover the civil affairs for the entire Fuzhou area, which included territory outside its defensive walls. In his study of Fuzhou’s civil affairs, Luo Guilin argued that the limitations of the central government, which led to limited municipal management, was a normal phenomenon in Fuzhou’s municipal administration system in the late Qing and early Republican era.8 For instance, the Sub-prefect of Fuzhou Defense not only took charge of coastal defense around Fuzhou port, but also checked smuggling offshore. Furthermore, it also bore the responsibility of collecting various kinds of taxes, such as wood & paper tax and salt tax. It was even in charge of policing the whole Nantai area and dealing with civil litigations. The heavy load of civil affairs made the Sub-prefect of Fuzhou Defense over-burdened and it was unable to carry out its municipal management efficiently. Nantai turned out to be the most chaotic area under Fuzhou Prefecture in the late Qing period, and it was infested with undesirable elements such as thieves, gamblers and gangsters.9 Due to the limitations in local governance, local elites and native-place associations frequently carried out quasi-governmental functions. They assisted the local government through their philanthropy, stocking the granaries for times of need ( $ ) and constructing public works, such as maintaining walls and dredging rivers. One such gentry in the late Qing period was Gao Teng ( & ). He was a successful businessman possessing the quasi-official position of department 8 Luo Guilin d9H , Xiandai chengshi de goujian: 1927-1937nian Fuzhou de shizheng guanli k 4 magistrate designate ( y$! ). The Gazetteer of Minhou County recorded that he contributed to the establishment of the Hall of Chastity ( ) (an institution set up to aid virtuous widows) and the Charity Warehouse ( $ ) (a warehouse built for the poor by the wealthy). He also organized the local gentry and made donations whenever famines occurred. He continuously donated medicine and coffins to the poor for over 10 years, while his wealth was dramatically reduced in the process.10 The gazetteer of Minhou County recorded many wealthy individuals people like Gao who were active contributors to local administration. To some extent, they made up for the limitations of the local government in municipal administration. Luo Guilin considers the limited government functioning and the self-management of social communities as two significant characteristics of the government in the late-Qing Fuzhou. Ineffective government and the self-management of local social communities resulted in a lack of long-term planning to modernize Chinese cities. For instance, the Sanyuan Ditch ( w5 ) was an important inland river that functioned as the main sewage waterway in southern Fuzhou. However, citizens residing along the river built dams for fish farming, planted lotus and other vegetables in the ditch, and even dumped rubbish into it. Due to the residents’ abuses, the ditch was frequently in need of dredging during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Yet for several hundreds years, the local government never managed to stop the local population from carrying out their damaging activities, thus resulting in the constant 10 Minguo Minhou xianzhi ;¡AVcYHW> (Minhou County Gazetteer in the Republican Era), Vol. 87, Xiaoyi ¢A£ (Filial Piety and Justice), Part 1, pp. 7-8. 5 blockage of the ditch. During the Qing dynasty, local elites repeatedly raised funds to dredge the ditch. In 1874, Guo Baicang ( ¤¥ ), a local elite, organized a fifth dredging project for Sanyuan Ditch, but five year later, the ditch was clogged again due to illegal house construction across the ditch.11 In spite of the contributions and interventions of local elites, the lack of the necessary support from the authorities led to slow urban development and growing disorder within the city. All these in turn lead to two important questions: First, how was Fuzhou transformed from a pre-modern city to a modern Republican city? Second, how did Fuzhou carry out its urban transformation under a weak local administration? Neglect of Fuzhou in Chinese Urban Studies As early as the 1920s, Max Weber defined the city as a “settlement”, which was “in a relative manner, commercial-artesanal, and be equipped with the following features: 1) the fortification; 2) the market; 3) own court of justice and, at least in some part, autonomous justice; 4) associative structure, and therewith connected; 5) at least partial autonomy and autocephaly, therefore also administration by some authority in whose definition the burghers as such some how take part”.12 As he modeled his definition after European cities in the Middle Ages, Weber remarked that the real city never existed in pre-modern China. Denying genuine city status to Chinese 11 ©>ª «k¬Hk®>¯ Guo Baicang ¦>§>¨ , Chongjun sanyuangou shimo (The whole story about dredging projects for Sanyuan Ditch), 1885, Vol. 1, pp. 5-22. 12 Max Weber, The City, translated and edited by Don Martindale and Gertrud Neuwirth (London: Heinemann, 1958), p. 736. 6 townships, Weber argued that a Chinese city’s greatest importance lay in its political administrative functions. As such, among the Chinese cities, urban prosperity “did not primarily depend upon the citizen’s enterprising spirit,” but instead “upon the imperial administration.”13 The Weberian model immensely influenced the field of Chinese urban studies for several decades. Chinese cities were regarded primarily as the seat of administration, and the military and their economic activities were downplayed. By comparing the ancient Chinese cities with cities in pre-modern Europe, Fu Zhufu inherited Weber’s argument and believed that the development of Chinese cities was different from the European model. The roles of the cities in China were focused on their function of administration and military defence.14 The famous Taiwanese urban historian, Zhao Gang, also stressed the important military function of the Chinese cities and commented that the high city walls were a significant symbol for them. 15 In brief, the early Chinese urban historians over-emphasized the political and military role of the Chinese cities and consequently limited their research to only the politically important cities. After the Opium War, a group of cities, known as the treaty ports, were opened to foreign trade. Among these treaty ports, Shanghai became the most important. The rise of the treaty-port cities inspired within Chinese urban studies a 13 Max Weber, The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, translated and edited by Hans H. (New York: Free Press, 1951), p. 16. 14 Fu Zhufu °;± ² , “Zhongguo gudai chengshi zai guomin jingji zhong de diwei he zuoyong ³ ³ X?A¹HºA»A¼ ¡j`LAEHFA´µ¡H ·¶H¸ (The status and function of ancient Chinese cities ³ in national economy)”, in Zhongguo jingjishi luncong ¡k¶¸J$½$¾ (Collection of researches on Chinese economical history), Vol. 1, (Shanghia: Sanlian shudian, 1980), pp. 321-386. 15 ³ ¡cE>FHG;IHJA½;Á Zhao Gan ¿&À , Zhongguo chengshi fazhanshi lunji (Studies on urban development in China) (Taibei: Lianjing chubanshe, 1995), pp. 9-24. 7 trend of concentrating on Western impact on Chinese urbanization. To explain the Western influence in the process of Chinese modernization, the Fairbank school has popularized the “Western Impact – Chinese Response” paradigm. With John King Fairbank as one of its leading advocates, the “modernization narrative” cast China into a role of a failure because “it did not respond creatively” to the “stimulus” of the West in the nineteenth century. Fairbank considered bureaucratic despotism and enduring “Chinese tradition” as some of the most significant factors which “held China back.” One may interpret Fairbank’s view of Chinese history since the early nineteenth century as a case of China “re-entering” modernity in response to the dynamic Western challenge.16 Due to their delayed contact with Western academia, it took Chinese scholars twenty years to carry out a re-evaluation of the “Western impact, Chinese response” paradigm. Since the 1990s, a rich corpus of literature focusing on several treaty-port cities, such as Shanghai, Tianjin, Chongqing and Wuhan, appeared in mainland China. 17 On the whole, they emphasized the important influence from the West in shaping Chinese urbanization. However, from the 1970s, the modernization theory proposed by the Fairbank school was subjected to a closer look. Arguing against the impact of the West, scholars such as Rhoads Murphey denied the essential role of the West in the 16 John K. Fairbank and Edwin O. Reischauer, China: Tradition & Transformation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1978). 17 ÅHAÆAÇAE>F9KkM Zhang Zhongli ÂLÃ Ä , Jindai Shanghai chengshi yanjiu (Study of early Modern Shanghai) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1990); Luo Shuwei dLÈ>É , Jindai Tianjin chengshi yanjiu ÅAHÊ;ËHEHF;K>M (Study of early Modern Tianjin) (Beijing: Zhongguo ÅHH©AÏ shehui kexue chubanshe, 1993); Wei Yingtao ÌAÍ Î , Jindai Chongqing chengshishi E>F>J (Study of early modern Chongqing) (Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1991); Pi ÅAHTAÔ;E>F>J Mingxiu ÐÒÑ·Ó , Jindai Wuhan chengshishi (Study of early modern Wuhan) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1993). 8 modernization of China.18 In particular, Murphey pointed out that “the treaty ports were like a fly on an elephant; the fly could ultimately irritate its host enough to provoke a violent counterreaction, but not enough to change the elephant’s basic nature.” 19 Paul Cohen and James L. Hevia criticized Fairbank’s approach of portraying Chinese elites as being overly entrenched in culturalism, which was in “habituated ignorance of foreign realities.”20 Cohen championed a "China-centered" approach, one that would allow Western historians to “get inside China, to reconstruct Chinese history as far as possible as the Chinese themselves experienced it rather than in terms of what people in the West thought was important, natural, or normal”. In advocating the “China-centered” approach, Cohen argued that China’s transition was shaped as much by indigenous forces as it was by Western ones.21 G. William Skinner, one of founding figures of Chinese urban history, was also a pioneering scholar among those who adopted the “China-centered” approach. Skinner’s celebrated study contributed a new line of thinking about Chinese cities. His conceptualization of late imperial China as a conglomeration of nine macroregions, each with a hierarchy of central places orienting around a macroregional core, stimulated much regional analysis that probed the economic and political relationships between the core cities and the surrounding towns and 18 Rhoads Murphey, “The Treaty Port and China’s Modernization,” in The Chinese City Between Two Worlds, Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner (eds.) (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), pp. 17-72. 19 Ibid. p. 39. 20 Paul A. Cohen, Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), pp.58, 63; Judith Farquhar and James Hevia, “Culture and Postwar American Historiography of China,” Positions 1, 2 (1993), pp. 486-525. 21 Paul Cohen, China Unbound: Evolving Perspectives on the Chinese Past (New York : Routledge, 2003), p. 185. 9 villages.22 His regional system theory offered a critical analysis shifting the focus from the political to the economic role of Chinese cities. A large volume of studies in the past years, done by Chinese scholars and concentrating on the market towns in south China (particularly in the middle and lower Yangtze region), were inspired by Skinner. For example, Zhao Gang focused on the population of and migrants in ancient Chinese cities. He concluded that the population of the cities started to decline since the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279). Meanwhile, people began to migrate to rural areas in which a large number of small market towns were formed.23 Numerous Chinese scholars focused on the structure and nature of networks of market towns in the Ming and Qing periods. For instance, Ren Fang analyzed the network of market towns in the middle Yangzi ( Õ Ö , Yangtze) region by investigating the size and density of the market towns.24 Willian T. Rowe’s examination of Hankou ( Ø× , Hankow) opened a new field in the study of the history of Chinese cities. Rowe’s detailed portrait of nineteenth century Hankou demonstrated that it was possible for historians to venture beyond the study of the imperial bureaucracy and delve into the lives of the merchants and neighborhood leaders who played important roles in Chinese urban reform. Challenging the theory of Max Weber, Rowe discovered that a group of 22 Skinner’s macroregional framework was laid out in his contribution, The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997). The framework and some of its uses have been critiqued by geographer Carolyn Cartier’s “Origins and Evolution of a Geographic Idea: The Macroregion in China,” Modern China 28, No. 1 (2002), pp.79-142. She argues that Skinner’s macroregion models is a “China-centered” approach which can not explain such activities that cross regional boundaries in long-distance and maritime trade. 23 Zhao Gan, Zhongguo chengshi fazhanshi lunji. 24 ³·Û Ñ·_H]H\ FAÜH¶ Ren Fang ÙHÚ , Mingqing Changjiang zhongyou shizhen jingji yanjiu ¸;KkM (Economical study of market-towns in Middle Yangzi region in the Ming and Qing dynasties) (Wuchang: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 2003). 10 elites became powerful participants in the management of the city.25 In his second volume, Rowe shifted his interest from the urban elites to the evolution of modes of social control in Chinese cities.26 He demonstrated that the social welfare and public services provided by the guilds in Hankou proved to be far more effective than the centralized government administration in other cities in dealing with natural calamities and social conflicts. Rowe’s argument about the urban consciousness developed within Hankou’s merchant community inspired academic debates about the existence and nature of an intermediary social-political arena, which German sociologist Jürgen Habermas had termed the “public sphere”, as a virtual or imaginary community which does not necessarily exist in any identifiable space and was “made up of pribate people gathered together as a public and articulating the needs of society with the state”.27 Philip C.C. Huang further argued that it referred to “a generalized phenomenon of an expanding public realm of life in modern society, which can take on different forms and involve different power relationships between state and society”.28 Mary Rankin attempted to delineate a Chinese variety of public sphere, emphasizing the intermediation between state and society.29 David Strand’s work 25 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984). 26 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Conflict and Community in a Chinese Ctiy, 1796-1895 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989). 27 Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger with Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991), p. 176. 28 Philip C. C. Huang, “ ‘Public Sphere’ / ‘Civil Society’ in China: the Third Realm between State and Society”, Modern China, Vol. 19, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), pp. 217. 29 Mary Backus Rankin, “Some Observations on a Chinese Public Sphere”, Modern China, Vol. 19, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), pp. 158-182. 11 examined the participation of various social groups in Beijing’s ( ÝÞ ) political and social life. He argued that because of the limitation of state power in urban area, local elites not only guaranteed the preservation of the social order, but also developed a socio-political framework for local governance.30 Meanwhile, in her study of Shanghai ( ß$à ) native-place organizations, Bryna Goodman pointed out that Jurgen Habermas’ European-based model of an autonomous public sphere was inappropriate for China. She suggested that a space for public activity not under state control was maintained. Goodman discovered that native-place associations remained important in city affairs despite severe restrictions placed upon social organizations in Shanghai by the authoritarian Nanjing ( qÞ ) government after 1927.31 Another scholar Richard Belsky examined the role played by the Beijing Scholar-Official Native-Place Lodges in the relationship between the state and the sojourning communities. 32 In Beijing’s case, scholar-officials’s ties to their native-place served to mediate between the interest of the localities from which they came from and the interest of the state. In fact, native-place ties and their institutional expression were incorporated as constitutional elements of the late imperial political system. In sum, previous urban studies have stressed the expansion and evolution of local elite activism and local autonomy sentiments in the urban space. However, insufficient attention has been paid to examining other participants 30 David Strand, Rickshaw Beijing: City People and Politics in the 1920s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 31 Bryna Goodman, Native Place, City and Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853-1937 (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1995). 32 Richard Belsky, Localities at the Center: Native, Places, Space and power in Late Imperial Beijing (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 2005). 12 in the Chinese “public sphere”, such as modern Chinese print. Liu Haiyan and Kristin Stapleton had commented on the urban studies that had emerged from the 1980s. They offer a “comprehensive history”, which covered aspects such as the politics, economy, society and culture of a city. The urban studies by Chinese scholars during the same period in contrast were less satisfactory. They lacked a cross-disciplinary approach and did not give enough attention to different perspectives that have emerged in writings outside China since the 1980s.33 The conference volume edited by Joseph Esherick, Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900 – 1950, was a case in point to show the general trend in recent writings that reappraise the dynamism and diversity of Chinese urban history.34 In this book, eleven scholars contributed papers on several themes in Chinese urban studies, such as urban planning, landscape transformation, hygienic modernity, the development of the banking system and so on. This book had rectified the imbalance of present-day scholarships on Chinese urbanism, with its overt attention on Shanghai. Some of the eleven contributors focused on other â$ã treaty-port cities, such as Guangzhou ( á ! , Canton) and Tianjin ( ). Some of them concentrated on new or old capital cities, such as Beijing, Nanjing and Chongqing ( äå ) . The remaining ones paid attention to the interior cities, such as Chengdu ( æ # ). Apart from the aforementioned important volume, numerous scholars who 33 Lui Haiyan and Kristin Stapleton, “Chinese Urban History: State of the Field,” China Information, Vol. 20 (Nov. 2006), pp. 394-395. 34 Joseph W. Esherick (ed.), Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900-1950 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000). 13 have introduced new approaches to Chinese urban study must be mentioned here. To begin with, David Strand has offered a new interpretation of Chinese urban life in the 1920s. He focused on rickshaw pullers, one of the particularly visible vocations in Republican Beijing. Strand examined the interpenetration of tradition and modernity through his detailed description of a labor dispute and analysis of its urban sociopolitical context. In 1920s Beijing, the laborers formed their own unions and their own political and class consciousness sprouted. Rioting was the method the labor class employed to protect and defend themselves.35 The establishment of the modern police system was an important component of urban reform in Shanghai during the Republican era. Focusing on the evolution of the Shanghai Public Security Bureau, Frederic Wakeman presented a new perspective of urban modernity during the Nanjing decade. The development of the modern police system in Republican Shanghai took place amid influences coming from the Kuomintang (KMT) government, the foreign concessions, powerful secret societies and the Japanese invaders. This book showed a picture of Chinese modernity struggling within an extraordinarily complicated social-political environment.36 Michael Tsin’s book focused on the KMT government’s effort to construct a specific “body social”, and its material consequences. Tsin analyzed the Nationalists’ tortured attempt to transform the citizens of Canton into an organized 35 David Strand, Rickshaw Beijing: City People and Politics in the 1920s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 36 Frederic Wakeman, Policing Shanghai, 1927-1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1995). 14 body subject to governmental discipline and direction. To organize and mobilize its social constituents for national construction, the KMT government resorted to quasi-militaristic regimentation as a way to impose discipline in the social realm. Meanwhile, the Communists adopted the means of class violence. Tsin pointed out that neither of those two approaches attained the target of creating a cohesive society.37 Gail Hershatter’s book about prostitution in Shanghai is a study of the representation of prostitutes by Republican-era writers and literati, rather than an attempt at writing a social history of this phenomenon. She tried to recognize the prostitutes’ own voices. By tracing the understanding of prostitution in Shanghai by different social classes, she examined the process of urban history, colonial and anti-colonial state making, and the intersection of sexuality, particularly female sexuality, with an emerging nationalist discourse.38 Christian Henriot’s book provided a better overview of Chinese sexuality in Shanghai, covering a long period from the late nineteenth century to 1949. He identified a hierarchy of prostitutes from low-class to elite courtesans. Henriot also explored in detail how brothels operated, including the financial aspects of the prostitution trade and the sources of prostitutes. Furthermore, he focused on prostitutes and their place in a changing Chinese society and tried to explain the transformation of this social institution by probing its interaction with the urban 37 Michael Tsin, Nation, Government, and Modernity in China: Canton, 1900-1927 (Stanford, California: Sanford University Press, 1999). 38 Gail Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasure: Prostitution and Modernity in Twentieth-Century Shanghai (Berkeley, Calif. : University of California Press, 1999). 15 changes in Shanghai. Therefore, his study examines how prostitution in Shanghai evolved together with the city’s changing milieu.39 Ruth Rogaski traced the historical process of the willing adoption of foreign-originated modernity by Chinese elites. She suggested that “the lack of foreign dominance and violence in Chinese treaty ports is what allowed Chinese intellectuals to turn a blind eye to the imperialist construct of modernity”.40 In Tianjin’s case, Rogaski revealed the history of hygienic modernity in Tianjin and the adaptation of it by Chinese elites.41 Apart from some major themes such as Chinese modernization and nationalism, the reconstruction of the ordinary people’s daily lives also attracts significant attention from scholars. Lu Hanchao portrayed the daily lives of ordinary people in Shanghai. He successfully shifted the attention of the scholarship from the bourgeois and foreign concessions to the “petty urbanites” ( çè-é ) and urban poor. He presented conflict and accommodation between tradition and modernity by a detailed description of “petty urbanites” and urban poor.42 Wang Di’s study of Chengdu supported Rowe’s argument about the “public sphere” in Chinese cities. However, Wang analyzed the outdoor space - the street, a city’s most visible and highly utilized public space, rather than the indoor public space discussed by other scholars. He provided a vivid description of an array of elements that constituted the 39 Christian Henriot, Prostitution and Sexuality in Shanghai: A Social History, 1849-1949, translated by Nöel Castelino (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001). 40 Ruth Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), p. 13. 41 Ruth Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity. 42 Lu Hanchao, Beyond the Neon Lights: Everyday Shanghai in the Early Twentieth Century, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). 16 street life of Chengdu. He also discussed the commoner-versus-elite political struggle for the control of streets and highlighted the transformation of “street culture into street politics”.43 Madeleine Yue Dong examined with great sympathy the ways ordinary people managed their daily lives in Republican Beijing. However, she went further by examining the interactions of everyday life with state power. In her study, it was the “banal and trivial” everyday life of ordinary people that “made” the history of Beijing.44 Compared to the other treaty-port cities, the volume of studies on Fuzhou has been relatively thin. Several Chinese language works about Fuzhou were mainly concerned about the province’s walled city. In his work about natural disasters in Fuzhou, historical geographer Wang Zhenzhong referred to Fuzhou as an urban area contained within the city wall.45 Map 1 shows the evolving boundaries of Fuzhou city, as demarcated by the walls of the city. Chen Yixing’s study of Fuzhou during the Ming dynasty analyzed the maps of Fuzhou in Wanli Fuzhou fuzhi ( ê ë !" ì , Wanli Gazetteer of Fuzhou Prefecture) to illustrate its important status as an administrative centre. He argued that the maps in Wanli Fuzhou fuzhi, which only showed the positions of administrative institutions and neglected to show streets, markets or other landmarks, depicted the city politically, instead of presenting it 43 Wang Di, Street Culture in Chengdu: Public Space, Urban Commoners, and Local Politics, 1870-1930, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003). 44 Madeleine Yue Dong, Republican Beijing: The City and Its Histories, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). 45 Å AðòñôóAõ Wang Zhenzhong í;î ï , Jin 600nianlai ziran zaihai yu Fuzhou shehui 600 ö ;<>=H÷Aø (Natural disasters and Fuzhou society in recent 600 years) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1996). 17 spatially in a geographical sense or showing its economic and urban features.46 Focusing on the building of the city wall in the Ming dynasty, Chen located the urbanization of Fuzhou within the context of political changes in this provincial city ( ùú ). By doing so, he evinced that urban development in Fuzhou was inseparable from its political importance.47 Map 1: Evolution of Walled Fuzhou (908 - 1371) Source: Fuzhoushi diminglu (List of Place Names in Fuzhou) 46 ÑcÒ Cheng Yixing ûzüAý , Mingdai de Fuzhou: yige chuantong shengcheng de bianqian ¡£¢£¤£¥ ÿ Eµ§¦©¨ < =)þ (Fuzhou in the Ming dynasty: the change of a traditional provincial capital city) (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Jinan University, 2005), p. 13. 47 Ibid. 18 From the 1840s onwards, Fuzhou became one of the first five treaty-port cities in China. Its role as a costal city was noted by some scholars. Carolyn Lee wr Cartier’s study examined Fuzhou, Xiamen ( ), and Ningbo ( ), three of the ports opened to the Western world in 1842, and argued that, while they were different kinds of administrative centres, they shared similar commercial traditions. Merchants in these cities established a commercial network, which connected local cities with ports in other parts of China and Southeast Asia. Urbanization in these cities relied on the business activities organized by these merchants, and the resulting circulation of capital.48 Scholar Lin Xing studied the modernization of cities in the Fujian province. She focused mainly on the urban transformations that took place between Fuzhou’s opening as a treaty port and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Government.49 The Opium War marked an important watershed for the history of Protestant Christianity in China. After Fuzhou was opened for foreign residence under the Treaty of Nanjing, the missionaries soon arrived in 1847. In the 1850s, three missions, namely the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Church Missionary Society, were active in Fuzhou. In fact, Fuzhou became one of missionary centers in South China. Foreign missionaries and Chinese Protestants actively participated Fuzhou’s urban modernity. Ryan Dunch’s study traced the 48 Carolyn Lee Cartier, Mercantile Cities on the South China Coast: Ningbo, Fuzhou, and Xiamen, 1840-1930 (Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1991). 49 © Lin Xing , Jindai Fujian chengshi fazhan yanjiu 1843-1949 yi Fuzhou, Xiamen wei ³§ < = zhongxin ÅAA<>O;EHFHG;I;K M (1843-1949 )— . (The development of Fujian cities in early Modern China: cases studies of Fuzhou and Xiamen (1843-1949) (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Xiamen University, 2004). 19 contributions made by Chinese Protestants towards Fuzhou’s political and social changes from the mid-nineteenth century all the way until 1927.50 However, several scholars have viewed urban development in late-Qing and early Republican Fuzhou negatively. Both He Yimin and Wei Yingtao observe the decline of Fuzhou’s overseas trade after the second Opium War.51 After Fuzhou was opened as a treaty port, the British soon realized that they had selected a wrong city. In 1845, the value of imports to Fuzhou was recorded as 72,147 pounds and the value of export only 638 pounds.52 Consequently, Fuzhou became a “dead port.”53 In 1850, the British Foreign Office proposed to exchange Fuzhou and Ningbo for Hangzhou, Suzhou and Zhenjiang.54 Wei Yingtao identified the opium trade as the main obstacle to Fuzhou’s trade development.55 Moreover, the disadvantageous landform (a hilly area) was another cause for the stagnation of Fuzhou. In addition, there were three other active maritime ports surrounding Fuzhou, namely Guangzhou, 5! Xiamen, and Quanzhou ( ). Fuzhou proved inferior in the competition. In comparison to Xiamen and Quanzhou ports, which catered to a diverse range of 50 Ryan Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of a Modern China, 1857-1927. (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2001). 51 ³ jÍ Î ¡ ÅH "! Wei Yingtao , Zhongguo jindai butong leixing chengshi zonghe yanjiu #$ ©%©&;K M EHF (Studies on different types cities in early Modern China) (Chengdu: Sichuan Hÿ& daxue chubanshe, 1998), pp. 383-396; He Yimin ' , Jindai zhonggo shuailuo chengshi ³ ¡©(")ÒEµF)K&M yanjiu ÅÒ (Studies on the declining cities in early Modern China) (Chengdu: Sichuan chubanshe, 2007 * , pp. 295-300. Both of them argued that the geographical limitation, the unbalance economical structure, society in chaos and wars were the reasons for Fuzhou’s decline. 52 ³ ¡·ÅA©/1012©3AJ£465 Yao Xiangao +£,.- , Zhongguo jindai duiwai maoyishi ziliao (The source of foreign trades in early Modern China) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), p. 604. 53 ¡ :©; <.=)þ ÿ ¡§>l Jiang Xiuxian 7£8£9 , “‘Sigang’ de fuhuo: yige guojia de shijiao ‘ ’ ? @ ©A ” (The revival of a “dead port”: from the vision of a nation), Fuzhou daxue xuebao <>= B£B.C (Fuzhou University Journal), Vol. 3, (2008), pp. 5-9. 54 Yao Xiangao, Zhongguo jindai duiwai maoyishi ziliao, p. 609. 55 WeiYingtao, Zhongguo jindai butong leixing chengshi zonghe yanjiu, pp.386-397. 20 goods, the British’s original intentions was for the Fuzhou port to facilitate the Wuyi 56 EDGF Tea ( 1 ) trade mainly. However, in the following ten years after it was opened as a treaty port, the anticipated prosperity of the tea trade in Fuzhou did not materialize. Guangzhou and Shanghai were still the tea trade centers.57 However, when the traditional tea trade route to Guangzhou was cut off by the Taiping army in 1853, overseas tea merchants had to find another port. Hence, in the following two decades, the tea import-export trade in Fuzhou experienced a brief golden period. This short prosperity did not continue in the 1880s. The tea export record reached its peak of 802,000 dan ( ) in 1880, and from then on, the volume of export declined.58 Ultimately, the short-lived boom of the tea trade did not bring about any long-term development of Fuzhou. The special status of being among the first five treaty-port cities did not give traditional Fuzhou an urban economy like that of Shanghai. Lin Xing also concluded that urban development in late Qing and early Republican Fuzhou was limited. Since 1850s, Fuzhou experienced the Taiping Rebellion and the Small Sword Uprising which greatly damaged the domestic market. Since the 1911 Revolution, Fuzhou was suffering from the frequent wars between warlords, which left the city in ruin. Apart from declining overseas trade, the development of industry in Fuzhou was also in retardation. By 1935, statistics showed that there were only ten factories with individual total capital above 100,000 56 HbAÏ IHÿ1JKL1M6N Li Yongqing H , “Diyici yapian zhanzheng hou fuzhou wenti kaobian O < =QPSR©T1U >J.W©X ”(Researches on Fuzhou after the First Opium War), Lishi dang’an V (History Record), Vol. 2, 1990, pp. 95-96. 57 Ibid., p. 96. 58 Thomas P. Lyons, China Maritime Customs and China’s Trade Statistics (1859-1948) (Trumansburg, NY: Willow Creek Press, 2003), pp. 97-98. 21 59 yuan ( ) in Fuzhou. Lin also considered that the level of modern education and hygiene in Fuzhou could not compare with that in other cities, such as Shanghai and Guangzhou. In brief, Lin’s observations of urban development in Republican Fuzhou tend to be negative.60 In recent years, several studies on late Imperial and Republican Fuzhou have appeared. They examined the city from different hitherto unexplored perspectives. Lu Zijing presented a vivid picture of the participation of local communities in Fuzhou in urban politics, particularly during the late-Qing reforms and the Republican revolution. However, her completely negative assessment of the impact of political reform during these periods is questionable. 61 Luo Guilin examined early attempts of municipal reform by both the local authority and local elites during the Nanjing decade. He reflects on the failure of early municipal reform and reveals the weak urban government in Republican Fuzhou.62 In general, previous studies have shown that the special status of a treaty port did not contribute much to the economic development of Fuzhou. Such backwardness in its urban development thus attracted few scholarly works on Republican Fuzhou. The image of this Republican city has remained dim and fuzzy. §Z ³ 59 ³ ¡ ÅH>¶A¸ Yan Zhongping Y (ed.). Zhongguo jindai jingjishi tongji ziliao xuanji ¤©[ 45©\£] J (Selection of economical statistics in early Modern China) (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1955), p. 106. 60 Lin Xing, Jindai Fujian chengshi fazhan yanjiu 1843-1949 , pp. 322-337. 61 Lu Zijing ^£_a` , Qingmominchu difang shehui shili yu zhengzhi bianqian: yi Fuzhou wei ³6 gf b ?c ÷>ød)C> e£¦ ¨ X political vicissitude in the Late-Qing and early Republican China: a case study on Fuzhou * (Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, Xiamen University, 2005). 62 Luo Guilin d;A , Xiandai chengshi de goujian: 1927-1937nian Fuzhou de shizheng guanli k 22 This study therefore attempts to present a different picture of urban society in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade. It seeks to re-discover the vitality of Chinese urban modernity, rather than to focus on Fuzhou as a traditional administrative centre or treaty-port. By doing so, I seek to address two questions: How did the people in Fuzhou narrate and describe their hometown? How did they fulfill their dream of reshaping their city? These issues will be explored through a critical examination of local print published in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade. Emergence of Vibrant Local Publications “Print culture” was explained by Roger Chartier as a term rooted in the efforts of European historians to understand the social implications of the Gutenberg revolution in early modern Europe, which would simply be described as “the set of new acts of the production of writing and picture in a new form”.63 The notion of “print-as-commodity” led to the rise of cheaper printing in vernacular languages, challenging the monopolistic usage of Latin in religious publications. Martin Luther utilized the expansion of the vernacular print-market while “the Counter-Reformation defended the citadel of Latin”. Finally, as Benedict Anderson has famously argued, the convergence of print technology and capitalism facilitated the creation of “imagined communities”.64 Apart from pointing out the important 63 Roger Chartier, “General Introduction: Print Culture”, in The Culture of Print, Power and the Uses of Print in Early Modern Europe. Alain Boreau (ed.). (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 1. 64 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, New York: Verso, 1991), pp. 37 - 46. 23 psychological function served by newspapers in connecting individuals to form an “imagined community”, Anderson did not explore the nature of “print capitalism”. Christopher Reed defined “print capitalism” as “an offshoot of the process of mechanization in the printing and publishing sector”. Although the woodblock printing appeared in China as early as the Tang dynasty (618-907), Reed argued that Chinese “print culture” reached its climax only when “print capitalism” was introduced to China from the West in the late nineteenth century.65 It was the industrialized printing technology that brought commercial and organizational innovations to the Shanghai new-style publishing world. Meanwhile, new-style newspapers and periodicals, such as Shenbao ( hai ), emerged one after another. Although Shenbao in its early period was conceived as “a purely commercial venture” by foreigners, it soon underwent a transformation from an “alien medium” to a “Chinese newspaper”.66 Joan Judge pointed out that the role of print in the formation of “imagined communities” was relevant to the history of print in late Qing. More importantly, she emphasized the connection between “new-style press” 67 and “reform politics” through the example of Shibao ( j"i ). As the “road to speech”, “new-style press” undermined the Qing imperial regime’s control over the Chinese public sphere and became a channel for the public to express their independent voices. Shibao was one of the pioneers of indigenous “new-style” 65 Christopher A. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876 – 1937 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004), p. 4-16. 66 Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China? Power, Identity, and Change in Shanghai’s News Media, 1872-1912 (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004). 67 Joan Judge, Print and Politics: “Shibao” and the Culture of Reform in Late Qing China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1996). 24 newspaper in China. Since the early twentieth century, the new-style print experienced a process of transplantation from its foreign origins to the Chinese context and became a significant participant in the turbulent transitions of the Chinese society. As a cultural and political center in South China, Fuzhou was able to develop its own new-style print industry from the late Qing onwards. According to statistics, there were over 300 newspaper presses and news agencies in Fuzhou since 68 late Qing to the birth of the People’s Republic of China. The Foocow Courier ( lkmi !5" ), the earliest newspaper in Fuzhou, was published in 1858 by the missionaries. It was a foreign newspaper published in the English language and its readers were mainly foreigners.69 Several other missionary journals were published in Fuzhou in the 1870s, such as Zion Herald ( nlo pEqri ) and The Children’s News 70 Qsuti ( ç ). These earliest newspapers focused mainly on the religious agenda of the missionary societies that owned them. In 1876, Zion Herald was renamed into vEixw the Minsheng huibao ( 'lù Report of Fujian Province), and it started to pay more attention to social issues. Minsheng huibao was renamed into Huameibao ( y z i , Chinese Methodist Newspaper) in 1898. Apart from religious content, it also published some articles to support the Hundred-day Reform movement. In 1904, the Church Missionary Society decided to shift the newspaper’s publishing base to 68 C ©{.| < =.}~z > Wang Zhilun í (ed.), Fuzhou xinwenzhi: baoyezhi : (Gazetteer of newspapers in Fuzhou), (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1997), p.1. 69 Ibid., p. 6. 70 Ibid., p. 7. 25 71 i Shanghai. The Fubao ( , Good fortune Newspaper) was published by renowned overseas Chinese leader Huang Naishang ( r , Wong Nai Song) in 1896. It was the first newspaper that was solely Chinese-owned in Fuzhou. Huang Naishang tried to run the newspaper as a print commodity and sell it not only in " Fuzhou but also in Shanghai, Taiwan ( t ), Singapore and Penang. However, due to low circulation, funding shortage and mismanagement, the newspaper only survived for two years.72 The readership of these early newspapers in Fuzhou was unsurprisingly closely connected with the missionaries, comprising mainly the Chinese Protestants. With their limited circulation and readership, these early newspapers were unable to become the “road of speech” and participate in the social transformation of Fuzhou. Since the Republican era, there had been a liberalization of press control which in turn stimulated the development of Fuzhou’s local print. During the early Republican period, there were more than ten newspapers that were popular in Fuzhou. However, the development of local print was somewhat affected by fighting among the local warlords. Qunbao ( ri , Newspaper for the Masses) was a daily promoted by some members of the KMT. Unfortunately, it was terminated by Governor Peng Shousong ( E ) on July 31 1912. Su Yuwen ( ), the chief-editor of Qunbao, was arrested and tortured.73 In 1914, the warlord Xu Chongzhi ( E ) was defeated in the Second Revolution against Yuan Shikai ( ) . After Yuan successfully suppressed the KMT, he closed down almost all the 71 Ibid., p. 7-9. 72 Ibid., p. 2. 73 Ibid., p. 38. 26 publishing houses in Fuzhou, especially those owned by the KMT and other rivalorganizations. With the death of Yuan, the print in Fuzhou was revived. During the period of the Beiyang warlord regime, the publishing circle was mj"i frequently suppressed by the warlords in Fuzhou. The Fujian shibao ( 3 , Fujian Times) was terminated by the warlord Li Houji ( x ) because the newspaper exposed a mutiny that happened in Quanzhou. With the beginning of the Northern Expedition in 1926, the first National Revolutionary Army entered Fuzhou and ended the Beiyang warlord regime in Fujian. After that, the print industry in Fuzhou began its revival. éuQi In January 1927, the Fujian minguo ribao ( u3 , Fujian Republican Daily) was launched by the Fujian Provincial Kuomintang Headquarters $ 3 ùGGrG Preparatory Committee ( é ). It was a newspaper focusing mainly on issues in Fujian province, covering politics, economy, culture, literature and other themes. The newspaper was particularly concerned with the residents’ daily lives in Fuzhou. In the beginning, it was dominated by the left-wing of the KMT. Its first manager , Ma Shicai ( r E¡ ) , was a member of the Chinese £ Communist Party (CCP), while the editor-in-chief Pan Gugong ( ¢ ) was a leftist in the KMT. This newspaper covered mainly socio-political issues in Fuzhou, such as the anti-imperialism movement, the anti-Japan movement, local social news, modern education, the emancipation of women, cultural reforms and information on the Overseas Chinese. However, the cooperation between the Nationalists and the Communists soon broke down in April 1927. Fujian minguo ribao was taken over by 27 military forces from the KMT. All CCP members and the leftists among the editors and journalists either escaped or were arrest. After that, Chen Mingjian ( ¤¥"¦ ), a famous calligrapher in Fuzhou, became the chief editor. As an influential local literator, Chen gathered a group of literati to launch a literary supplement ( §E¨© ) titled “The World” ( ªx« ). The supplement published many literary works reflecting the social problems in Fuzhou. Furthermore, it enabled the newspaper to pay more attention to the Fuzhou society. Fujian minguo ribao was the first daily that was able to enjoy uninterrupted operation in Fuzhou for at least a number of years (eight years). When it was stopped by the Fujian Rebellion74 in November 1933, it had published 1808 issues and had become an influential newspaper in Fuzhou.75 In short, it was a local newspaper that was able to present a vivid portrait of Fuzhou and its people. After the KMT recaptured political power on 1 March 1934, Fujian minguo é i ribao resumed publication and was renamed Fujian minbao ( ò3 , Fujian People Daily). The number of pages in the paper was increased from four to eight. On the day of its reissue under the new name, it carried an editorial emphasizing its 76 ¬E responsibility to rejuvenate the local people. Gao Baishi ( ), was appointed 74 .® On November 22, 1933, in alliance with other KMT forces under Li Jishen 6A¸ , several th leaders of the National Revolutionary Army’s 19 Route Army including Cai Tingkai ¯ °"± , ©²³ ´"µ"¶ ´"·"¸ Chenmingshu û , and Jiang Guangnai , broke with Jiang Jieshi and the Nanjing central government. They set up the People’s Revolutionary Government of the Republican China (1933-34) in Fuzhou. The new government announced their intention to resist Japanese interference and overthrow the Kuomintang Nanjing government. However, the government was soon defeated by Jiang Jieshi’s forces on 13 January 1934. see Lloyd E. Eastman, The Abortive Revolution: China under Nationalist Rule, 1927-1937 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 85 -139. 75 Wang Zhilun (ed.), Fuzhou xinwenzhi: baoyezhi, pp. 36-44. 76 Ibid., pp. 77-78 28 as its chief editor. As a well-known writer, historian and professional news reporter in 1930s, Gao enjoyed a high social standing among Fuzhou’s gentry and literati. Through his personal influence, many literati became the writers for Fujian minbao. Apart from Gao, several other well-known local writers and professional editors, such as Chen Yuqing ( ¤ ¹º ), joined the newspaper and became editors and journalists.77 After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937, the KMT and CCP forged the Second United Front. This allowed some CCP members to take part in local publications. Through the effort of these people from various backgrounds, Fujian minbao not only concentrated on political events, but also reported on social issues, focusing particularly on Fuzhou society. In comparison with the Fujian minguo ribao, the contents of Fujian minbao were more abundant and better classified. It published a rich variety of news reports in its pages: domestic news on the second page, international and regional news on the third page, and information on Fuzhou on the fifth, sixth and seventh pages. In addition, Fujian minbao had ç¾½"¿ several supplements, such as “Echo” ( »¼ ) and “Little Garden” ( ). Both of them focused on local culture and literature. Due to the broad news coverage and rich content, Fujian minbao was popular among readers from different social classes. It had its own printing facilities and its daily circulation before the outbreak of the 77 ÀH_ Chen Yuqing û , (1918-1998), male, born in Putian County, Fujian province, graduated ³ÂÁ B.à £e from Zhongyang junshi zhengzhi xuexiao UAA , major in Journalism, was chief C C |Å Ä editor of Fujian minbao ³Á C Å >gHE Daily) and Zhongyang ribao (Central Daily). From Liu Decheng Æ , Zhou 29 Sino-Japanese war reached 10,000.78 In short, Fujian minbao was a comprehensive local newspaper. It became a significant platform that represented the urban society in Fuzhou. Because of their long existence and extensive coverage of news and issues, Fujian minguo ribao and Fujian minbao constitute the main source materials for this study to examine urban changes in the city during the Nanjing decade. Apart from these two newspapers, some other quasi-sovereign print and privately owned newspapers also became popular in Fuzhou. On April 1, 1936, 1i Xiaominbiao ( ç5é , Petty Urbanities Daily) was launched. It was an evening paper under the ownership of Fujian minbao. However, it was able to retain some editorial autonomy to some extent under the leadership of Gao Baishi. As its chief editor, Gao invited several famous gentry and literati, such as the famous novelist and poet, Yu Dafu ( rÍÎ ), to be a member of its team of specially appointed writers.79 Compared to Fujian minbao, Xiaominbiao had to try hard to get rid of the pattern of political print. In its first periodical, it proclaimed that: “The publication of this evening newspaper was to make up for the shortcomings of the daily (Fujian minbao).” 80 Its editors tried to launch a newspaper which would develop and protect local culture. In addition, they also made an effort to enlarge the readership of Xiaominbao. Their final aim was to expand the influence of newspapers in the 78 f £ÏA * Fujian Shinian: 1935-1945 79 f H:H² * Yu Dafu Ð 1896-1945 , male, famous novelist, proser, and poet. From Febrary 1936 to Febrary 1938, he worked as a consultant in Fujian Provinical Government. Yu Yun Ð1Ñ , Yu Dafu ¢ ):µ² zhuan Ð (Biography of Yu Dafu) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1984), pp. 129-143. 80 Wang Zhilun (ed.), Fuzhou xinwenzhi: baoyezhi, p. 82. 30 entire local Fuzhou society.81 Xiaominbao was also divided into different sections. It had many columns such as “General Information ( Ò¾ÓÕÔuÖ )”, miscellanies, informal essays, local historical anecdotes, poems, serial novels and cartoons. Its readership consisted of all social classes and its circulation before the Sino-Japanese war reached 14,000 per day.82 Huabao ( yGi , Chinese newspaper) was a privately owned newspaper belonging to the local gentry class. The title was endowed with dual meanings. It was declared to be a newspaper for the Chinese and would use the most graceful language to improve local culture.83 The writers of Huabao frequently expressed their dissatisfaction toward social realities through their literary output. Through interpersonal relations, several local gentry organized this newspaper together. The famous epigrapher and bibliophile, Lin Shilu ( ¿Er× ) , as well as famous female rØ writer and calligrapher, Wang Zhen ( , ), were among the editorial members of Huabao. The newspaper was informative, interesting and full of local flavor. It attracted a stable readership and had a circulation of around 3,000 per day.84 Several periodicals that were published in Fuzhou also deserve our attention and form part of the sources for this dissertation. During the Nanjing decade, several administrative organizations published their own journals. The 3 3ÚÙ mtx© Fujian jiansheting yuekan ( , Fujian Provincial Construction Department Monthly) was published by the Fujian Provincial Construction 81 Ibid., pp. 81-84. 82 Fujian Shinian: 1935-1945, p. 265. 83 Wang Zhilun (ed.), Fuzhou xinwenzhi: baoyezhi, p. 58. 84 Ibid., pp. 57-61. 31 GÙ m Department ( 3 ù$3 ). It reported many working statements and detailed official plans about urban construction in Fuzhou. The Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan ( mÛ5olt© 3 , Fuzhou Police Department Monthly) was a periodical under the £rÜÝ Fuzhou Police Department ( ! ). It served as a mirror reflecting the many corners of Fuzhou society. In May 1934, Xinshenghuo yundong zhoukan ( Þßàá âGã © , New Life Movement Weekly) was launched as a specialized journal to publicize the guidelines and detailed measures for the New Life Movement. A new sense of national consciousness began to develop in the press during the 1930s as a result of “propaganda weakness of the KMT regime in face of Japanese aggression”.85 The unstable political situation and early administration in Republican Fuzhou created a relatively relaxed environment for local publications. The majority of the print published in Fuzhou during the Republican era was owned or sponsored by the KMT or its related organizations.86 However, Fuzhou’s local print remained substantially shaped by their editors and journalists. Several professional journalists brought about a fresh trend to Fuzhou’s print. As published in the first edition ( ärå© ) of Huabao, the editorial claimed that the main objective of Huabao was to “use vivid writings to highlight the social realities.” The ideal behind Huabao could represent the chief aim of Fuzhou’s journalists. Under their effort, these publishing materials painted many vivid pictures of Fuzhou society during the Nanjing decade. 85 Stephen R. Mackinnon, “Toward a history of the Chinese press in the Republican period,” Modern China, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan., 1997), pp. 7. 86 A few publications under the authorities of CCP and other private newspapers were recorded by Fuzhou xinwenzhi: baoyezhi, but did not conserve. 32 Local Print and Urban Changes Unlike the major cities with strong foreign influence such as Shanghai, Fuzhou was not an outstanding city during the Republican period. It was also different from Beijing. The city of Beijing, as discussed by Madeleine Yue Dong, was struggling with its dramatic downgrading from an imperial capital to a mere general city in steep economic decline.87 Republican Fuzhou was also not comparable to Chengdu, which was remembered for its “civilized” municipal reforms. In Chengdu’s case, the city had an active local response to the nation-wide “New Policies”. Among its municipal reforms, the police reform was a significant undertaking. It was initiated by Qing officials in 1902 to assert control over the unruly province during the Red Lantern Society Rebellion. Chengdu’s police force suppressed the riot competently and made state authority become visible and effective. It inspired its creators, such as ãEærç Zhou Shanpei ( ), to “use the police institution” to “mold Chengdu into the Tokyo-inspired city”.88 Therefore, in a 30 year period after 1902, a series of active reforms was launched in Chengdu to bring modern municipal administration to the city. The “civilizing” program in Chengdu in the late Qing and early Republican era proved to be effective and fruitful. A complete police program was set up and the city was effectively under “State-Supervised Self-regulation”. Subsequently, urban reforms became fused with the socio-political transformations begun by the 1911 87 Madeleine Yue Dong, Republican Beijing: the City and its History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). 88 Kristin E. Stapleton, Civilizing Chengdu: Chinese Urban Reform, 1895-1937 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. 77-80. 33 Revolution and continued to progress thereafter.89 Unfortunately the “New Policies” and the Republican Revolution did not bring significant changes to Fuzhou. In his study of Hankou, Rowe demonstrated how a city in the nineteenth century could manage itself and counterbalance the influence of the imperial bureaucracy. He emphasized the rise of commercial organizations as well as the guilds in Hankou, which became the “sub-rosa municipal government apparatus.” These guilds revealed that “substantial urban autonomy has been achieved in nineteenth-century China.”90 However, in the case of Fuzhou, its commercial communities were never strong enough to struggle against the government.91 Luo Guilin followed Rowe’s argument that the existence of “civil society” made up for the deficiencies of the administration system in Republican China. He studied the municipal administration and public enterprise in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade and suggested that Republican Fuzhou lacked a modern municipal administrative system.92 Luo believed that the local administration was chaotic, and the authorities could not take up the responsibility to develop the city. 93 He concluded that the development of Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade was influenced by several social forces outside the governmental circle and suggested that “the advocation of the authorities, the active participation of social forces and the utilization of traditional sources constituted the three basic elements for urban 89 Kristin E. Stapleton, Civilizing Chengdu: Chinese Urban Reform, 1895-1937. 90 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889, pp. 344-345. 91 Lu Zijing, Qingmo minchu defang shehui shili yu zhengzhi bianqian, pp. 97-99. 92 Luo Guilin, Xiandai chengshi de goujian, pp. 16-30. 93 Ibid., p. 165. 34 development in Republican Fuzhou.”94 However, there was no mention of the interaction among these three elements. How did these forces interact with one another? Were these interactions positive or negative? Chinese modernity was inextricably linked to the Chinese intellectuals who were based in the cities and dominated the publishing circle, the academia, as well as schools - the main components of the Chinese “public sphere”.95 It is not easy to explain why so many Chinese intellectuals seemed to embrace modernity without much ambivalence. Shu-mei Shih found that the incomplete nature of foreign administration in semi-colonized treaty ports “afforded Chinese intellectuals more varied ideological, political, and cultural positions than in formal colonies.”96 Bryna Goodman suggested a spectrum of approaches to the question of power and imperialism in China’s modern history. Goodman, just like Shih, was suspicious of approaches that emphasize foreign violence or characterize the foreign presence as a powerful threat to China’s sovereignty. In her study of late nineteenth century Shanghai, she found that the Chinese were in confident positions vis-à-vis the foreigners and were able to conduct negotiations in a relatively unconstrained political environment. Foreign violence might have opened the treaty ports, but such violence was a vague memory that did not affect the day to day interactions between 94 Ibid., p. 165. 95 ë1ì;ð Xu Jilin è1é.ê , “Prologue”, in Hong Jiulai , Kuanrong yu lixing: Dongfang zazhi de >A.ïÒþ6Ä.c©ðH)9z£ñ>½LK M gonggong yulun yanjiu íaî (1904-1932) (Tolerance and rationality: study of public opinion in Eastern Miscellany, 1904-1932) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2006), pp. 8-9. 96 Shu-mei Shih, The Lure of the Modern: Writing Modernism in Semicolonial China, 1917-1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), p. 373. 35 the Chinese and the foreigners in Shanghai.97 Xu Jilin argued that the relationship between Chinese intellectuals and cities could be studied by two approaches: one pointed to the penetrations of local elites in the urban administration, such as the case of Hankou; the other reflected the interactions between the Chinese intellectuals and the “criticism-type” of urban “public sphere” (print was one of the typical examples).98 Li Liangyu remarked that the modern print underwent a process of localization between 1915 and 1927.99 From 1927 to 1949, the development of Chinese print was connected closely with the process of social and cultural modernization in China.100 Several scholars have considered the positive contribution of print towards social changes in the Republican era. Zeng Xianming pointed out that modern print was one important driving force behind modernization in China.101 Using the case of the Dongfang ì zazhi ( ò óGô , The Eastern Miscellany), Hong Jiulai discussed how a group of intellectuals mobilized by the journal played significant roles as radical nationalists 97 Bryna Goodman, “Improvisations on a Semicolonial Theme, or, How to Read a Celebration of Transnational Urban Community,” Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 59, No. 4 (2000), pp. 889-926. 98 Xu Jilin è£é©ê , “Prologue”, p. 9. C£ø 99 C1ø 6Gõ÷ö Li Liangyu , “Baokanshi yanjiu yu baokan ziliao de shixue liyong J9K MH B"ù $HJ ¼ 4 5 ” (Academical use of newspapers and historical studies on newspaper),” B£BaC £úaA Jiangsu daxue xuebao \ (Jiangsu University Journal), Vol. 10, No. 3, (May 2008), pp. 19-34. 100 .û ü6ý1þ©ÿ>JLÆlXÅH¡ Wang Jianhui íAO , “Sixiang wenhushi shang de jindai chuban ¢ BQB"C QA ” (Modern publish on cultural history), Wuhan daxue xuebao T&Ô (Wuhan University Journal), Vol. 1 (1999), pp. 123-128. 101 9$Ñ ¤¡¥§¦ Zeng Xianming £ and Huang Yueqin , “Lun jindai baokan yu zhongguo ³ C ø ¡XH£ÿ©¨§ l § ©§ xiandaihua yishi de jiaowu guanxi ½HÅH ” (Interaction B£B ©A between modern newspapers and the modern consciousness), Hubei daxue xuebao © C (Hubei University Journal), Vol.2 (2002), pp. 94-99. 36 and idealist revolutionaries in the transformation of China.102 As Joan Judge has commented, Shibao, a daily published in Shanghai from 1904 to 1939, was “the most influential reform organ of its days”. She investigated the role of this newspaper in the creation and expansion of a “new middle realm”, and how the newspaper forged a new public-minded citizenry to actively take part in political events. She considered that the “new middle realm” opened up by political press, such as Shibao, mediated adeptly between the nation, popular power and public opinion in the final years of the Qing dynasty103 The fall of the centralized government during the late-Qing period and the rise of the warlords in early Republican China created a space for the Chinese public sphere.104 Mackinnon commented that “(the) popular press in China’s coastal cities in the early 1900s was revolutionary in its impact on Chinese politics, possibly as revolutionary in its consequences as the French press on the events of 1789.”105 The 1911 Revolution brought about the early freedom of expression and parliamentary democracy in China, which “enhanced the connection between the modern press and political power as part of the process of state building.”106 Wagner argued that there was a dual public sphere in modern China, which can be divided into the traditional and the modern sectors. The traditional sector was dominated by traditional elites. The press (referring mainly to the Western-style newspapers), as well as radio and 102 ;ð íaîA Hong Jiulai ë1ì , Kuanrong yu lixing: Dongfang zazhi de gonggong yulun yanjiu "ï&þ£Ä£cð ;> ñ)½>KÒM (1904-1932) (Tolerance and rationality: study of public opinion in Eastern Miscellany, 1904-1932) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2006). 103 Joan Judge, Print and Politics. 104 Philip C. C. Huang, “‘Public Sphere’/ ‘Civil Society’ in China?: The Third Realm between State and Society,” Modern China, Vol. 19, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), pp. 216-240. 105 Stephen R. Mackinnon, “Toward a History,” Modern China, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan., 1997), p. 4. 106 Ibid. 37 film, were the main communication media for the modern sector of the Chinese public sphere.107 Leo Ou-Fan Lee was of the view that the early twentieth century was the right time for “Chinese nationhood… to be imagined.”108 Through the press, Chinese intellectuals and writers “sought to imagine a new community of the nation” and “draw a new vision of China to their audience.”109 In sum, the modern print was considered an important agent for historical change in China since the early 1900s. However, many scholars are mainly interested in how the new-style print reproduced cultural values in a period of transformations. Therefore, the publications under missionary sponsors or newspapers published in Shanghai have been a main concern of many historians. For instance, Mittler gave a detailed description of the process in which Shenbao was transformed from an alien product to a “newspaper for China” between 1872 and 1912.110 Studies of the history of Chinese print during the Republican era are relatively thin. Mackinnon considered the 1930s as an important decade for the Chinese press. He mentioned a number of newspapers and journals published from the 1920s to the 1930s, and remarked that a group of self-conscious professional journalists appeared during this decade.111 However, scholars focused mainly on the major Shanghai press, such as Shenbao and Shibao. Furthermore, most of them paid 107 Rudolf Wagner, “The early Chinese newspapers and the Chinese Public Sphere,” European Journal of East Asian Studies, Vol. 1 ( 2001), p. 14. 108 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, Shanghai Modern, the Flowering of a new urban culture in China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge, Mass., London: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 45. 109 Ibid., p. 46. 110 Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China?. 111 Stephen R. Mackinnon, “Toward a History,” Modern China, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan., 1997), pp. 3-32. 38 much attention to the role that modern Chinese print played in the construction of early Chinese nationalism. Not much attention has been paid to the localization of Chinese publications. Therefore, this dissertation hopes to answer the following questions: How did the new-style print develop in middle and small Chinese cities? How did local print present the image of a particular city in China’s path towards becoming a modern nation? How did local print contribute toward Chinese urbanization? The vibrancy of local print in Fuzhou during the Republican era provided us with a good opportunity to examine the relationship between local print and the city. As Li Nan has argued, local entertainment newspapers in Shanghai were the best channel to observe the unique localities in this Chinese metropolis when compared with other major print circulating across the entire nation. 112 The numerous local print constitute the major sources for this study. During the 1920s, Fuzhou’s print was not limited to the political realm. Local print continued to develop its function as a “new middle realm” to “shift the locus of authority downward and channel the abilities of the people upward.”113 By the Nanjing decade, Fuzhou’s print had experienced the process of a shift from “an alien product” to a “newspaper for China.”114 They were developing their own local characteristics. They had transcended beyond their roles as mere “brokers” between Western learning and Confucian culture. This dissertation therefore aims to illustrate how 112 C _§ ¡ÆÇ Li Nan 6 , Wanqing minguo shiqi Shanghai xiaobao f Shanghai’s entertainment newspapers in the late Qing and Republican era * (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2005). 113 Joan Judge, Print and Politics, p. 1. 114 Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China?, p. 33. 39 local print portrayed the Fuzhou city as one that was shifting away from weak local administration and loose social control, and was actively striving for urban modernity. The dissertation comprises five main chapters, apart from the introduction and the conclusion. The first main chapter, chapter II, begins by describing the early administrative reforms in Fuzhou and the abortive attempt to set up a municipal government. However, a detailed urbanization plan published in local print had generated a new blueprint for the city. Chapter III focuses on the changes to the urban infrastructure as well as the construction of urban landscapes as envisioned by local print. Chapter IV discusses the cultural reforms in the city as advocated by local publications. Chapter V recreates the image of new Fuzhou women as depicted in the narrations and descriptions made by local publishing materials. The final main chapter, chapter VI, traces the connections between the city and the outside world during the Nanjing decade forged or maintained via local print, focusing in particular on the responses of those who remained in China toward overseas sojourners. 40 CHAPTER II YEARNING FOR A MODERN FUZHOU Since the beginning of the Republican era, Fuzhou was no longer a Prefecture-level administrative seat. However, it was still regarded nostalgically as the “Provincial Capital” by its people. The early Republican municipal reforms failed to establish an effective municipal administration in Fuzhou. The administrative chaos had been the main barrier for urban re-planning and led to a “Campaign for City Construction ( Ù â rá è )”, which intended to establish an independent municipal government in Fuzhou. However, the attempt eventually failed due to several reasons, such as financial stress and unstable political conditions. Thus, the urbanization of Fuzhou during the period was in an awkward state. Under the weak governance, the role of local print on Fuzhou’s urban reform was highlighted. In May 1933, Fujian minguo ribao published a serialized article about urban planning. Given the tumultuous socio-political circumstances during the Nanjing decade, the idealized blueprint for “Fuzhou city” drawn by this city plan was utopian. However, this precious urban layout heralded a beautiful vision for the future of this historic city. It also became a compass for the city’s populace to seek a new direction for its urban development. Early Administrative Reforms and Onset of Kuomintang Rule Fuzhou was previously a traditional political and economic centre with a prefectural administration. The 1911 Revolution ended its status as a prefecture, and the following period of warlordism brought loose social control in the city. A close examination of the administrative divisions of Fujian province during the Republican era suggests that Fuzhou was experiencing a period of chaotic and constantly changing administration. Since 1912, the Republican government abandoned the traditional administrative system and set up three levels of local administrative 1 ( divisions, namely the province ( ù ), circuit ( ) and county ( ). In 1925, the Republican authorities abandoned the circuit level and Fujian Province was divided into 64 counties.2 It was only in 1946 that Fuzhou was administratively separated from Minhou County. The delineation of the administrative divisions in Fuzhou area is shown in the Table 1. 1 ¥ ýH Fujian Provincial Archives (ed.), Minguo Fujiansheng xingzheng quhua A¡· 42 Table 1: Administrative Division in Fuzhou area (Eve of the Republic era - 1946): 3 Year Administrative Title in Higher administrative Fuzhou area regionalization 3 ù Eve of the Fuzhou Prefecture ( !&" ) Fujian Province ( ) Republican Era ( Minhou County ( 's. ) (Combined Min County ( ')( ) &4 1912 Donglu Circuit ( ò ) / and Houguan County ( . ( )) &4 1913 Minhou County Donglu Circuit ( ò ) 1914 Minhou County Minhai Circuit ( ' à ) Minhou County (circuit level abandoned, and Fujian 1925 Fujian Province Province divided into 64 counties) Fuzhou Special City ( ò! ! the People’s Revolutionary è ) (after Fujian Rebellion, Government of the Republic of Nov. 1933 a city was set up, which y"$# China (1933-34) ( to Jan. became the location of the sé&%'o$" ª , 1933-34) 1934 People’s Revolutionary Government of the Republic of China) The First Administrative 1934 Minhou County Division of Fujian Province ( () *o % +, 3 ù ) The First Administrative - ( 1944 Lin Sen County ( ¿ ) Division of Fujian Province ! è Fuzhou City ( ) (the 1946 Fujian Province provincial capital) 3 Ibid., pp. 1-5. 43 Map 2: Administrative Map of Fuzhou (1945) Source: collected by Fujian Provincial Library With the end of dynastic rule in China, Fuzhou was demoted from the status of a Prefecture. The Minhou country government took the place of the Fuzhou Prefecture Government and became the sub-administration unit under the Fujian Provincial Government. During this period, two experimental institutions were set up under the Fujian Provincial Government, the Police Department of the Fujian vGÛ+rÝ Provincial Capital ( 3 ù ) and the City Bureau of the Fujian Provincial 44 v è$oEÝ Capital ( 3 ù ). These two institutions were important to Fuzhou’s urban reform. As shown in Map 2, the administrative boundaries of Republican Fuzhou extended beyond the city. However, the administrative overlap among the different administrative bodies was obvious in Republican Fuzhou. How did the Republican authorities design and implement municipal reform under such administrative uncertainty? How did Fuzhounese represent this historic city (through local print) and tried to give it a “modern” identity? To answer these questions, we begin by paying attention to the early Republican municipal reforms in Fuzhou, followed by an analysis of the aborted campaign for city construction and an exploration of the utopian urban plan presented in Fujian minguo ribao. In 1912, the Min and Houguan counties were combined to form Minhou County. Since the prefectural administration was abandoned, the three administrative agencies of the Fujian Provincial Government, the City Bureau of the Fujian Provincial Capital and the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital, paralleled and overlapped one another in Republican Fuzhou. The establishment of the City Bureau was an attempt to launch modern municipal administration in Fuzhou after the 1911 Revolution. It was set up in 1915 by the Chief of the Civil Administration of the Fujian Provincial Government ( 3 / . ùwé o ), Xu Shiying ( ), to initiate road construction. It was initially the 01Qv City Council of Fujian Province ( 3 ù$è$o ), which was a administrative 45 institution that focused on the modernization of the transportation system in Fuzhou.4 In its first year, the bureau took charge of the construction of a street which connected the “inner city” (the urban area within city wall) and Nantai. The street changed the flow of urban traffic, and the bureau continued to play a vital role in municipal administration. 5 From 1917 to 1920, it explored the possibility of sr 3lo constructing another road from Ximen ( 2 ) to Hongshan ( , in the northeastern suburb of Fuzhou). In 1919, it began to tear down walls in the southeastern part of the city and plan to construct a circling-road outside the city. At the same time, it expanded the streets that had heavy traffic, widening them to seven or eight chi ( ¢ ). $ G 56£7 It also established the Yanfuquan Motor Company ( 4 ) which was a government-private sector joint enterprise to provide long-distance transportation. The bureau also erected road lamps, built parking lots and was active in studying architecture, maintaining roads and constructing docks.6 Fuzhou benefited from this new modern administrative system, having 85 carriage, rickshaw and truck companies with over 1,200 vehicles available by 1916. Because of the new roads 4 6þHÎ < =;FAƧ8H`:9<; Chen Wentao û , Fuzhoushi shangxia gujin tan (General history of ¥>=@?BA Fuzhou), part 1, Vol. 1, the original copy collected by Fujian Provincial Library ( Customs Office of Fuzhou (ed.), Jindai Fuzhou ji Mindong diqu shehui jingji zhuangkuang Å :FÒV6ÄL? z÷;ø>¶A¸BG©H H< = (The social-economic condition in Fuzhou and Eastern Min area) (Fuzhou: Huayi chubanshe, 1992), p. 312. 6 C Fujian gongbao 46 constructed by the Bureau, the value of the land they passed through increased by three to four folds.7 The bureau had even drawn a plan for a “new city” in Fuzhou. The plan was based largely on the creation of a vibrant transportation network through the I building of roads. These included a series of 15 roads from Wangzhuang ( , ) and Þ$4 Fuxin Street ( ) on the west that would be linked eastwards to the foothills of lo ò Gu Mountain ( J ). Another 10 roads would be built outside of the Dongmen ( 'LK r ) towards the Min River ( ) in the South. The whole network covered an area of 10km and was to be termed the “New District”. Once completed, it was expected that the residents would migrate to this new district.8 The Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital had its roots from NMG£PO the Police Service Office ( Û ) in the Qing dynasty, which was responsible for policing the entire province. After the 1911 Revolution, the police organization was retained. In April 1913, the Police Service Office was renamed and became a police department that dealt specifically with police matters regarding the Fuzhou area.9 The Police Department gradually rationalized its policing system in Fuzhou. It initially divided Fuzhou into 4 areas, each governed by its own police branch. In April 1913, there were 38 sections, 152 watch posts and over 1,000 policemen under its employ. However, when it was realized that foreign embassies and many 7 Motor Transport Company of Fuian Province (ed.), Fujiansheng gongluyunshushi Q Police Department of the Fujian Provinicial Capital (ed.), Fujianshen gonganju yewujiyao Q§R S YPT Z>[ \^]>_ ` (Summary of services under the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital), 1937, pp. 1-2. 47 foreigners were located in Nantai, it set up a separate new branch for the fifth area.10 This form of pragmatic management not only served the different needs of the five areas, but also allowed for adequate attention to the policing of the city as a whole. Although the police organization was rationalized, its responsibilities were too broad, reducing its administrative potency to a great extent. In addition to urban security, the Police Department was responsible for fire fighting, urban sanitation maintenance, provision of social relief, house construction and so on. It also needed to promulgate policies in order to solve traffic problems. As a traditional provincial capital, roads in Fuzhou were usually narrow, which resulted in continuous traffic jams. In 1915, the Police Department promulgated a rule stipulating that pedestrians should only walk on the left side of main streets from Gulou ( a b ) to Wanshou 11 Bridge ( cd e ), which usually had heavy traffic. In brief, the establishment of the City Bureau and the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital represented the beginning of modern municipal administration in Fuzhou. Nonetheless, the two separate administrative organizations could not solve the deep-rooted problems of administrative management in Fuzhou. One difficulty was the lack of clear demarcation between the duties of these two organizations. In addition, these two organizations did not have an overall plan for the city’s governance, as well as suffered from a considerable lack of coordination. For example, in 1915, the Fujian gongbao (Fujian Public Bulletin) published an announcement by the provincial government stating that: “From now on, all the 10 Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital (ed.), Fujianshen gonganju yewujiyao, p. 2. 11 Fujian gongbao, Nov. 27, 1915, No. 1175. 48 issues about the house building along lanes and river banks are in the charge of the police department, but the city bureau bear the responsibility for the houses constructed along roads.”12 Both these organizations were involved in managing the housing problems in Fuzhou, resulting in the lack of a unified plan and ineffective management. Such an overlap of administrative systems also hindered the modernization of municipal administration. Although these two agencies were already set up to focus on civil affairs in the “Provincial Capital”, the administration in Fuzhou area was never clearly differentiated from the administration of Minhou County. Geographically, the traditional walled city of Fuzhou was a part of Minhou County, and the county government possessed some administrative jurisdiction over this “Provincial Capital”. In addition, the City Bureau and the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital did not function fully as a municipal administration. The overlaps in the administration of Fuzhou between Minhou County government and these two agencies led to many conflicts. Those conflicts frequently showed up in local print. In December 1916, several such reports were found in Fujian gongbao published by Fujian Provincial Government. In that month, both the governor of Minhou County and the chief of the Police Department reported the disasters and social problems happening in Fuzhou to the provincial governor Hu Ruilin ( f^gh ). Hu demanded 12 Ibid. 49 that both the police department and the county government solve those problems. However, this obscure command did not improve the administrative efficiency.13 Fujian Provincial Government Mi nhou County City Bureau of the Police Department Government Fujian Provincial of the Fujian Capital Provincial Capital Diagram 1: Administrative Agencies in Fuzhou (1912-1937) 14 In summary, during the early Republican era, the early attempt at launching a municipal administration in Fuzhou was not successful. On the one hand, Fuzhou did not have an effectively functioning municipal administration. On the other hand, the overlapping of three administrative agencies in Fuzhou led to unavoidable conflicts among them. Rowe argued that the limitations of centralized government were an impulse for semi-government activities by other social associations (represented by guilds). In addition, these associations became so powerful that they reduced the role of the central bureaucracy and they maintained their own balance with the local government on development issues in the city.15 In Republican 13 “Zhiling shenghui jingchating tingzhang yushaoying ijkSlYmknpooNqkrpst (Command for the chief of the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital)”, Fujian gongbao, Dec. 13, 1916, No. 287; Dec. 26, 1916, No. 297; Dec. 29, 1916, No. 300. 14 In December 1926, the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital renamed into “the Fuzhou Police Department ( Q&uBm was renamed into “the Fuzhou Works Bureau ( Q&u:v©]B[ )”. 15 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984), pp. 322-340. 50 Fuzhou, the centralized administration system just had been disbanded while the new modern municipal administration was not yet established. A new identity for the city and its citizens was evolving. However, this transition process was not favorable for the accelerated modernization of local government and urban development. Such a situation provided the impetus for the “Campaign for City Construction”. Abortive Campaign for City Construction In the early Republican era (1912-1916), there were only two levels of x administrative division, the province ( w ) and the county ( ). It was only at the beginning of the 1920s that the experiment of building a “city” with modern municipal administration was launched by the Beiyang Government. In 1921, the Beiyang Government set up several “special cities ( yNz{ )” with the power of self-government ( {}|~ ). The government pronounced that the “city” should have an independent municipal government and a mayor elected by democratic elections.16 In July 1925, a new municipal government was set up in Guangzhou. Wu Chaoshu ( ) was the mayor. The municipal government was in charge of the different facets of city management, such as population studies, city finance, public affairs, hygiene, law enforcement, urban construction, transportation, the provision of electricity, and water supply and so on. The Guangzhou Municipal Government had three departments under it: the Bureau of Civil Affairs ( { ), 16 X P:@©:B Xu Mao < , Zhonghua minguo zhengzhi zhidu shi (History of the political system in the Republican China) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1992), pp. 414-416. 51 17 M the Finance Department ( ) and the City Works Bureau ( ). It was the prototype of modern municipal government in modern China. Urban development had an inseparable link to the municipal administrative system. Prior to the Nanjing decade, the municipal administration in Fuzhou faced some serious problems. Among the problems that needed to be solved early was the duplication of functions within the administrative machinery. Fuzhou should have an independent municipal administration that was separated from provincial and county levels. After Fuzhou was placed under the rule of the Nanjing central government, a “Campaign for City Construction” was launched in 1926 in order to further strengthen administrative management. The purpose of this campaign was to separate the territory of Fuzhou from Minhou County and set up an independent municipal government. In January 1927, a special office, the Fuzhou Municipal 18 Administration Preparatory Office ( N{ N ), was set up. The campaign considered that only with the establishment of an independent municipal administrative system could Fuzhou continue with its overall urban planning and coordinated management. In December 1926, after the victory of the Northern Expedition in Fuzhou, the Provisional Political Council ( ¡l~^ ) which was then the controlling 17 B§ ¡§¢< Yuan Jicheng §§ , Li Jinxiu , Wu Dehua , Zhonghua minguo zhengzhi X zhide shi @§@L:< (History of the political system in the Republican China), (Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1991), pp. 126-129. 18 Fuzhou Municipal Government Gazetteer Compilation Committee (ed.), Fuzhoushi zhengfuzhi Qu£ ¤¥ (Fuzhou Municipal Government Gazetteer) (Fuzhou: Haichao sheying yisu chubanshe, 2003), p. 56. 52 organization of Fujian province, renamed the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital as “the Fuzhou Police Department ( N ¦§ )”. At the same time, the City Bureau of the Fujian Provincial Capital was renamed “the Fuzhou 19 Works Bureau ( NM )”. The authorities also planned to separate the Fuzhou city area from Minhou County.20 From 1926 to 1946, there was an intermittent campaign for city construction in Fuzhou. In the Fujian Provincial Construction Department’s annual work-plan of 1931, a “modern Fuzhou” should have a smooth traffic system, parks and running water. Road construction was the major issue in the transformation of the urban landscape, and connected with the execution of other major projects (such as city hall and parks).21 The metropolis space in Fuzhou city was too limited and the streets and roads were too narrow. In addition, the defensive city wall became the barrier to the expansion of urban space. Therefore, the tearing down of city walls and the construction of a traffic network were the first two tasks in the “Campaign for City Construction”. Since 1927, the first chief of Fujian Provincial Construction Department , Ding Chaowu ( ¨©Nª ) began to boldly demolish the city wall and promote the construction of a better traffic system. He tore down the city walls in the southwestern part of the city and used the bricks and stones as the materials for building roads and docks. At the same time, he dredged up the inland river and filled 19 Fuzhou Municipal Government Gazetteer Compilation Committee (ed.), Fuzhoushi zhengfuzhi, p. 56. 20 Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital (ed.), Fujianshen gonganju yewujiyao, p. 35. 21 “Fuzhou shizheng jihua dagang Q©u<£<B«<¬©§® ” (Municipal plan of Fuzhou), Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan Q§R 53 the stagnant lakes and ponds.22 These decisive actions greatly improved traffic flow and improved hygiene conditions in Fuzhou. Furthermore, these actions began the momentum of rebuilding the city’s urban landscape. In 1928, the second chief of the Fujian Provincial Construction Department, Xu Xianshi ( ²³p ), continued to vigorously push for the development of the traffic and transportation system in Fuzhou. In the same year, a new 12-meter wide road was built under his direction. This project initially encountered strong resistance from residents, and there was even a need to put down a strike from merchants. The construction department endured the pressure and insisted on constructing a modern-style road to serve as a model. Eventually, citizens started to realize the benefit of modern roads and the rebuilding of old streets was accepted by them. Meanwhile, in order to enlarge the urban space, the project of demolishing city walls was carried out gradually. By 1930, 5,000 meters’ city walls had been torn down. Meanwhile, the building of a circle road around the city was started.23 From 1926 to 1930, the first provincial government enlarged urban space by tearing down city walls. In addition, the road construction during these years was another achievement. These actions were the early moves by the local authorities towards the establishment of a “modern city”. Furthermore, they encouraged the development of municipal administration in Fuzhou. In 1933, the provincial government also proposed to separate the Fuzhou city area from the jurisdiction of 22 Chen Wentao, Fuzhoushi shangxigujin tan, Part 1, Vol. 1, p. 13. 23 Ibid., pp. 13-15. 54 Minhou County and delegate full administrative right to the Fuzhou municipal government.24 However, the city wall project was disrupted by the January 6th Rebellion ¸¹º ( ´ µ¶ · ) in 1930. Due to the strife with Yang Shuzhuang ( , Provincial Governor of Fujian (1927-1930)), Lu Xingbang ( »¼N½ ), a warlord who was entrenched in northern Fujian province, abducted 6 Provincial Committee members in order to threaten the Fujian Provinical Government.25 The Chief of the Provincial Construction Department, Xu Xianshi was among these 6 members. After Xu had been kidnapped, urban development in Fuzhou lacked a strong and committed leader and hence, was bogged down for about one year.26 The subsequent political situation in Fuzhou was also not advantageous for the Campaign of City Construction. At the end of 1932, the Nineteenth Army ( ¾¿ ÀÁ ) entered and stationed itself in Fuzhou. After this army actively fought back the Japanese troops invading Shanghai in December 1932, the Nineteenth Army was ordered by the KMT central government to withdraw from Shanghai and move to Fujian to suppress Communist troops. Several commanders of this army, Chen ÄPÅ Æ ÇÈÉ Minshu ( Â>à ), Cai Tingkai ( ) and Jiang Guangnai ( ) did not agree with the KMT central government’s policy of compromising with Japanese invaders. 24 Í:Y<Î “Fujiansheng zhengfu weiyuanhui di 230 ci huiyi yishilu Q©R ΩϧР” (Record of the No. 230 meeting of Fujian Provincial Committee), Fujian gongbao , Vol. 285, Jan. 16, 1933. 25 Ó^Ô Õ>Ö × Ø>Ï Ù Ú>Û Han Zhen Ñ¡Ò , “Lu Xingbang yu ‘yiliu shijian’ tanxi ‘ ’ ” th (Discussion on Lu Xingbang and January 6 Rebellion), Fuzhou daxue xuebao Q©uB©Ü<ÜBÝ (Fuzhou University Journal), Vol. 14, No. 4 (2000), pp. 23-28. 26 Fujian sanshinianlai shengzheng ji minjun shanbian jilüe mulu Q©RBÞ©ßBà§á§SB©â>äã:å æ _&çèéÐ (Records of the political and military evolution in the recent 30 years ê , collected by Fujian Provinical Library, 1942. pp. 28-31. 55 In addition, the army was in a disadvantageous position in Fujian’s battle against the Chinese Communists and was thus faced with a dilemma. In order to unite other powers against Jiang Jieshi ( Çëì , Chiang Kai-Shek), Chen Mingshu and other military leaders decided to initiate peace talks with the Communist Party. On November 20, 1933, the Fujian Rebellion ( í¶îkï also called the “Min Rebellion ð î ” ) erupted. A new government against the KMT central government, known as the “People’s Revolutionary Government of the Republic of China ( ñLòóôöõ&÷ ø&ùú û )” was set up in Fuzhou. However, the rebellion was soon suppressed by Jiang Jieshi’s superior military strength in January 1934. 27 The short-lived government was unable to focus on administrative reforms and development. On the contrary, the political turbulence and military strife interrupted urban reform in Fuzhou. During the Nanjing decade, the ambition of establishing a new Fuzhou was not endorsed by the Nanjing Central Government, due to insufficient government funds. Particularly, on the eve of the Fujian Rebellion, the Nanjing central government had cut off the financial appropriation for the Fujian Provincial Government and the Nineteenth Army.28 In January 1933, when the provincial 27 After the defeat in Northern Fujian and the revolt of Xiamen government, the major leaders of Fujian Rebellion started to retreat from Fuzhou. On January 13, 1934, the People Republican Revolutionary Government of China stopped operating and the headquarters was moved to þ ÿ Zhangping üBý . Meanwhile, the Nanjing Central Government commanded Chen Yi to be the Provinicial Governor. On January, Jiang’s amry entered Fuzhou city and took over the urban administration before the new provincial government was set up. Lloyd E. Eastman, The Abortive Revolution: China under Nationalist Rule, 1927-1937 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard ¡ £¢ University Press, 1974), pp. 85-139; Wu Minggang ¡ , 1933 Fujian Shibian Shimo 1933 楤§¦ Q©R§Ï (The details of the Fujian Rebellion in 1933), (Hubei: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 2006), pp. 309-327. 28 Wu Minggang, 1933 Fujian Shibian Shimo, pp. 216-221. 56 government committee discussed the proposal for Campaign for City Construction, it issued a statement: Fuzhou is an important provincial area. In order to promote local prosperity, it should be set up as a city. But, if Fuzhou wanted to be established as a city, sufficient financial revenue should be one of essential conditions. … In the case of Fuzhou, it did not have the sources for independent financial revenue. Its financial funds were extremely limited- only 4,000 yuan each month, which was allocated by the provincial finance department. …29 After the Fujian Rebellion, the third provincial government faced even worse financial pressure. In order to resolve the problem of fiscal stress, this provincial government simplified the municipal administration. It even petitioned the Nanjing Central Government for the Campaign for City Construction to be discarded. 30 In December 1934 ï the Nanjing Central Government approved the request. After the end of the campaign, the overlapping administrations under Fujian Provincial Government and Minhou County Government again became a major obstacle to urban development in Fuzhou. The situation appeared to change in 29 ¥¨§jBÌ © “Instruction of Fujian Provincial Government No. 683, Q©R©SBB¤ 683 ” (No. 683 command of Fujian Provincial Government), Fujian gongbao, Jan. 30, 1933, No. 287. 30 ¥¨§jBÌ © “Instruction of Fujian Provincial Government No. 3799, Q§R©SBB¤ 3799 ” (No. 3799 command of Fujian Provincial Government), Fujian gongbao, Sep. 15, 1934, No. 424. 57 February 1937 when the Fujian Provincial Government issued a directive to organize existing provincial capital administration units into the “Provincial Capital 31 ^ Municipal Administration Council ( wPN{ )”. However, the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War forced the Fujian Provincial Government to move to the hinterland away from the coastal area. The council which had just been set up did not even have the opportunity to begin its work before it was terminated. In conclusion, the Nanjing Decade witnessed the Campaign for City Construction in Fuzhou. Yet, for various reasons, the city never established its own municipal government. Under such circumstances, the role of local print on urban development and its portrayal of the aspirations of Fuzhou’s citizen became much more important. Because of the ineffective administration, there was no overall plan for the implementation of urban development in Fuzhou. Local print became the important bridge for citizens to express their expectations for Fuzhou, where were not discouraged in spite of the turbulent political situation. During the Nanjing Decade, local print in Fuzhou effectively conveyed the citizenry’s vision of a new and modern Fuzhou city. Utopian Urban Planning In 1899, a missionary described Fuzhou in her diary in a sympathetic but nonetheless sneering tone. Based on her one-day travel around the city, she depicted it as a 31 ê Fujian shinian: 1935-1945 Q©R§ßBà Ten year of Fujian Province: 1935-1945 , collected by Provincial Library of Fujian, 1945, p. 31. 58 hellish place. According to her, the city was full of coolies while the streets were crowded, dirty, smelly and noisy. Steps were made of stone, which proved steep and slippery. Peddlers were doing their business along the bridge and the food they sold was too messy to guess its composition. Citizens frequently quarreled on the streets and violent fights occasionally broke out. The main bridge and major landmark in this city, Wanshou Bridge, was a favorite haunt of beggars and lepers. It was often not surprising to see a corpse lying there.32 These disparaging descriptions from a foreigner vividly described the citizens’ everyday life. The wish for urban reform in Fuzhou came not only from the authorities but also from its citizens as well. During the Nanjing decade, local print emerged not only as the main platform for the authorities to propagate their ruling policies, but they also became a channel for individuals to voice their views and contribute to the planning of their hometown. An outstanding example of citizenry effort was a serial article about urban planning published in Fujian minguo ribao, running for almost one month in May 1933. In this series, the author not only outlined the overall urban layout, but also provided all kinds of details, including possible construction difficulties. Looking into Fuzhou’s case, the author described urban layouts in different countries and compared the differences between Chinese cities and those of other countries. ¡ Biographical information on the author, Chen Yongpu (  ), could not be located 32 “Fuh-chou, the Banyan City”, The Church Missionary Gleaner 1899, June 1, 1899, pp. 84-86. Church Missionary Society Archive. East Asia Mssions. The South China Mission Covering 1885-1934 (Microforms), collected by Library of National University of Singapore (Marlborough, England: Adam Matthew Publications, 2001). 59 because he was probably using a pen-name. However, we can be sure that he was a well-educated man from Fuzhou because he addressed it as “my city” in his article. From his writing, he was a bilingual who knew English. In addition, he was familiar with the histories of other countries. First, Chen highlighted the importance of city layout. He specifically pointed out that planning a city’s layout was a science. In addition, it would better ø { improve the welfare of “modern residents ”( ). The author considered that the science of urban planning was necessary for “modern China”. He noted that after the Industrial Revolution, one of the significant developments of “modern cities” in Europe was that more and more people flowed into them from the countryside. Modern municipal science should therefore be accorded attention. This group of scientists should take responsibility for designing cities to benefit citizens both materially as well as spiritually.33 The author modeled his vision of modernity on concepts from the European Enlightenment. However, his detailed urban planning demonstrated his strong wish to transform the traditional Fuzhou into a modern Chinese city. In that decade, Fuzhou’s inhabitants already began to imagine and yearn for a modern city. Chen’s urban planning focused on comprehensive transformations of the urban landscape. He considered careful planning to be the essence of successful urban development. His urban plan started with an elaborate urban survey. The survey covered various aspects, including streets, parks, as well as undeveloped 33 <£ ©¯:« Chen Yongpu þ , “Chengshi zhi sheji ” (Plan for cities), Fujian minguo ¡ éÝ ribao Q§RPB (Fujian Republican Daily), May 4, 1933. 60 areas with potential for further development, public buildings, transportation, public electric facilities, water conservation, density of population, distribution of factories, living condition of residents, laws, financial revenue conditions and so on. All of these should be considered within the survey before drawing up detailed urban plans.34 The author saw city plans as being divided into two general types. The first type was the layout for designing an entirely new city in a clear space. If there were no financial and military obstacles, this type of urban development could be carried out much easier than the second one. The second was the plan to transform an old and traditional city. He believed this was relevant for most traditional Chinese cities, including Fuzhou. To transform an old city was considered as the more difficult approach. This kind of urban plan included two ambivalent elements - demolishment and construction. Therefore, from the beginning, the author already foresaw the difficulties in Fuzhou’s urban transformation. For urban designers and builders, these two contradictory elements brought many difficulties. In the transformation of an old city, the new urban plan could hardly avoid affecting the interests of some old landlord who would take an opposing stand to urban changes. After the transformation of the old city, the original land prices would rise and this in turn would affect the acquisition of public land for official use. Therefore, the transformation of the old city often required a considerable amount of financial 34 §£§©¯B« Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu) ( )” (Plan for cities (continued)), Fujian minguo ribao, May 11, 1933. 61 support, which proved to be the greatest obstacle to the transformation of many Chinese cities that were under financial stress during the Republican era. Similar to the case of Shanghai during the Republican era, the attainment of urban modernity in Fuzhou also required the participation of various actors. The intellectual elite were not the sole element taking part in the urban transformation of Republican cities.35 The print culture blooming in Republican Chinese cities was the soil to cultivate the “modern consciousness” not only for the urban elite but also P© for the urban commoners. Levenson argued that one of Liang Qichao’s ( ) significant contributions was that he introduced the the consciousness of rivalry and competition with the foreign countries to the Chinese people. In addition, Liang emphasized the improvement of Chinese tradition.36 In Chen’s urban layout, he compared China’s cities to Western ones in order to draw out how broad transformations could be effectively integrated with existing Chinese structures and systems to modernize the cities. Chinese modernity since the “May Fourth Paradigm” had been considered to be strongly influenced by Western ideas. The reformers modeled their vision of modernity on the European Enlightenment.37 Particularly, for the new presses in 1920s’ Shanghai, “modernity” was understood by Chinese enlightened intellectuals 35 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, Shanghai Modern, the Flowering of a new urban culture in China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge, Mass., London: Harvard University Press, 1999). 36 Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch’i-chao, and the mind of modern China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953). 37 Ip Hungyok, Hon Tzeki, Lee Chiuchun, “The Plurality of Chinese Modernity: a Review of Recent Scholarship on the May Fourth Movement”, Modern China, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Oct., 2003), p. 491. 62 as “Western civilization”.38 Chen also began his blueprint by reviewing historical case studies of urban cities from various countries. The author praised the neat streets in ancient Egypt and the effective drainage system in ancient Rome. He criticized the shortcomings of the municipal administrations during the Middle Ages in Europe, which had led to messy streets and dirty blocks. He compared the different urban styles in Washington and Paris. In his opinion, the chessboard-style in Washington was convenient for residents’ daily life and municipal administration. In contrast, the urban planning in Paris was much more attractive. The city layout in Paris revolved around certain central points. These central points usually housed important government offices or central parks. The city layout was shaped like flowers that bloomed from the central points. Therefore, such a design had made the capital city very beautiful. These comparisons of Chinese cities with cities in other countries indicated that, the author, who might be representative of an “intellectual elite”, hoped to introduce the new “civilization” from abroad to residents in Fuzhou.39 At the same time, he also compared the conditions in Fuzhou with those in other cities. In the author’s opinion, Fuzhou lacked an Urban Planning Committee which was necessary for a modern city.40 After his overall analysis, Chen carefully discussed the details of his plan. The first one was about building a new transportation system in this traditional city. He pointed out that a good transportation system was the key to the prosperity of a 38 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, Shanghai Modernity, p. 45. 39 Ip Hungyok, Hon Tzeki, Lee Chiuchun, “The plurality of Chinese modernity ”, Modern China, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Oct., 2003), pp, 491-492. 40 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 4, 1933. 63 city. For a city near to the sea as was the case of Fuzhou, both overland communication and maritime transportation should be paid extra attention. Urban designers should connect the two systems of transportations and guarantee that the pedestrian pathways as well as the circulation of commodities were unimpeded. Modern roads were arteries and veins. On street building, the author believed that the streets must be unobstructed.41 Chen advocated the concept of “modern residents” which he considered to be the prerequisites for the new Fuzhou city. Other than transforming the spatial ø ¡{ landscape, a well-educated, cohesive and “perfect citizenry” ( !#"%$ ) was also one of the basic features of a modern city. In 1902, Liang Qichao published the ø(' famous Xinmin shuo ( & , Discourse on the new citizen) arguing that the revival of China needed the creation of “new citizens”. Liang argued that the “new citizen” should inherit the essence of Chinese tradition as well as learn the advantages that the West offered.42 Several scholars have highlighted nationalism and human rights as two main characteristics of Liang’s “new Chinese”.43 In his article on the envisioned urban layout of a new modern Fuzhou, Chen echoed Liang’s idea of the “new citizen”. He advised that “modern residents” be shaped through building new social attitudes and cultural values for the new Fuzhou city. First of all, the author 41 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji xu”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 11, 1933. 42 ,- Liang Qichao )(*§+ , Xinmin shuo (Discourse on the new citizen) (Shenyang: Liaoning Renmin Chubanshe, 1994), p. 7 43 Zhou Jianchao . “Lun Liang Qichao de ‘Xin Minshuo’ ” X§;¥< (Discuss “New Citizen” of Liang Qichao), Lishi dang’an : (Historical archives), Vol. 3 *¥? (1997), pp. 88-94; Wang Min =¥> ,“Qimeng yu fansi: Lun Liang Qichao de Xinmin Sixiang 2@2A(BC1 )*§+43C,^CA£D Ö ”(Enlightenment and reflection: discuss the “new citizen” of X§E Liang Qichao ), Shilin (Historical review), Vol. 3 (2003), pp. 32-40. 64 supported the introduction and popularization of new attitudes towards body health. Andrew Morris considered the origin of Chinese physical culture had been accomplished with the Self-Strengthening Reforms in the late Qing dynasty. For the reformers and revolutionaries, “individual bodily strength and physical fitness” was “the key to larger issues of national and racial survival.”44 For his blueprint, Chen advocated strengthening the individual body in line with Chinese urbanization. In his opinion, the “modern citizen” should have a strong body, and hence they need new sport grounds and all kinds of public sports facilities. Secondly, the new citizen was also requested to embrace modern hygienic culture. The “hygienic modernity” was also to be launched in Republican Fuzhou.45 Chen paid attention to the development of modern hygienic facilities in the city. The modern citizen would desire a modern hygienic system to be set up. Therefore, modern hospitals, garbage dumps, crematories and cemeteries needed to be built in the city.46 Chen tried to demonstrate a new awareness and appreciation of new urban forms. The distribution of public architecture, the allocation of land for public utilities as well as the establishment of all kinds of parks were issues that concerned the benefits of citizens. The urban modernity in the elitist discourse on the commercial press had “little to do with the nation or any particular political 44 Andrew Morris, “ ‘To Make the Four Hundred Million Move’: The late Qing Dynasty Origins of Modern Chinese Sport and Physical Culture”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 42, No. 4 (Oct., 2000), p. 878. 45 Ruth Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2004). 46 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 13, 1933. 65 ideology”.47 It was focused on individual life and personal comfort “as made by modern-day inventions, hygiene and fashion”. 48 He was attentive to citizens’ morality, education, health, and argued that the central public architecture, such as city halls and libraries should be located in the center of the city for the citizens’ convenience. On the other hand, hospitals, lazarettos, prisons, garbage dumps, and cemeteries should be moved to the outskirt of cities, away from the dense population. The entire distribution of public buildings in a city should be beneficial for all its residents.49 The author also emphasized the necessity of building parks in the city. During the Republican era, the establishment of public parks was one of the important symbols of Chinese urbanization. After the 1911 Revolution put an end to two thousand years of imperial rule, many imperial parks were opened to urban commoners in Republican Beijing.50 Meanwhile, setting up parks was seen as an important symbol of modernization by Republican reformers. For instance, when Beijing was transformed from an imperial capital to a normal Republican city, a municipal construction proposal was made in 1914, which emphasized the importance of parks in a city. It argued that “without proper entertainment (such as parks), people would go for unhealthy amusements, such as eating, drinking, prostitution and gambling ( F%GHJI ) . In comparison with foreign countries, 47 Ip Hungyok, Hon Tzeki, Lee Chiuchun, “The Plurality of Chinese Modernity”, Modern China, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Oct., 2003), p. 495. 48 Ibid. 49 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 13, 1933; May 14, 1933. 50 L MN¥O©T(PRQ£S&Ö©T£T(U(V¥3CW X Wang Wei = K , “Jindai Beijing gongyuan ” (The opening of modern park in Beijing and the expansion of “Public Space”), Beijing shehui kexue BY Z©Ü N¥O Y (Beijing social science), Vol. 2 (2008), pp. 52-53. 66 Chinese lacked productive entertainment. We should challenge the wrong practices in this society so that we could realize the social transformation thoroughly. It was a helpful measure to change the society by setting up parks.”51 In Republican China, the modern parks were not only the space opened for public recreation, but also served as a multi-function public space. For instance, in order to popularize the [0\^] healthy living style and new urban culture, the Zhongshan Park ( ñ ) in Hankou, which was a very popular urban space for citizens, became the main location for public activities, such as public lectures, festive gatherings, sports, and even Western style weddings. 52 Chen believed that modern parks should be integrated into public education so as to help to reshape the urban culture. Therefore, various kinds of park were considered necessary to modern Fuzhou. These would not only enhance urban aesthetics, but also be beneficial for purifying and improving residents’ spirits.53 Besides the practicality of the municipal buildings, convenient transportation and completed sanitation systems, the author also attached great importance to urban aesthetics. In Chen’s opinion, besides having all kinds of parks to increase the beauty of the urban landscape, all the practical municipal buildings should be built with nice exterior appearances. The roads should be spacious and 51 &T(Pa¥b c2d<Ö¥e:á “Shejitan gongyuan yubei zhi guoqu yu weilai Y _¥` (Preparation of §f2g the State Park)”, Shizheng tonggao £< (Announcement of Municipal Constructions) , Vol. 2, 1915, pp. 9-10. 52 § j§k Hu Junxiu h£i , Huang Xuan , “Minguo Hankou Zhongshan gongyuan yu jindai ¥lJm§ n§TP©Ö¡L¡M4o4lpY¡Y q¡r wuhan shehui shenghuo > ” (Zhongshan Park in Republican Hankou and the social life in early Modern Wuhan), Wuhan wenbo o2l2s2t (Wuhan literature and history), Vol. 3 (2008), p, 4-5. 53 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 17, 1933; May 18, 1933. 67 smooth with trees planted along both sides. Those trees would not only circulate clean air (which would benefit citizen health), but also provide shelters for pedestrians in summer. Furthermore, those trees would increase the beauty of the whole city. In addition, the roads should be equipped with adequately bright street lighting. Chen considered street lightings to be closely related to social order and public morality. He believed that the social chaos in London in the 19th century was a result of municipal corruption as well as the dark streets. Hence, full street facilities were essential in the progress of a modern city. ‘The bright lights of the city not only added the beauty to cities, but would also be able to drive out the hidden evil. In summary, he considered the street lightings “could guarantee the public safety and purify the spirits of citizens”.54 Such a romantic conclusion demonstrated that he was not only devoted to urban landscape changes, but also persisted in building a virtuous spirit within urban spaces. His urban plan would bring modernization to a city, as well as facilitate the daily lives of its residents. In addition, Chen tried to unite all the residents from different classes within a city. His urban plan was devoted to the benefit of the common people rather than for the elite classes. The fire stations, police stations, schools and parks should be located across the whole city. It would be more convenient for residents from different classes, who lived in different areas, to share all of these public municipal facilities. This was especially so for the constructions of the parks, Chen pointed out that the public parks were built not only for social elites, but also for commoners.55 54 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 13, 1933; May 14, 1933. 55 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 14, 1933; May 17, 1933. 68 He also highlighted the problem of slums in most Chinese cities. He planned to solve the conflict between the elite class and urban poor by dividing them into different residential areas. The municipal government should be responsible for designing and building clean and comfortable residential blocks for the urban poor. Furthermore, a modern municipal government should pursue the education of urban poor in order to purify their spirits. In the end, the whole urban space would be developed in harmony with a wonderful social attitude and cultural values.56 All city plans need a large amount of funds to be implemented and realized. Unfortunately, from the very beginning of the Republican era, the fiscal condition of Fuzhou was in a troubled state. Chen ended his discussion of his city plan by highlighting this serious problem and suggesting two possible solutions. He felt that the financial problems had to be solved before urban development could proceed smoothly. In order to solve this main problem, he adopted a Western financial 57 concept – Public Debt ( \6u ). As recorded by documents in the Nanjing government archives, the Provincial Government of Fujian had regularly published accounts of its public debt between 1927 and 1938, especially the Road Construction À 58 uw Bond issues ( v ) that were raised almost every year. This showed that bond issues were one possible means of partially solving the financial difficulties for urban development. The other solution was to charge a benefit tax ( xzy { ). Chen argued for the need to estimate the costs of civil projects and then to collect the 56 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 18, 1933. 57 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 20, 1933. 58 ¥|§}&TR~§Ï¥08¥¥§ “Fujian faxing gongzai shixiang fu mujin kuquan Q©R 69 required funds needed through taxation.59 This suggestion was indeed carried out later.60 In short, a Fuzhou citizen was able to use local print to present an attractive utopian vision of the new Fuzhou. In addition, his urban plan narrated a vision of Chinese modernity in an urban space, which went further than thee paradigms that focused on nationalism and other political issues in the 1911 Revolution and May Fourth Movement. Eastman demonstrated that nationalist China lacked a stable political power and “pervasive consensus” in the new culture and social life.61 Hence, local print became one of the important impetuses for Chinese urbanization. Conclusion In conclusion, in Fuzhou’s case, neither the imperial government in the late Qing period nor the Republican government could produce an overall blueprint for its urban development. Therefore, the role of local print became vital. The urban plan published in Fujian minguo ribao, which was not commissioned by the authorities and might have been lacking in practicality, nonetheless gave the citizenry a beautiful dream for the city and their future life. However, there was also pressure on the government to implement the urban plan. Because of the circumstances in 59 Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu)”, Fujian minguo ribao, May 20, 1933. 60 The authorities was reported to have collected the benefit tax from the families who enjoy the benefit from new public facilities, such as new roads and parks. “Ni zhengshou shouyishui § Ý ” (Plan to collect the benefit tax), Fujian minbao Q§RP (Fujian People Daily), Oct. 23, 1936. 61 Lloyd E. Eastman, Joerome Chen, Suzanne Pepper, Lyman P. Van Slyke (eds.), the Nationalist Era in China, 1927-1949, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 ), p. 1. 70 Fuzhou, Chen’s ideal urban plan could hardly be turned into a reality. It was only an “utopian” plan, expressing the aspirations of a Fuzhounese for his city. 71 CHAPTER III BUILDING A NEW URBAN INFRASTRUCTURE In the 1920s, Liang Qichao underlined the importance of fusing desirable elements of Western culture with the best of Chinese traditions to arrive at a Chinese “modernity” that would preserve the Chinese civilization’s rightful place in a world composed of many civilizations.1 Modernization in late Imperial China was a long process in which traditional Chinese culture encountered other civilizations from the outside world that brought about transformations in all facets of Chinese society. Esherick pointed out that the city “proved to be a manageable social and political unit for significant modernizing efforts” in China in the early twentieth century.2 Among these transformations, the physical changes in the Chinese urban landscape, such as the construction and development of roads, walls and public facilities, was one of the significant elements in the study of Chinese urbanization. Commenting on the changes in Suzhou’s cityscape since 1895, Carroll remarked that “the physical layout” of the city, which started from road construction, “bore the marks of past history”.3 Fuzhou’s urban transformation also started with the modernization of its road system. 1 ¥2 £ Liang Qichao )2*§+ , Yinbingshi heji (Collected works from the Ice-Drinker’s studio) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989), Vol. 23, pp.55-59. 2 Joseph W. Esherick. Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900-1950. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), p. 1. 3 Peter J. Carroll. Between Heaven and Modernity: Reconstructing Suzhou, 1895-1937 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2006 ), p. 15. Engaging the Issue of Road Modernity In the late Qing, the streets in Fuzhou were described as dirty and messy. According to a foreign missionary: “The streets in Fuzhou were not wider than the pavements in Western countries. Some were so narrow that their width could only accommodate one sedan passing through.”4 The Maritime Customs also criticized the streets in Nantai area as having been paved with huge marble, which were rugged and made the roads uneven.5 In the early years of the People’s Republic, the streets in Fuzhou were still narrow and crowded with vegetable, fish and meat stalls.6 The physical deficiencies of Fuzhou’s roads called for improvement. Since the Republican era, the construction of modern transportation infrastructure had been of utmost significance in urban landscape building. In the urban plan published by Fujian minguo ribao, the author emphasized the primary importance of a good modern transportation infrastructure to the prosperity of a city. During the early Republican era, the construction of a transportation network, as well as other urban redevelopments, was carried out in Fuzhou. Since the beginning of the Nanjing decade, two administrative organizations, the Fuzhou Works Bureau and the Fujian Provincial Construction Department, were set up to pursue and implement 4 Justus Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese: with Some Account of Their Religious, Governmental, Educational and Bus, (New York: Harper & Brothers 1895) (Reprinted Singapore: G. Brash, 1986), p. 28. 5 Customs Office of Fuzhou (ed.), Jindai Fuzhou ji Mindong diqu shehui jingji zhuangkuang L §Q&u£¡£YBY2 §2 M (The social-economic condition in Fuzhou and Eastern Min area) (Fuzhou: Huayi chubanshe, 1992), pp. 368-369. 6 “Fuzhou shizheng jihua dagang Q&uB£<<«<¬©<® ” (Municipal plan of Fuzhou), Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan Q§R§R§¯ 73 road construction in Fuzhou. As the new urban landscape began to take shape, reports of these development efforts and programs flooded local print in Fuzhou. The City Bureau of Fujian Provincial Capital, which was set up in 1915, focused on the construction of a modern transportation network. Its first main contribution was the building of Fuxin Street, completed in January 1916. Four li ( ) long and twenty chi wide, the road extended continuously from Shuibu ( # ) within the city’s interior to the northern bank of Taijiang ( ), which was outside the city, to the Nantai area (commercial center).7 Costing about 120 yuan and requiring the tearing down of the city gate tower in Shuibu, it was considered one of the most advanced roads in the entire Fujian province.8 The bureau also made improvements to the existing major streets, widening these into cement roads which were seven to eight chi wide.9 The City Bureau also added street lamps to the main streets and set up markets along these. In addition, it organized a government-private sector joint enterprise – the Yanfuquan Motor Company to start motor transportation. Henceforth, embryonic forms of modern roads began to appear in Fuzhou. Due to the turbulent political situation after 1922 however, there was no other road building project besides the À 10 completion of Suwei Road ( ¢¡ ). However, modern transportation infrastructure in the province was still limited before the Nanjing decade. After the construction of Fuxin Street and the rebuilding of some main streets in the city, no other road of comparable length was built. 7 Jindai Fuzhou ji Mindong diqu shehui jingji zhuangkuang , p. 312. 8 Ibid. 9 “Fuzhou shizheng jihua dagang”, Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 5, No. 7, Agu., 1931, p.2. 10 Ibid. 74 From December 1926 onwards, Fuzhou was occupied by the National Revolutionary Army and continued to be under the domination of the Nanjing government. The new regime showed great interest and enthusiasm towards the development of modern transportation infrastructure. In 1927, the Fujian Provincial Construction Department drafted a preliminary “Proposal for Street Transformation £¡¤#¥ ¦ À 11 in Fuzhou ( N{ )”. The proposal classified four kinds of roads: À ¨© ª#© «¬#© primary routes ( §4¨ ), main roads ( ), branches ( ) and junctions ( ). According to the proposal, a primary route, 6,000 zhang ( ) long, would be built #® from Gulou to Qiaonan ( e ), so that it could link the “inner city” with the Nantai area. This road would become the main artery for Fuzhou’s transportation. In addition, eight main roads would be built. In order to connect streets and lanes to most of the main roads, 15 branchroads totaling around 6,000 zhang and four junctions, which would be 800 zhang long in total, would also be built.12 If this proposal became a reality, a transportation network would be established in Fuzhou and the traffic conditions could be improved. The backward transportation conditions in Fuzhou caused great inconvenience for the citizen’s daily life. Fuzhou’s residents expressed their disaffection towards the conditions of the roads through local print. Fujian minguo ribao and Fujian minbao contained most of the new reports on issues about road construction. For example, one of these reports in 1932 pointed to the poor state of Tangmen Street ( ¯±°2² ), with citizens complaining that the street was rugged and 11 ©o§,<«B¬´µ ¶2·¡ê “Benting xinjihua (xu qianqi) ³ ” (New proposal of our department (followed previous volume), Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 2, No. 10, Oct. 1928. 12 “Benting xinjihua (xu qianqi) ”, Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 2, No. 10, Oct. 1928. 75 narrow. Children and older people who were passing the street could easily fall down. Therefore, residents requested the authorities to pay enough attention to road construction in the Tangmen area.13 The report should have aroused the attention of the Fuzhou Works Bureau. Correspondingly, a few days later, the news reported that a road was being built in Tangmen.14 Other than reporting the dissatisfaction of the citizenry, local newspapers also emphatically publicized the plans and policies for the development of transportation infrastructure. In September 1933, a policy that forbade any obstruction or hindrance to the development projects promulgated by the Fuzhou Municipal Works Bureau was announced in Fujian minguo ribao.15 Besides the Fuzhou Works Bureau, the Fujian Provincial Construction Department also valued the development of modern transportation. They set up a series of institutions to support heavy road construction during this period. Most of them focused on the projects in Fuzhou. The following diagram shows the organization of the institutions and agencies that were established to design, plan, manage and realize the development of modern transportation infrastructure and facilities: 16 13 ©U » ¼ “Tangmen xinglunan ¸p¹º} ” (Difficult to walk in Tangmen), Fujian minguo ribao ¡ éÝ RP< (Fujian Republican Daily), Apr. 19, 1932. 14 TU¾À¿ “Tangmenwai gonglu beizhan ¸±¹(½ ” (Road was been occupied outside Tangmen) , Fujian minguo ribao, Apr. 19, 1932. 15 16 of road constructions under the Fujian Provincial Construction Department), Fujian minbao ¼ Ý RP (Fujian People Daily), Dec. 6, 1935; Dec. 7, 1935. 76 Fujian Provincial Construction Department General Department of Road Construction Branches of Road Construction Bureau Road Maintenance Survey Team Construction Team Bureau Diagram 2: Branches Focusing on Road Constructions under the Fujian Provincial Construction Department 17 As Esherick commented, the Chinese urban reforms in the early twentieth century were “liberating and disorienting, bringing both empowerment and anxiety.”18 The construction of a modern transportation network in a city with over 2,000-year history as Fuzhou, involved the destruction of many original buildings for the acquisition of new space. For example, in 1915, the authorities tried to widen several main streets crossing Gulou in the center of the walled city, Nanmendou and Wanshou Bridge. These important roads linked the center of the walled city to the commercial area and the cargo dock of Min River, which ensured the flow of commerce in the city. The project, which required the destruction of the shops along 17 LR S¥¡T©U&RL¯ “Fujiansheng zhi gonglu jianshe ¼ ” (Process of road constructions in l$\ ± Fujian), Minzheng yekan (Category of achievements by Fujian Provincial Government), collected by Fujian Provinical Library, 1939, pp. 1-6. 18 Joseph W. Esherick. Remaking the Chinese City, p. 1. 77 these streets, was a failure because of strong opposition from the denizens.19 These processes led to serious conflicts between the public and the authorities during the Republican era, which required an authoritative mediator to implement development plans and gather support from the residents. Thus, local print had a role in supporting the new urban landscape and mobilizing popular support. In 1927, the authorities made a decision to tear down the walls around the historic ‘inner city’ and construct a road encircling Fuzhou. The city walls from the western gate to the southern gate earmarked to be torn down were around 800 zhang in length. The authorities also planned to build a car park in the location of the original southern city wall tower.20 The plan would alter the urban landscape and bring about smooth traffic flow in the city center. However, the decision caused enormous panic among its inhabitants, because there were many commoners who had built their houses along the city walls. Both Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan and Fujian jiansheting yuekan published continuous reports about the conflicts that ensued during the huge redevelopment project. The demolition of the city walls was criticized by the commoners who felt they were being robbed of their houses without much compensation. For example, when the Fujian Provincial Construction Department began to tear down the southwestern section of the walls, over 200 19 “Fuzhou shizheng jihua dagang”, Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 5, No. 7, Agu., 1931, p.3. 20 “Ling di yiersansi qushu paijing zhaoliao chaixie chengqiang jianzhu fuyan gonglu wen jBÌ 2ÉBÞ4ÊRCËÌ:m Í Î¥Ï2У¥Ñ§Ò2¼ Ó&T:U¥s × ” (Command No.1 to No. 4 police branches to send policemen to invigilate tearing down city walls and constructing Fuyan gonglu), Fuzhou &u:m§&°:± jingzheng yuekan ¼ (Fuzhou Police Department Monthly), Vol. 5, Nov. 1927. 78 families claimed they suffered losses.21 Based on the existing compensation policy, however, only 80 to 90 families could claim around 6,000 yuan as compensation from the Fujian Provincial Construction Department. 22 This provoked great dissatisfaction and anger among these residents. Around 200 families whose houses were located along the city walls united to protest this plan. Fujian minguo ribao reported this event. These commoners claimed that they had been living along the city wall for several hundreds years since the time of their ancestors. The houses were their only assets, which could not be given up. They appealed to the authorities to abandon or revise the road construction plan and take their rights into consideration. Local print was actively involved in the serious tensions between development efforts and individual interest. It was galling for local print to negotiate between urban reform and private interests. The attitude of local print kept oscillating between the authorities and the urban commoners. The editors reporting the appeals from the urban commoners were inclined to sympathize with them. So they criticized the Fujian Provincial Construction Department for not taking care of commoners’ welfare. However, they also suggested that the authorities continue the road construction after resolving the conflicts appropriately.23 A citizen called Chen 21 “Fujiansheng jiansheting guanyu shenghui gongwuchu song shilu shouyong dijia dengjibiao 22 §o<ÏB\< }¥©`ܵ §¶·^ê “Benting shiye jingxing gaiyao (xu qianqi) ³ ” (Summary of all processes in our department (followed previous volume)), Fujian jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 2, No. 8, Aug. 1928, p. 2. 23 >ßÞ§ ÏàC¥Ñ “Fucheng Jumin Dizhi Chaichu Chengqiang ¥Ý ” (Residents along the city wall resist to tear down city wall), Fujian minguo ribao, Apr. 21, 1928. 79 Futing represented over 200 families to raise a petition, avowing that if the project was carried out, they would lose their properties and their families would be broken. They would become homeless and penurious. Thus, Chen declared they would rather be killed than lose their houses.24 His censure agitated the anger of the public. The road construction was interrupted for seven months.25 These commoners, who were more concerned with their own individual interests than with urban modernity, obstructed road development in Republican Fuzhou. The Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan was one of the periodicals which strongly supported the road construction. In order to resume the project, it posted a notification to clarify that the Fujian Provincial Construction Department did provide compensation to those who had land deeds. However, many residents were neither legal house-owners nor tenants. The editor denounced these residents as being only concerned about personal profit and caring nothing about attaining urban modernity. They demanded that the residents support the project. In addition, they also announced that the police would supervise the project and ensure peace and stability in the city.26 The conflicts exposed by local print finally aroused the attention of the Fujian Provincial Government. The government issued a declaration promising to 24 “Fujian shengfu guanyu fuzhoushi shuibumen, nanmendou deng meixian erbai yujia jumin §R©S¤Ô Õ§¼§u<£ á âp¹ãCäz¹ daibiao chengqing chaicheng zhulu wuai minju de xunling ¼ å¥æ ç2è PßM§Û2ì í¥Ï Ò&U î§Ä8Ý3C¨§j É2é§ê§ë¥Ý ” (Fujian Provincial Government Order: the petition of over 200 households resisted city walls project in Shuibumen and ê Nanmendou in Fuzhou), 1927-1928, Fujian Provincial Archives: 36-1-38 1 . 25 Ibid. 26 §TBU<[£Ïð ñ ä “Bugao gongluju chaihui xinan chengqiang jianzhu yanfu gonglu wen ï2g ©R§Ò2Ó ¼LT:U¥s ¥Ñ ” (Bulletin of the southwestern walls was on unblocking to construct Yanfu gonglu), Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol. 4, Oct, 1928. 80 compensate those who lost their houses because of the road project and a detailed compensation plan was made. It legislated that the families which kept land deeds would be paid the full price for their houses and moving expenses; those who paid rent tax would be refunded the tax and paid the moving fee; those who did not have land deeds and never paid rent tax would only be paid a moving fee.27 In the end, it took the authorities four years to finish the project. From 1927 to 1931, the length of the city wall which had been torn down amounted to around 5,000 meters. As a result, the “inner city” and Nantai area was finally linked and the transportation routes between these two areas were no longer blocked by city walls.28 Local print in Fuzhou also voluntarily performed a role as investigator. Fujian minguo ribao traced the whole process of the construction of Fuma Road ( À ò ). One of the important road construction projects in Republican Fuzhou, the ò4ó road was 23 kilometers long and connected Fuzhou with Mawei ( ) - the seaport area which was around 30 kilometers away from Fuzhou. The newspaper began their reports on the construction right from its commencement on 12 February 1933, and continued observing its progress. On 2 April, it reported that the first section of the road had already been completed, that the second section would be completed soon, and that the third section was being surveyed by engineers, and its construction would commence in a few days. In addition, the Fujian Provincial Construction Department posted an announcement to invite public tenders for the 27 “Fujian shengfu guanyu fuzhoushi shuibumen, nanmendou deng meixian erbai yujia jumin daibiao chengqing chaicheng zhulu wuai minju de xunling”, 1927-1928, Fujian Provinical ê Archives: 36-1-38 1 . 28 “Fuzhou Shizheng Jihua Dagang”, Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 5, No. 7, Aug. 1931, p. 3. 81 construction of culverts along the road.29 On 23 May, Fujian minguo ribao reported the Fujian Provincial Construction Department’s command that Fuma Road be opened to traffic on 1 June. It also demanded the acceleration of the construction of the road so that the entire project could be completed on time.30 Nevertheless, the project did not progress as smoothly as the authorities and the media expected. The daily published a news report on October 12th, explaining that the whole project had to be delayed for a few months because of some technological difficulties with a particular section. Nonetheless, it still encouraged its readers to look forward to the completion of this road, for the road would be 30 li in length and the scenery along the road would be very beautiful. After its completion, citizens could ride a bicycle and travel from Nantai to Mawei, and at the same time enjoy the view along the Min River.31 Throughout October 1933, numerous reports followed the detailed process of this road project. Fuma Road was finally finished in early November 1933 and put into use in December.32 A report published by the Fujian Provincial Construction Department provided statistics showing the achievements in the construction of transportation infrastructure in Fuzhou from 1927 to June 1935. During these nine years, there were in total forty-nine roads built in the province, amounting to 38,548 meters of road 29 ©UBÌÉ£ö ÷&ÔBv “Fuma ganlu dierduan jiang xinggong ¼(ôõ ” (Second main branch of Fuma Road will be finished) , Fujian minguo ribao, Apr.2,1933. 30 U2ø:ةףf2ù “Fumalu ding liuyi tongche ¼(ô ” (Fuma Road supposed to operate on June 1) , Fujian minguo ribao, May.23,1933. 31 32 §TUL°0þÿf ù “Fuma gonglu yuenei tongche ¼ô ” (Fuma Road will be on use within this ¼(ô§T:U month) , Fujian minguo ribao, Oct.15,1933, page 2, layout 1 Fumalu tongche youqi ¡ · f2ù (Fumalu will be on use soon), Fujian minguo ribao, Oct.19,1933. 82 (See Table 2). The statistics did not include roads outside of Fuzhou, and others linking Fuzhou with other cities, such as Fuma Road. Given the difficulties of developing a traditional Chinese city that had a dense population, the achievement was significant, especially in comparison to the previous few years (1922-1926) in which only one road of 240 meters long was built in Fuzhou.33 Map 3 shows the absence of roads connecting Fuzhou city with the towns around it. Map 4 however shows the situation ten years later, when two main roads, and a set of three branches extended from Fuzhou to the entire Fujian province. The main road from Fuzhou to Baisha ( ¢¤£ ) connected Fuzhou with Northern Fujian. The other main road between Fuzhou and Putian ( ¥§¦ ) across the Min River was the important vein that connected Fuzhou with the Southern part of Fujian (such as Xiamen and Quanzhou). Other two branch roads were individually connected with two maritime ports, Zhanggang ( ¨ © ) and Haihou ( ). Therefore, Fuzhou became a transportation hub, having direct access to Southern and Northern Fujian, as well as several important maritime ports in Eastern Fujian. 33 “Fuzhou Shizheng Jihua Dagang”, Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan, Vol. 5, No. 7, Aug. 1931, p. 3. 83 Table 2: Statistics for Road Constructions in Fuzhou (1927- June 1935) 34 Kinds of Roads Number Total Length Width of Roads (meter) (meter) Tar road 5 8,173.0 5.0 - 14.6 À ì Macadam road 7 2,797.0 5.0 - 14.6 À ì Sand-Macadam road 5 8,570.0 7.3 - 13.4 Cement 22 15,191.0 7.3 - 14.6 Soil road ! 10 3,816.0 6.0 - 18.0 Total: 49 38,547.0 5.0 - 18.0 By offering reports about street building and routine maintenance, local print in Fuzhou was actively involved in the construction of the modern transportation networks. It performed a role as both propagator and investigator. Its functions could be observed in the impact of the development of transportation infrastructure during the Nanjing decade. Carroll’s study about Suzhou has argued that “the roads and their conditions were the product of urban institutional arrangements and the social attitudes they both reflected and engendered”.35 Public attitudes towards street building and maintenance reflected the growth of civic consciousness in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In Republican Fuzhou, local print not only inspired public opinion to sprout, but also provided a platform for citizens to announce their expectations with regards to modern transportation. The publicity and supervision by local print contributed to the remarkable achievement of the construction of modern transportation infrastructure and networks in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade. 34 ©R§SBYpú ôU Based on “Fujian Shenghui yi cheng malu tongjibiao (1927- June 1935) ¼ " ¥Û ¼ « (Statistics of road constructions in Fujian (1927- June 1935))”, Fujian jianshe baogao pg R>R>¯LÝ (Report of constructions in Fujian Province), collected by Fujian Provincial Library , 1935. 35 Peter J. Carroll. Between Heaven and Modernity, pp. 26-28. 84 Map 3: Road Construction in Fujian (1917-1927) Sources: collected by Fujian Provincial Library 85 Map 4: Road Construction in Fujian (1927-1937) Sources: collected by Fujian Provincial Library Mediating between Tradition and Modernity Although covering universal characteristics, Chinese urban modernity had a 86 “common model- city planning in the West and Japan”.36 When the late Qing reformers viewed the cities in the West and Japan, they saw images of the western-style buildings, cleaning streets, running water, street lights and so on. In her study of urban reform in Republican Fuzhou, Lin Xing commented that the Western impact on the city was precipitating the early construction of public facilities.37 During the Nanjing decade, the desire for public facilities could frequently be found in local publications. At the same time, the authorities were also eager to establish a complete system of public facilities and utilities in Fuzhou, such as running water, parks, commercial markets ï fire stations, hospitals, prisons, cemeteries, libraries, and so on. These modern public facilities were set up to benefit all residents. However, the widespread construction of these facilities provoked opposition from the city inhabitants. The acrimonious experience of establishing public facilities unveils a history of conflict between tradition and modernity within Chinese urban development during the Nanjing decade. The process of establishing a running water project in Fuzhou was fraught with frustration. The running water project was only set up quite late in Fuzhou. The Fujian Provincial Construction Department began to address the issue in 1926, and due to the difficulties with such a huge project, the deliberations and discussions took ten years. The Running Water Project Preparatory Office of the Fujian |$# %l Provincial Capital ( íwP ) was subsequently established in 36 Joseph W. Esherick (ed.), Remaking the Chinese City, p. 7. '& 37 E '(2*)§Ö§¼©u§<£ L M,+ Lin Xing , “Xifengdongjian yu Fuzhou chengshi jindaihua ñ X/.10 Ö¤2©Ü (Western impact and the urbanization in Fuzhou)” , Dangshi yanjiu yu jiaoxue - (Study and education of the history of Chinese Communist Party), Vol. 5 (2001), pp. 63-68. 87 1935, and a preliminary plan framed in early 1936. The plan catered for a water supply of 13,500 tons per day. The water treatment plant was to be built on a hill and water would be transported by a carefully designed conduit pipe system. The main À pipe would pass almost all the main roads, such as Cangqian Road ( 354 ), 76 ² 8:9±[ ;<6² Zhongting Street ( ñ ), Jixiang Hill ( ), Chating Street ( ), and until p²> Dongjiekou ( = ), covering both the commercial areas and the walled city. Due to fiscal pressures, the provincial government could not shoulder the burden of the investment the project required. Therefore, it demanded that the Bank of China issue a set of Running Water Public Bonds. Eventually, the project was designed and executed by Mitsubishi Corporation.38 The running water project drew great attention from local print as early as when it was still being deliberated and discussed. Before the establishment of running water utilities, Fuzhou’s residents drank from rainwater, river water and well water. However, these were not hygienic or convenient. The Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan evaluated the project highly, as “it would be the one of the major projects which could bring a convenient and healthy lifestyle to Fuzhouese.”39 The plan % considered that the purified water ( ?A@ ) processed using modern chemical technology was “the best drinking water in the scientific sense”. The running water project was thus meant to improve resident’s public hygiene and their health. The outline suggested that the water source be located in Beiwen Hill (in the western 38 á á<ÏB\|§X'C<_ “Zilaishui shiye fazhan shiji B ” (Records of running water enterprise), XHG §s δ ê Taijiang wenshi ziliao DFE Taijiang historical records , Vol. 16, 2000, p. 56. 39 “Fuzhou Shizheng Jihua Dagang”, Fujiansheng jiansheting yuekan,, Vol. 5, No. 7, Aug. 1931, p. 6. 88 outskirts of Fuzhou). First of all, they planned to build a big reservoir as well as a purification system on Beiwen Hill. Secondly, a well-positioned pipe system would be set up to transport water all over Fuzhou. In addition, the plan also suggested building several storage ponds, which might be located on several hills within the city. The total storage of drink water could supply the daily needs of all inhabitants for four days. The total budget was 174,370,000 yuan.40 In brief, the Outline of the Fuzhou Municipal Plan planned the running water project well. However, due to the huge budget of this project, it was not carried out until 1934. Fujian minbao published a report about a semi-official meeting on the running water project that was held on April 29, 1934. Other than representatives from the Fujian Provincial Construction Department and Provincial Financial Department, representatives from the Fuzhou Fire Station Union and some commercial communities also took part in this meeting. The meeting was reported to have been successful. Both the official and commercial representatives reached an agreement with regard to the establishment of a running water industry in Fuzhou. They also decided that the Fuzhou Merchants Union41 would take the responsibility of finding investment and garnering capital.42 In Republican Fuzhou, with modern administration reforms introduced to the city, the trading networks and guild 40 Ibid., pp. 7-8. 41 ©u,I§]'J Yz The unofficial union was derived from the Fuzhou Shangwu Zonghui ¼ Fuzhou Business Union ê which set up in 1905 for assorting with all the business affairs in Fuzhou &u,J,I:Y Prefecture. In 1915, the organization renamed into Fuzhou Zongshanghui ¼ (Fuzhou XHG LK2s Î Merchant Union ê . Minhou wenshi ziliao (Minhou historical records), Vol. 5 (Oct., 1992), pp. 36-37. 42 £³§£5B á§á “Chuangban benshi ziliaishui M1N ” (Establishment of running water enterprise in Fuzhou) , Fujian minbao, Apr. 29, 1934. 89 organizations became less significant participants in city governance, as compared to those Hankow during the late Qing dynasty described by Rowe.43 On the contrary, the running water project here showed the new cooperation between commercial associations and the local government. Local print considered the running water project important, as it related to the livelihood of Fuzhou’s residents. In a news report in September 1935, Fujian minbao said “this project holds special advantages for the lives of residents.” Due to consuming unhygienic water, Fuzhou’s residents were frequently suffering from all kinds of diseases. Hence, this project was one of the prerequisites to strengthen the bodies of Chinese and was “related to national salvation.”44 Therefore, local print followed up on the progress of the running water project. Unfortunately, the project was interrupted by the Fujian Rebellion in 1933-34.45 It was only from 1934 that the PO third chief of the Fujian Provincial Construction Department, Chen Ticheng (  Q ), was determined to push the project through. The provincial government had determined in 1935 that the initial budget required by the project was 550,000 yuan. { ï The huge expenditure would be met via the house and shop tax ( RS On January 31, 1936, the Fuzhou Running Water Project committee was 43 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984). 44 >£VB á¡á¡áXW^ú£ZYpø “Bensi zilaishui shuiyuan yijing ceding ³ ” (Water source of running water have been determined), Fujian minbao, Sep.11, 1935. 45 “Zilaishui shiye fazhan shiji”, Taijiang wenshi ziliao, Vol. 16 (Dec., 2000), p. 56. 46 “Bensi zilaishui shuiyuan yijing ceding”, Fujian minbao, Sep.11, 1935. 90 reported to have begun investigating and measuring routes for pipes.47 The news report showed that the running water project was indeed being carried out and since then, journalists followed the detailed stages of the project closely. On March 24, it reported that all kinds of surveys for the running water project had been done. Blueprints were being drawn up and the planning for the water supply had already been decided.48 A report titled “Provincial Construction Department was actively carrying out running water project” was published on April 22, showing the authorities acquiring and selecting land on which to build the water treatment factory.49 These continuous reports demonstrated that this running water project had attracted a lot of publicity and public attention. However, based on reports from January 1936 to 1938, the running water project did not move smoothly. Other than the difficulties of raising capital, there was conflict with regards to the location of the water treatment plant. On April 24, 1936, Fujian minbao reported that the water ±[ treatment factory had been delineated to be located in Longtan Hill ( [<\ ) on the right bank of the Min River.50 The news soon aroused resistance from residents around Longtan Hill. They claimed in local newspapers that the project would ¤,^ 47 è 5B á á§v£Æ'] ºQ Y “Shenghui zilaishui gongcheng jinri kaishi kance xianlu SBY U ” (Running water project in provincial capital start to survey routes today), Fujian minbao, Jan. 31, 1936. 48 ^ _B@ápá Yv4Æ4÷ `P “Shenghui zilaishui kance gongcheng jiang wancheng S^Y ” (Survey of running water project in prvoincial capital will be finished), Fujian minbao, Mar. 24, 1936. 49 P¯Pocb d 91 51 destroy their Fengshui ( f , geomancy), especially since some of their ancestors’ cemeteries were built on this hill. They strongly resisted locating the water factory cg h ijkÂlkHm on this hill. Chen Yubao (  ), the leader of Qingyuan Chen clan ( n ) ï petitioned the authorities through local newspapers, and pleaded for the location ^[ of the factory to be changed from Longtan Hill to Wangbeitai Hill ( o p ). The newspaper also served as a mediator between the authorities and the residents. After the news on May 30 reporting the residents’ panic and disagreement, local print followed up on the conflict by publishing several articles, explaining the importance of the running water project for Fuzhou and its residents. Furthermore, on November 11, Fujian minbao reported that it was impossible to fulfill the request to change the location of the plant. First of all, it would cost an extra 100,000 yuan for it to be located on Wangbeitai Hill. Secondly, there were three times more cemeteries on Wangbeitai Hill than on Longtan Hill. Due to these two reasons, the Fujian Provincial Construction Department persisted in building the water factory on Longtan Hill. The water treatment factory was finally inaugurated and unveiled on April 14, 1937. It was to be built by the Mitsubishi Corporation, with a budget of 600,000 yuan. The project was estimated to supply water for 150,000 persons after it was 51 Fengshui was an ancient Chinese system of aesthetics that believed to under direction of gods. Its history might track down the prehistoric society. In late Qing and Republican China, Fengshui was mainly believed in building tombs and houses as well as arranging objects (such as furniture). During the Republican era, Fengshui was the most important belief in choosing a burial site. Residents in Fuzhou strongly believed that the ancestors' tombs could protect them and brought them fortune. In the contrary, if tombs were moved or destroyed, they would be punished by their ancestors' souls and caused serious disasters. Zhang Jiefu q*r1s , Zhongguo X ut7v sangzangshi § (The history of funeral custom in China), (Taibei: Wenjin Chubanshe, 1995), pp.292-294. 92 finished. Fujian minbao published Chen Ticheng’s report on the opening ceremony of the project, where he promised that the project would be finished before the end of following year, and would supply clean water for citizens.52 However, the running water enterprise was finally aborted because the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out and the provincial government had to be shifted from Fuzhou to Yongan in 1938. The running water project underwent seven years of planning and conceptualizing from 1931 to 1937 before its construction began. It not only constituted one of official priorities, but also aroused widespread concern from local print. It was one of most important municipal projects during the Nanjing decade, but was unfortunately disrupted by military conflict. The case of this project demonstrated that many of Fuzhou’s residents still held beliefs in Fengshui. This traditional belief hindered the widespread construction of public facilities in Fuzhou, especially when it involved the issue of moving ancestral cemeteries. Fuzhou was located in a mountainous region, and many tombs were spread throughout hills all over the city. These thousands of tombs led to tensions between traditional culture and urban modernity in Republican Fuzhou. Many residents believed that the movement of their ancestral tombs might destroy their families’ fortune, or worse, bring about disasters. When any landscape transformation effort involving the re-location or destruction of tombs was launched, the authorities encountered great difficulties in acquiring the residents’ acquiescence. 52 wB á¥á'x¤] zy¥}Q:v'{'| “Shenghui ziliai shuicang jinri kaigong dianli SBY ” (Opening ceremony of running water project hold today), Fujian minbao, Apr. 14, 1937; “Shenghui ziliai wBéá¥á,x1} ~y¥}2QBv'{'| shuicang zuori juxing kaigong dianli S:Y ” (Opening ceremony of running water project held yesterday), Fujian minbao, Apr. 15, 1937. 93 Other than the running water project, many other efforts to establish public facilities faced the same problem, for example the case of the establishment of the w5 Fujian Provincial Hospital ( íNw ). The Provincial Hospital was sponsored 53 :< by Hu Wenhu ( f , Aw Boon Haw). He donated 200,000 yuan to build a hospital for commoners in Fuzhou before the Fujian Rebellion. During the Fujian Rebellion, the rebel government diverted this fund. Up to 1935, Hu negotiated with the authorities, hoping to replenish this fund and build the hospital. His request was endorsed by the provincial government and on March 11, it was announced that part of this fund would be restored soon and once the fund was ready, the construction of the hospital could get started.54 Soon, it was decided to locate the hospital on Jixiang Hill, where residents had been building tombs for years. Based on the news report of the provincial government’s decision, it could be seen that the provincial government attached great importance to this project. The provincial government not only sent a special commissioner to oversee this project, but also commanded both the Fuzhou Police Department and the Fuzhou Works Bureau to be responsible for its coordination. In addition, the government designated the entire hill (Jixiang Hill) for the Fujian Provincial Hospital. Therefore, they had to move one police station and one fire station. Moreover, they had to deal with over 1,000 tombs already located on this 53 “Aw Boon Haw” in Hakka. 54 ©S¤ 71 “Xunjian Shengli yiyuan ¤a ” (Promise to build Fujian Provincial Hospital) Fujian minbao, Mar. 11, 1935. 94 hill.55 These tombs added many problems. On July 19, an official announcement was published by Fujian minbao, demonstrating the authorities’ determination to proceed with the project. They demanded that the tombs be moved before the end of July. If the deadline were to be missed, the government would collect the bones and bury them in public cemeteries. In addition, a temple built to serve as a “temporary 56 57 coffin location” ( < ) and an ancestral hall ( ) were also asked to move within July.58 Those demands aroused much anger from the citizens who had their family tombs there. Some of them refused to follow the official instructions and did not move their ancestors’ tombs. At the same time, the director of the temple did not want to leave. When policemen came to negotiate with them, they simply replied that they knew nothing about the announcement. Furthermore, the owner of the ancestral hall asked for land grants to rebuild their place as a condition. Even up to October 19, when the foundation stone laying ceremony for the Fujian Provincial Hospital was held by the authorities, most of the tombs as well as the temple and the 55 ^ * 778'zú ø'*pn “Shengli yiyuan dizhi yi kanding jixiangshan S ” (Location of the Fujian Provincial Hospital have been determined in Jixiangshan), Fujian minbao, Jul. 14, 1935. 56 Also called “Tingbin” ( ¤ ). According to traditional customs, the coffin of a deceased person could not be entombed if he was died outside his hometown. Those dead had to be coffined and waited for their relatives or friends to bring their coffins home. In addition, in Fuzhou, the coffin also could not be entombed if his or her elder is still alive. All of those coffins H* ¤ ¼©u7 had to be temporarily stored in temples. Li Xiangliu , Li Da . Fuzhou Xisu 1Bã (Fuzhou custom) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2000), p. 263-265; Xu Jijun , ,E',03Lt7v Changjiang liuyu de sangzang q (The funeral custom in Yangtze river area) (Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2004), pp. 77-80; Zhang Jiefu, Zhongguo sangzangshi, pp.299-300. 57 A place built for a big family for holding memorial ceremonies for their ancestors. 58 pnH,¤ “Jixiangshan wuzhu guhai * ” (Remains in Jixiang Hill), Fujian minbao, Nov. 19, 1935. 95 ancestral hall had not been moved.59 During this process, local print tried to publicize the value of a Provincial Hospital. Firstly, they emphasized that the hospital was built for the common people, rather than the wealthy. Until the 1930s, there were few modern hospitals built in Fuzhou. In addition, these few hospitals were too expensive for the commoners and poor. Many citizens died because they could not bear the burden of the huge fees charged by a modern hospital.60 But Hu Wenhu and the authorities wanted to solve this serious problem in Fuzhou. Furthermore, Xiaominbao also published a commentary to call on managers of the new hospital to pay more attention to the urban poor, for example by charging them cheaper prices, or even remitting their treatment fees.61 Secondly, the hospital would be built up to a significant size. After completion, it would comprise of two buildings to house general wards, one for an isolation ward, and another for a nurse school.62 Local print’s publicity efforts filled some of Fuzhou’s residents with anticipation. Nevertheless, they also helped other residents to articulate their dissatisfaction with the authorities and their search for possible solutions. For example, the Fujian minbao successfully helped families whose relatives’ tombs had to be shifted to get compensation from the local 59 ¤ 71³ * “Shengli yiyuan benri dianji S ” (Provincial hospital lay foundation today), pnu ,¡H¢ Fujian minbao, Oct. 19, 1935, layout 6; “Jixiangshan wenjiu xiayue qijue yizang / £F¤1¥,¦ v ” (Tombs in Jixiang Hill will be moved next month), Fujian minbao, Oct. 24, 1935. 60 “Duanping: Xiwang shengli yiyuan §¤¨P©«ª,¬'*®7¯7° ” (Editorial: hope to the Fujian Provincial Hospital), Xiaominbao ±c²´³ (Petty Urbanities Daily) , Apr. 6, 1937. 61 Ibid. 62 “Shengliyiyuan zhaojian binfang *®X¯7°$µ'¶,·H¸ ” (Building wards for the provincial hospital), Fujian minbao, May. 13, 1935. 96 government.63 The main building of the Fujian Provincial Hospital was eventually finished by April 1936.64 On May 1, 1937, the facility began its operations. It began with over thirty nurses, and averaged over one hundred and ten patients everyday during the first two weeks of its operations.65 It is necessary to establish public facilities in constructing a modern city. However, as it turned out, it was not easy to accomplish this in a traditional city like Fuzhou. The effort to urbanize and modernize Fuzhou during the Republican era encountered several prominent obstacles. Nevertheless, through local print’s mediation, this conflict was mitigated to a certain extent. Without the hindrances and obstacles caused by the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, there would have been more significant achievement in the establishment of public facilities in Fuzhou. Negotiating between Public Welfare and Commercial Interest In the Second Industrial Revolution, electric power was one of the important contributors for the urbanization of America in the late nineteenth century and the 63 “Shouyong jixiangshan minchan ¹Hº:»H¼5½X²/¾ ” (Land acquisition from Jixiangshan resident), Fujian minbao, Agu. 21, 1935. 64 “Shengli yiyuan zhuti jianzhu *®7¯1°«¿,À,¶*Á ” (Main building of the provincial hospital), Fujian minbao, Apr. 27, 1936. 65 £/ÃÄÆÅ¤Ç “Shengli yiyuan wuyue yiri kaizhen *®7¯1°F ” (Provincial hospital will start Ã1É ¤®7¯1° running on May 1), Fujian minbao, Apr. 25, 1937 È ”Shengli yiyuan yipie ” (Observation of the provincial hospital), Fujian minbao, May. 11, 1937. 97 rise of Germany in Europe. 66 The Chinese electricity industry was begun in Shanghai in 1882 by a foreigner. The electricity enterprises firstly supplied power to private lighting followed by the streets lights in the foreign concessions.67 From then on, electric lighting, all kinds of electrical devices and other characteristics of electrical modernity spread to other Chinese cities. In the urban reforms in Republican Fuzhou, the existence of a public utility like an electricity enterprise would unquestionably be demanded. However, the effort to provide Fuzhou with electricity was seriously hampered by both the shortage of funds and political instability. During the Nanjing decade, Fujian province was still engulfed by warlord politics. Revolts by warlords and dissidents occurred from time to time.68 The huge military spending was a heavy burden for provincial revenues. In 1928, the annual budget of Fujian Provincial Government showed that the annual military spending was estimated at 7,460,000 yuan, but, the annual income was only 8,830,000 yuan.69 66 Í,Î Zhou Xudong ʤËHÌ . “Shijiu shiji zhonghouqi meiguo de chengshihua jiqi yingxiang Ï1ÐZÑ$Ò'Ó¤ÔPÕ¤ÖL×'Ø'Ù¤Ú,Û1Ü1Ý ” (Influence of urbanization of America in the middle and th late 19 century), Zhejiang shida xuebao Þ'ß,à,áHâ*³ (Zhejiang Normal University Journal), Vol. 6 (1995), pp. 12-14. Hu Caizhen ã/äHå , “Lun shijiu shijimo ershi shijichu deguo zai ÏHФç ÏHÐ/è'éPÕLêHë¤ì,íHî/ï'ðcÖHñò ouzhou lishi diwei de jubian æ 19 20 ” (Rise of th th Germany in the late 19 century and early 20 century), Wuhan daxue xuebao ó'ô,áHâ,⤳ (Wuhan University Journal), Vol. 54, No. 5 (Sep. 2001), pp. 584-590. 67 ÷Xølù*úXûZüPý Hu Yongfang ã7õZö (ed.), Shanghai Dianli Gongye zhi (Shanghai Electric Industry Gazetteer), ( Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexue yanjiusuo chubanshe, 1994), p. 322. 68 ¡ £¢'¡¤¦¥c²¨§ © Fujian sanshinianlai shengzheng ji minjun shanbian jilüe mulu þH¶¤ÿHÍ ò1Ð (Records of the political and military evolution in the recent 30 years , collected by Fujian Provinical Library, 1942. 69 Chen Weiyuan Peikun jiangyan: zuijin juncaimin gezheng ji houfang fangwu qingxing Ú'Ò£ ! " #¦$ ¡ ¡ ¦§¡ :² ¤ © (Speech of Chen Peikun: recent situation of military, financial and civil affairs as well as the provincial defense), Fujiansheng zhengfu ¦¤£%'&,³ gongbao þ7¶1 (Bulletin of Fujian Provincial Government), Vol. 254, June 13, 1932. 98 The fiscal pressure in Republican Fuzhou meant that the local government could not afford the huge costs required for the construction of public utilities. Some public utilities in Republican Fuzhou, such as the electricity enterprise and fire stations, were built and managed by private companies or social communities. To make matters worse, the municipal government was not able to negotiate with the privately-run public utilities very well and could not modulate the tension between the public warfare and commercial interest. The Fuzhou Electricity Company was set up in 1910 by Liu Chonglun ( ( )* ),+ ) and his younger brother Liu Chongwei ( ( ). In 1912, the company started to supply electricity power to the whole city. As the only electricity enterprise in Republican Fuzhou, the company had been running well since its opening: all of the company’s generators were operated at full power to produce enough energy to meet the city’s entire demand.70 The Liu family monopolized electricity provision for around thirty years. These statistics (in Table 3) indicate its great expansion: Table 3: Fuzhou Electricity Company: Annual Total Capital Balance (Mar., 1912 to Dec., 1937, statistic in 1926 not available) 71 Year Real Total Capital (yuan) 1912 199291.59 1913 314334.95 1914 427049.37 1915 543601.51 1916 679889.95 1917 835832.17 1918 1232661.92 1919 1324372.23 70 Jindai Fuzhou ji mindong diqu shehuijingji zhuangkuang, p. 296. 71 î ¦-¡.£/¦0/ü 1¡2 “Fuzhou liujia qiye xinghuaishi þ ” (History about Liu family enterprises î465£7£8 -¡3 in Fuzhou), Fuzhou wenshi ziliao xuanji þ (Selection of Fuzhou historical records), Vol.13 (1994), p.39. 99 1920 1495358.65 1921 1458422.72 1922 1661916.80 1923 1738237.85 1924 2091259.25 1925 2325820.61 1927 2341456.03 1928 2297205.06 1929 2284919.43 1930 2195426.22 1931 3328997.74 1932 3558550.35 1933 3712080.30 1934 4052085.34 1935 4332668.13 1936 4415663.17 1937 4461739.67 Since 1912, the Fuzhou Electricity Company had been well managed and constantly expanded under the ownership of the Liu family. From an original starting capital of 120,000 yuan, its capital value rose phenomenally to 2,341,456.03 yuan in 1927, and 4,461,739.67 yuan in 1937. 72 Thus the Company successfully monopolized electricity supply in Fuzhou for almost three decades from 1910 to 1937. The monopolization of the electricity supply by a single company however caused several serious problems, and aroused public attention. The concept of civil rights was introduced to Chinese in the late Qing dynasty by a group of Chinese ideologists, including Yan Fu and Kang Youwei ( 9: ; ). During the Revolution of 1911, the revolutionists emphasized the “civil right” of 72 “Fuzhou liujia qiye xinghuaishi”, Fuzhou wenshi ziliao xuanji, Vol.13, 1994, p.39. 100 Chinese to challenge the hegemony of “monarchial power”.73 They insisted that individual rights should not be subordinated to state interests.74 Therefore, the new philosophy, based on freedom, equality, humanism, human right, sprouted in Chinese cities.75 However, in the ideological turbulence during China’s transformation, these pioneer ideologists did not address the confusion ensuing from the new concept of “civil right”, such as the conflict between private freedom and social order, and the clash of commercial interest via public welfare. Private monopolization of public utilities provision brought serious problems for the local government and residents. There were strong anti-monopolization sentiments towards the Fuzhou Electricity Company in local print during the Nanjing decade. Fuzhou’s residents complained about the high prices levied by the company, and the frequent occurrence of electrical accidents. By the late 1920s, the tensions between the electricity consumers and the electricity supplier became more and more acrimonious. Local print fervently reported the complaints about high electricity prices voiced by large numbers of electrical lights users. Fuzhou residents criticized the company’s increasing charges and monopoly on the sale of electric bulbs. In addition, they also condemned the company for 73 >'õ¤þ Liu Baogang .<= , Zheng Yongfu , “Jinddai Zhongguo Gongmin Quanli Yishi ÑHÕ òZÖ«íHî E£F &c²A@¦BCD Yanbian de Lishi Kaocha ? (A historical exploration of î 'G£H modern Chinese citizens’ consciousness of rights)”, Shixue Yuekan â (Monthly of History), Vol. 8 (2007), p. 44. Õ ¦J 74 à I R Hæ Gao Yihan , “Guojia Fei Rensheng zhi Guisu Lun / KLNMONPQ ” The S ¦T'ýUR nation is not the destination of life , Qingnian Zazhi Youth Journal , Vol. 1, No. 4, 1915. 75 à ² He Yimin V . “Xinhai geming qianhou Zhongguo chengshi shimin shenghuo guannian de Ò<ÑXÕ/×ZØ7Ø Ö*òXÙ ² MN\ ]'^ bianhua W'XNY Z'[ ” (The change of Chinese citizens’ Há'â'â concept of life around the Revolution of 1911), Xinan Jiaotong Daxue Xuebao _`a¡b R ³ Southwest Jiaotong University Journal , Vol. 2, No. 3 (Sep. 2001), p. 9. 101 compelling them to pay a deposit and purchase insurance for electrical equipment.76 The discontentment led to the widespread illegal tapping of electric supply. Several reports of individuals tapping electricity illegally, or tampering with,the electricity supply, in Fuzhou were published by local print. In May 1928, policemen and inspectors from the electricity company found a shop in Cangxiazhou ( cedgf ) that had installed two ammeters but switched the two wires connected to them. Thus, the two ammeters could not count electricity usage properly.77 The journal reported another case of electricity theft in May 1929. A resident Zhou ( h ) was arrested by the police because he illegally dragged electric wires from street lighting to his house. After searching his house, policemen found that he possessed two electric lights that had not been paid for.78 Moreover, in some cases, the crimes were not committed by individuals alone, but involved nearly all the residents located in a block. On May 1929, the inspectors of the electricity company discovered that about eight shops on Xia’nan Street ( ijgk ) were in cahoots to steal electricity. Electricity theft often involved tampering with the electrical supply which was very dangerous. Serious accidents frequently happened. In June 1937, an illegally-installed electrical wire suddenly dropped onto a recruit soldier who was training in Dongmen. He was killed instantly. The investigations reviewed that the accident was caused by a policeman. He had secretly used a lead wire to tap the 76 “Fuzhou liujia qiye xinghuaishi”, Fuzhou wenshi ziliao xuanji, Vol.13 (1994), p. 51. ï£ £o p 77 ¦ ° & “Han Minhou defang fayuan yisong gongxiang he daodian yian wen l¦m n Ãs £q rPù 3 ¼ ” (Letter for Minhou County Court to transfer official records on tampering of electric sources), Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol, 11, May, 1928. 78 “Han Minhou defang fayuan yisong daodian Zhou Yiqing bing zhengwu dengjian chashou ï¦ £o ¦£p ° r:ù$Ê¡t£uNvwx y£z {1¹¡| }3 xunban wen l¦mn ” (Letter for Minhou County Court t transfer proofs of Zhou Yiqing’s case), Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol. 27, Sep. 1929. 102 electricity being used to power the street lights to supply his own home’s electricity needs.79 The frequent occurrence of accidents during the daily usage of electricity incurred public suspicion. Some of these were caused by the electrical equipment. The equipment, such as wires, poles and electric bulbs, were all items susceptible to wear and tear. They all needed regular checks and replacement. Furthermore, they were frequently damaged during natural disasters, such as typhoons and floods. As a private company with limited resources, the Fuzhou Electricity Company could not handle all the monitoring and maintenance work. From 1928 to 1929, the Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan reported accidents caused by worn-out or damaged electricity supply equipment. For instance, in September 1928, a servant in a Wang family was killed by a damaged electric bulb. In the same month, a pole supporting the electricity lines collapsed and a female passer-by was killed by the electricity leakage.80 Another tragic accident happened in May 1929, when a 12-year old boy touched exposed electricity wires and was electrocuted.81 These accidents aroused more criticism from the public. In the face of the serious tensions between the local residents and the 79 “Fujiansheng zhengfu guanyu qudi junjing gejie shanzi jiedian gei boaanchu, shenghui Ö ¤%¦~¡¦§ £ ¦¡ ù < N«¡ &¡y gonganju de xunling þH¶, ” (Fujian Provincial Government Order: forbiddance on tampering electric sources among armies and polices), 1937, Fujian Provincial Archives: 36-8-911. 80 ' “Cheng shengzhengfu, minzhengting dui Duihu dengchu dianqi shangre nqiucha hewen F <²¤'ywù L 3 ¤%e ” (For Fujian Provincial Government and Provincial Civil Department: Ask for survey of electrical accidents in Duihu and other areas), Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol. 15, Sep., 1928. 81 ' “Cheng shengzhengfu minzhengting zhuzifang Lin Laimei chudian biming qingxing wen #$ ² ¤£¢ ¡ ù¨¢ Z 3 ¤% ” (Report to Fujian Provincial Government about Lin Laimei’s death in the electrical accident) Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol. 23, May, 1929. 103 private enterprise, the authorities appeared helpless. On one hand, they had to rely on the Fuzhou Electricity Company to operate the only electricity enterprise in Fuzhou. On the other hand, they wanted to support the residents’ demands. They promised to enhance the supervision of the Fuzhou Electricity Company and promulgated a policy towards it in 1933. The policy forbade the company from reducing electricity output and demanded that it installed and fixed electric lighting within one month.82 These policies led to resistance from the Fuzhou Electricity Company. The company used the high maintenance costs caused by some citizens as an excuse to set a high electricity price. The company claimed that 20 electric transformers, worth several thousand yuan, were damaged deliberately within the month of January 1930.83 Meanwhile, it denounced the authorities for not supporting the company in halting illegal electricity consumption. The consumers’ refusal to pay for electricity usage caused great losses to the Company, evident in the huge amounts of unpaid debts on its accounts (Showed in Table 4). Hence, the public and the company blamed each other and the authorities could not take effective measures to solve the problems. 82 o cùA &£¥ } “Jiandu dianqi gongsi banfa £ ¤ ” (Method to supervise Fuzhou Electricity Company), Fujian minguo ribao, Apr. 26, 1933. ¡¦ 83 ì £§ {6¨¦© ¡ª¦rPù 3 “Ling disanshu chajin Yizhou gehu daodian wen ÿ ” (Command the third department to ban tampering electricity), Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol. 31, Jan. 1931. 104 Table 4: Fuzhou Electricity Company: Debt Incurred by Users (1927-1936) 84 Time Amount of Debt Incurred ADIU in Proportion to by Users - ADIU (yuan) Gross Income (%) March 1927 46848.13 5.9 March 1928 62091.11 8.9 March 1929 55516.59 7.1 March 1930 112554.27 11.4 March 1931 169073.64 17.3 December 1931 202146.74 25.9 December 1932 173669.83 22.5 December 1933 156266.73 16 December 1934 93394.73 10.3 December 1935 85400.25 5 December 1936 64842.97 6.9 During the decade, local print expressed “the wish to build up public welfare”.85 They considered the electricity supply as one of the main “public welfare” in urban space. Therefore, the local newspapers made their own assessments of the conflict between public demand and private interest. In this instance, they resolutely supported the public, instead of remaining a neutral medium of communication and coordination. Fervent and frequent news reports demonstrated local print’s strong discontentment with the provision of electricity in Fuzhou. It was clear that for local print, the establishment of public utilities should remain oriented towards serving local benefit, instead of commercial interests. However, being a profit-oriented public company, the Fuzhou Electricity Company failed to meet their expectations. The installation and operation of street lights was an obvious case in point 84 “Fuzhou liujia qiye xinghuaishi”, Fuzhou wenshi ziliao xuanji, Vol.13, 1994, p.42. 85 A« &¥ ¬ P¡} “Dianqi gongsi jiang gui guanban ù ” (Private electricity company should be returned to the authoirty), Fujian minguo ribao, Nov. 5, 1933. 105 to demonstrate the tensions between “public welfare” and “commercial interest”. During this decade, electric street lighting was considered an important component of modern urban development, and thus accorded much attention by the Fuzhounese. However, the operation of electric street lights soon ran into a difficult situation. As electric street lighting was considered a public service, the costs of its provision was met through taxes collected by the government and then transferred to the Fuzhou Electricity Company. However, due to limited supervision and management, the operation of street lighting in Fuzhou was in a poor state. Electric lights were frequently vandalized and damaged, while electric bulbs and wires were stolen. Furthermore, as the lights were easily broken, they needed regular inspection, a problem which was exacerbated because they were very susceptible to damage from natural conditions and disasters outdoors. In fact, it was very hard for the private Fuzhou Electricity Company to maintain street lights during this period. Consequently, the local newspapers complained incessantly about the Company’s deficiencies in maintaining the street lights. In April 1932 for example, an article in Fujian minguo ribao reported that the street lights around Dawangfu ( ®g¯° ) had been broken for a few days. Furthermore, as the electricity company never sent people to fix them, residents around the area were clamoring for the rejection of the street lights tax.86 Due to the problems with the street lights, both local print and the public accused the company of selfishness, by earning profits from what ought to be considered public utilities. In spite of the fact that a private enterprise naturally 86 £±¡%£²¡³N´'µ “Dawangfu ludeng shiming á ” (Street lights were broken in Dawangfu road), Fujian minguo ribao, Apr. 26, 1932. 106 sought to make profits, local print advocated idealistically that it abandoned this profit-maximization objective and instead bore the burden of supplying the power for the entire city’s street lighting. To local print, it was obvious that public utilities enterprises could hardly manage this without official support. The accumulation of unresolved tension between the Fuzhou Electricity Company and its customers led to increasing public criticism of the company. From 1933, community organizations in Fuzhou published several reports and announcements in local newspapers, asking the authorities to nationalize the private electricity company.87 Agitation against the electricity company emerged in Fuzhou on several occasions. In 1933, the Fujian minguo ribao continuously published articles which supported the agitation against the company. In 1933 for example, Fuzhou Electricity Company stopped the supply of electricity to several users who did not pay the electricity fees. This action became the trigger for activities against the company. On October 12, users on Zhongting Street became the first group to set themselves against the company. Shop-owners who had to stop their businesses due to the lack of electricity not only asked for compensation, but also claimed that they would not pay the company anymore.88 The situation worsened on 17 October, when most of the shops in Fuzhou city decided to stop using electric lights, partly by closing their shops from seven in the evening onwards everyday.89 87 «¶&¦¥¦·'¸HN£O7÷ R “Dianqi gongsi lingjia shengting zhishang ù ” Power of Fuzhou Electricity Company is beyond the provincial government , Fujian minguo ribao, Oct. 12, 1933; “Dianqi gongsi jiang gui guanban”, Fujian minguo ribao, Nov. 5, 1933. 88 “Dianqi gongsi lingjia shengting zhishang”, Fujian minguo ribao, Oct. 12, 1933. 89 <ù»«N&£¥¡¼ “Guzhen gongsuo dui dianqi gongsi jueyi shixing zuihou shouduan ¹¦& º ÒÁÀ ½¾'¿ ”(Each townhouse decide to carry out the last method towards Fuzhou Electricity Company), Fujian minguo ribao, Oct. 17, 1933. 107 Confronted with widespread resistance, Fuzhou Electricity Company had to reduce the prices of electricity and the rental charges of electric meters from July 1929. 90 However, the local populace and print clearly remained unsatisfied. Supported by local print, electricity users in Fuzhou stymied the huge profits the Fuzhou Electricity Company would have gained from its monopoly. The Company’s annual income statement from 1911 to 1936 showed that its net profit declined continuously. From 1926 to 1936, its net profit was significantly lower than that in the early Republican period (as showed in Table 5). Local print, encouraged by public opinion, successfully fought for the “public welfare” of Fuzhou’s citizens. Table 5: Fuzhou Electricity Company: Annual Balance Sheet (unit: yuan) 91 Year Income Expense Net profit Sum Amount in total income % 1911 14632.59 4654.78 9977.81 68.2 1912 113216.64 73061.33 40155.31 35.5 1913 132403.15 85057.53 47345.63 35.8 1914 177842.01 101902.51 75939.50 42.7 1915 238060.81 135845.22 102215.59 42.9 1916 334915.75 182128.54 152787.21 45.6 1917 380282.96 221094.43 159188.53 41.9 1918 404707.95 266737.01 137970.94 34.1 1919 437670.49 273391.59 164278.90 37.5 1920 503126.63 378703.25 124423.38 24.7 1921 585401.31 434125.86 151275.45 25.8 1922 620631.29 470166.72 150464.57 24.2 1923 631929.99 495627.02 136302.97 21.6 1924 732795.29 580258.77 152536.52 20.8 1925 - - - - 1926 789927.29 682936.44 107010.85 13.5 90 PùÅÆ Ç È É¡Ê£Ë¡Ì¦Í:ù “Bugao dianfei ji jingjian bude zaiyou toudian qianfei wen Ã¦Ä Î Å63 ” R Bulletin of forbidding to tamper electrical sources and refuse to pay electrical fee after the fee have been reduced , Fuzhou jingzheng yuekan, Vol. 25, Jul. 1929. 91 “Fuzhou liujia qiye xinghuaishi”, Fuzhou wenshi ziliao xuanji, Vol.13, 1994, pp.40-41. 108 1927 696073.21 619796.08 76277.13 11.0 1928 783050.23 704886.48 78163.75 10.0 1929 987399.80 908451.04 78948.76 8.0 1930 976946.30 913769.73 63176.57 6.5 1931 779336.64 779336.64 - - 1932 973082.22 898177.44 74904.78 7.7 1933 976148.19 893467.34 82680.85 8.5 1934 907993.46 853164.65 54828.81 6.0 1935 962618.58 897959.60 64654.98 6.7 1936 934263.93 872408.75 61855.18 6.6 The example of Fuzhou Electricity Company indicated that the development of public utilities was imperfect. Nevertheless, with support provided by local print, the populace articulated their expectations and demands with regards to the municipal provision of “public welfare”. Their views that electricity was a public good that should be provided free was incommensurate with the Chinese urban reality then, where the electricity providers were private companies. However, in Fuzhou’s case, their efforts eventually halted Fuzhou Electricity Company from capitalizing on its monopoly of the provision of public utilities to gain huge profits, and retained a balance between commercial interest and public welfare. Conclusion The process of building a new modern urban landscape in traditional Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade turned out to be hard. During this difficult process, local print played varying roles. By placing the localized urban reforms in the context of national strengthening, local print served as a propagator to publicize the image of a 109 modern urban landscape. They investigated the construction works under the authorities’ charge and criticized their flaws and inadequacies. They also provided a platform for Fuzhou’s inhabitants to articulate their aspirations and thus served as a conduit for the authorities to heed the populace’s voices. In addition, local print served as the primary communication medium between the authorities and the citizenry when conflicts ensued during the transformation of the urban landscape, ensuring that the development of Republican Fuzhou could progress unhindered. Thus, local print was integrated with the changing of urban landscape in Fuzhou. 110 CHAPTER IV MOULDING A “CIVILIZED” COMMUNITY In 1934, a writer who had sojourned in Fuzhou, wrote an article under the pen-name of Ruowang ( ÏÐ , Hope), criticizing the lives of residents there. He observed that Fuzhou’s residents were “usually unhealthy, lacking vitality”. The author described in detail how two prostitutes in the family of a rickshaw-puller wasted their time away everyday. They got up at noon daily and, after lunch, spent their afternoons at parks and theaters. During the evenings, they usually were very busy. They accompanied their customers while they played mahjong, talking, laughing and drinking until midnight. The writer also sarcastically suggested that the dental clinics in Fuzhou had very good business not because Fuzhounese ate too much sweet food but because they liked to implant golden false teeth, especially the women. In contrast, book shops in Fuzhou were usually almost empty. Even if they were having sales, they could not attract enough customers. The students that the author saw on the roads were walking with a stoop, as if they were weak from the lack of any physical training. Xiaominbao posted a satirical cartoon depicting Fuzhou society as being flooded with prostitutes, warlords, pseudo-foreigners and landlords (figure 1). In another picture showed in Figure 2, several citizens were gambling through playing mahjong on the eve of Chinese New Year. One of them had lost a pile of money. In summary, the lives of Fuzhounese civilians were considered as morbid and depraved, symbolizing the enfeeblement of China.1 These types of pictures, which demonstrated the city as lacking proper social culture, were frequently found in local print during this period. Figure 1: Figures for Fuzhounese Source: Xiaominbao, May 27, 1936 1 Ø - ²M¡\ þ “Fuzhou shimin shenghuo þ ” (Lives of Fuzhou’s Residents), Fujian minbao ¶:²u³ (Fujian People Daily), Apr. 17, 1934. 112 Figure 2: Mahjong Gambling Source: Huabao, Jan. 1, 1931 In the early years of the Nanjing decade, local print tried to criticize the bad facets of Fuzhou society and started to advocate a new civic culture for Fuzhou city. The proposed changes encompassed all aspects of life within a city. News about abolishing superstition and challenging tradition flooded local print. During the decade, the development of urban hygiene was a major focus in the shaping of a new urban culture. Later, local print also advocated a change in lifestyles and sought to inculcate good civic values and consciousness in the people of Fuzhou. Displacing Superstition and Tradition In the utopian urban plan published by Fujian minguo ribao, “creating new social attitudes and cultural values” was considered as a major objective in the new urban reforms. 2 Cultural reform had began with the New Policies under the Qing 2 ×HØ Ó R R Ô Chen Yongpu, “Chengshi zhi sheji (xu) O Ñ Ò ( )” Plan for cities continued , Fujian Õ Ä ³ minguo ribao þH¶P² (Fujian Republican Daily), May 13, 1933 113 government and continued through the Republican period. Displacing superstition was among the broad agenda of these cultural reforms. In 1902, the local police bureaus were placed in charge of the anti-superstition campaign under the Qing government’s command. However, due to the political chaos in the following two decades, the effect of this campaign was limited.3 During the Republican era, successive governments kept the campaign going. Prasenjit Duara has divided the anti-superstition campaigns during the Republican era into two phases. The first phase was from the establishment of the Republic around 1915, which focused on the north China plain but ended with limited achievement. The second phase was led by enthusiastic administrators under the Nanjing central government.4 Since the beginning of the Republic, Sun Zhongshan ( Õ×ÖÙØ , Sun Yan-sen) and other nationalist leaders started to separate politics and religions in order to consolidate the new regime.5 Superstitions and traditions had been since the May Fourth Movement targeted as one of the main hindrances for the advancement of Chinese civilization. However, Lu Xun’s ( ÚÛ ) well-known novel The True Story of Ah Q sought to depict that the New Culture Movement had not successfully brought about cultural transformation in China. Until Fuzhou was under the control of the Nanjing central 3 æ Li Yue Ü Ý , “Lun ershi shiji shangbanqi gejie zhongyangzhengfu de fanmixin douzheng ÏHÐ Ó Ñáà Öáâ ã¡ä å¡æ Þ ÷£ß £ ¤¡% Í ” (The anti-superstition campaign under various th 'âZ°«â¤³ successive governments during the first half 20 century), Yulin xueyuan xuebao ç£ (Yulin College Journal), Vol. 15, No. 5 (Sep., 2006), p. 19. 4 Prasenjit Duara. “Knowledge and Power in the Discourse of Modernity: the Campaigns against Popular Religion in Early Twentieth-Century China”, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 50, No. 1(Feb., 1991), p. 75. 5 *÷ Lu Fangshang èAé . Geming zhi Zaiqi: Zhongguo guomindang gaizuqian dui xinsichao de Ñ'Õ'Õ Öñò P© ² ë¦ìí [¦î¦ï ð huiying (1914-1924) YZ¡O¦Ë¡ê (1914-1924) (Renewal of the Revolution: the KMT’s response to the new thinking (1914-1924)) (Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindaishi yanjiusuo, 1989), pp. 337-339 114 government, superstitious practices were still prevalent in the city. The Minsu zhoukan ( ó¦ôehgõ , Folk Customs Weekly) published an article which jeered at existing superstitious practices in Fuzhou. The author satirized the Fuzhounese belief that nightmares would bring disasters, and that they had to post a small announcement on crossings to avoid any catastrophe. Another unusual Fuzhounese belief was that the crowing of cocks at midnight signaled death and thus the unfortunate cocks had to be culled.6 These superstitions were still popular in Fuzhou city, with the customs gradually becoming rooted in Fuzhouese daily life. Forbidding “Yingshen” and “Pudu” Rites As discussed in the previous chapter, the extant funerary traditions in Fuzhou hindered the transformation of the city’s urban landscape. The authorities and news media were determined to eradicate these customs. Other than funerary customs, all kinds of rites involving gods and ghosts were another main target for eradication. Wang Zhengzhong pointed out in his research about natural disasters in Fuzhou that frequent disasters triggered the creation of many folk religions and all kinds of rites. Hence, all kinds of superstition practices were deeply rooted in the society of Fuzhou and difficult to erase. Wang argued that the practice of witchcrafts and performance of rites incurred huge financial costs, triggered social turmoil and weakened local ø ãä¦ù 6 Ö ¦-ö£÷ z “Fuzhou kexiao de jijian mixinshi þ ”(A few ridiculous cases of the ûúHÊH ü susperstition in Fuzhou), Minsu zhoukan ² (Folk Custom Weekly) Jan. 13, 1931. 115 administration.7 Yingshen ( ý,þ , welcoming the gods) was a traditional folk rite which blended Buddhist and Taoist beliefs. On some special days, believers would ‘invite’ a particular god. The god was transported in a sedan, which was carried by people or horses and followed by music bands. Yingshen was a grand affair for the local 8 ¡ people. Pudu ( ÿ , ritual of “universal salvation”) was a month-long ceremony the people held for wandering ghosts in the seventh month of the lunar calendar each year. The Pudu rites included four steps: inviting the ghosts, making food offerings, reciting sutras and driving the ghosts away. The food offerings were the most important part of Pudu. Each family would cook large amounts of food for the hungry ghosts. People also prepared new clothes (made with paper and goldleaf). People believed that they would be bestowed protection and good luck if ghosts ate their food. Yingshen and Pudu became two foci in the movement to displace pervading superstitions. From the beginning of its rule in 1927-28, the Nanjing central government promulgated policies forbidding any sacrificial ceremony. The authorities also prohibited agencies that conducted superstitious rites and businesses that dealt in the sale of ritual paraphernalia. Follow the injunction of the authorities, local print considered folk beliefs, such as the Yingshen and Pudu rites, as bad practices that not 7 £¢¥¤ ¡¢ §¦¥¨ Wang Zhenzhong ± , Jin 600 nianlai ziranzaihai yu Fuzhou shehui 600 © ¦-¥ þ (Natural disasters and Fuzhou society in recent 600 years) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1996), pp.66-83; pp. 116-221. 8 < ¶µé Yang Baoquan , Zhang Mingfan , “Daojiao yu minjian yingshen saishe Ñ¥ ¥ ² ” (Daoism and the folk Yingshen rite), Zhonghua xiqu (Chinese Traditional Opera), Vol. 1 (1997), pp. 135-155. 116 only propagated superstitions but also hindered the livelihoods of people. Therefore, these two rites became the main targets of the local print in their efforts to eradicate superstitions. Reports shown in local print demonstrated that all kinds of superstitious practices were still popular in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade. In 1932 a news article reported that a herbal medicine shop in the center of Fuzhou city was illegally holding a ceremony to commemorate a god’s birthday. The shop invited a female drama troupe to perform in the shop, which caught many passers-by’s attention. More and more people gathered around the shop in order to watch the performance. When the shop clerks tried to prevent the passers-by from entering their shop, a conflict occurred between them. The angry passers-by broke all the windows in that shop. A female performer went missing in the chaos. The editor reported this fracas in a sneering tone. He criticized the herbal medicine shop for not only “seeking trouble for itself”, but also causing chaos in the city center.9 The editor sought to educate his readers on the negative effects of superstitious practices on the individual and the whole society. Local print also used cartoons to ridicule the practice of commemorating the birthdays of gods. A cartoon posted in Xiaminbao derided the the practice: This ceremony (for the birthday of gods), with firecrackers and performances, make the city so bright and lively that it looks as if the day never ended ( ! !" ). People are 9 ¥#¥$%£& '( ) “Qing xianyedan niangcheng shaoluan u ” (Chaos in the birthday rite for gods) ü Fujian minguo ribao, Apr. 17, 1932. 117 saying: “Since we celebrate the gods’ birthday, the world will be in peace. We have nothing to worry about, and should celebrate it again.” Figure 3: Rite for the Birthday of Gods Source: Xiaominbao, Apr. 11, 1936 In order to create a “wholesome civil culture”, the authorities in Fuzhou sought to intensify the anti-superstition campaign. In August 1933, the police department in Fuzhou was reported to have declared once again the prohibition of Yingshen. The report said that the practice of Yingshen “not only wasted time but also 118 cost money”. It also could “cause sedition and obstruct progress in civilizing local society”. In addition, someone “might accumulate wealth” through holding such ceremonies. Hence, the local police department decided to “implement the ban severely”. If someone violated the ban, he or she would be held in custody.10 This report showed the resoluteness of the local government in forbidding superstition. However, as a traditional ceremony, Yingshen was rooted in the minds of the local people. Thus, it was hard to eliminate through prohibition. Local print also tried to uncover more detriments of superstitions. Pudu was another ceremony which the authorities wanted to forbid. In December 1931, a news article was published by a local newspaper to uncover the hidden going-ons behind a Pudu ceremony in the Damingli area. After careful investigations, the journalists discovered that the organizer of the Pudu ceremony was a businessman Gao ( * ) who made a large amount of profit through organizing this ceremony. In 1931, Gao arranged this annual ceremony for a third time. On the pretext of a ritual to release the souls of dead soldiers from purgatory, he asked for over 1,000 yuan from several troops. He also asked for around 900 yuan worth of donations from rich merchants. Other than the donations he garnered from all kinds of shops around the Damingli area, Gao collected over 2,000 yuan for this Pudu ceremony in total. However, the eventual ceremony was a simple affair. The editor estimated that the total expenses for it would cost only around 200-300 yuan. Since Gao could not reveal the details of his expenditure for this Pudu ceremony, the editor 10 ,+¨£¥ “Gonganju jue yanjin yingshen &¡¡¦¼ ” (Police Station forbid Yingshen rite), Fujian minguo ribao, Aug. 2, 1933. 119 continued to voice suspicions that he had pocketed the remaining money.11 After the discovery of personal profiteering from the Pudu ceremonies, the local print tried to persuade the public to stop the practice of Pudu. In November 1936, a ban under the Fujian Provincial New Life Movement Committee was published in Fujian minguo ribao. It forbade the holding of any Pudu ceremony within the Fujian province.12 In November 26, an article headlined “Please switch from useless wastage and strive towards rescuing the nation” was published in Fujian minbao. The article emphasized that “it was a dangerous period for China, and soldiers were fighting and dying for our country”. The war had caused thousands of people to lose their homes, and many of them had died from hunger. It was an appropriate time to eliminate superstitions. The article criticized that the Pudu ceremony cost too much money and wasted too much food for the sake of sacrificing to the dead. “As gentlemen with patriotic minds, we cannot continue such wastage and stupid actions. We should save our money for national defense. When the country is in peace, all of us can benefit from it.”13 In short, local print correlated the importance of the anti-superstition campaign to “national salvation”. However, due to the entrenchment of superstitious beliefs in the minds of Fuzhou residents, the authorities met strong resistance from citizens especially when the construction projects involved the tearing down of temples and relocations of 11 1¥2 “Pudu jingcheng facai jiejing -¥.¥/¥' 0 ” (Pudu become the shortcut to collect money), Fujian minguo ribao, Dec. 15, 1931. ¿ 12 ½ ¡î3 ¼6¨£4¥5 -£. Sheng xinyunhui yijue jinzhi juxing Pudu ” (Provinical New Life Movement Committee forbid Pudu ceremony), Fujian minbao, Nov. 5, 1936. 13 ¦Ä¤¶£7-¥.£8¥9 “Jingao jianzao pudu zhujun 6 ” (Warning to those who intend to hold Pudu ceremony), Fujian minbao, Nov. 26, 1936. 120 tombs. Therefore, after implementing several anti-superstitions measures, the authorities embarked on further actions to eradicate superstition in Fuzhou. Challenging Funerary Customs In early Republican Fuzhou, the traditional funeral custom saw residents bury their relatives who had passed away among several hills around the walled Fuzhou city, Ø such as Jixiang Hill and Teng Hill ( : ). Tombs were built to provide an abode to the ghosts of their deceased relatives. Since the Qing dynasty, particularly in the lower Yangzi river area and Fujian, the construction of tombs was complicated. First of all, the location of tombs had to be carefully selected following the principles of Fengshui. In particular, rich families would hire geomancers to search for an ideal place for their family tombs. Sometimes, the process of choosing locations might take several years. In addition, those who died outside of their home towns had to be sent back to their birthplace to be buried. For some of these, it took years before sufficient money was collected to send them back. Third, some among the urban poor might not have enough money to build tombs for their ancestors.14 Due to these reasons, the coffin of a deceased person frequently could not be entombed and had to remain in temples for several months to several years. Some coffins that were not attended to were even exposed in the wilderness waiting endlessly for the arrival 14 ;=< Ü,> þ¦- ?áú Li Xiangliu Ü , Li Da . Fuzhou Xisu (Fuzhou custom) (Fuzhou: Fujian 1»¡§ A,ߥB renmin chubanshe, 2000), p. 263-265; Xu Jijun @ , Changjiang liuyu de sangzang C Ö¥DE (The funeral custom in Yangzte river area), pp. 77-80; Zhang Jiefu F1HG , Ñ'ÕDIE*î Zhongguo sangzangshi (The history of funeral custom in China) (Taibei: Wenjin Chubanshe, 1995), pp.299-300. 121 of their friends and relatives to bring them home. This custom was called “Temporary Coffin Location ( JLK )”. The funerary custom in Fuzhou not only adversely affected urban hygiene, but also hindered urban construction efforts. Both the construction of the Fujian Provincial Hospital and the Fuzhou Running Water Project were hindered by local funerary customs. As a further step towards eradicating superstition, the authorities needed to reform the customs. In 1931, the Fuzhou Works Bureau published “Fujian Provincial Capital’s Legislations on Cemetery Establishment and Management”. The legislation specified that each district should build at least one cemetery. Conversely, private communities and clans could not build tombs without official permits. The bureau would send manpower to manage each cemetery. The legislation delineated in detail the responsibility of managers, the sizes of tombs, the types of tombstone, the burial fees, as well as the procedures for accepting the corpses of individuals who were bereft of kin. The legislation also ordered that space be laid aside for the holding of unburied coffins. In addition, it stipulated that all coffins could remain in this house for only two months. The person in charge of the cemetery had the right to bury the coffins which had been at the house for over three months.15 This public cemetery legislation demonstrated the authorities’ serious efforts to reform funerary customs. Since the early 1930s, local print actively published news about the prohibition of the practice of “Temporary Coffin Location”, as well as the Ú P£Q£R£S 15 ï ¡ &,MN Ñ£O Fujian shenghui gonggong mudi shezhi ji guanli guize þH¶, (Policy for the management of Fujian Provincial Public Cemetery), collected by Fujian Provincial Library, 1931. 122 establishment of new tombs and cemeteries. Since the early 1930s, local newspapers had begun to publicize the establishment of cemeteries and advocate the reduction of the number of unburied coffins. In April 1932, for instance, Fujian minguo ribao published a news commentary which advised people to avoid leaving coffins unburied and suggested the building of cemeteries in Fuzhou.16 The newspaper reported that there were many coffins which were not taken care of by anyone. Since those coffins had been there for years, some of them were broken and the bones within were exposed. These coffins became a source of pollution and plagues. An unofficial community which specialized in the management and care of tombs ( TVU WYX!Z\[ ) decided to collect these coffins and build a cemetery for them with donations from its members. An article articulated its appreciation of this move. 17 The act was valued as having not only benefited local hygiene but also rectified the backward existing funerary customs. Furthermore, Fujian minbao published an editorial in 1937 which appealed vigorously for funerary reforms. The editor commented that “the establishment of cemeteries could help residents reduce their expenditure on funerals. Moreover, it could make them less superstitious and promote a new healthy culture in Fuzhou”.18 In October 1932, a cemetery was reported as being constructed in Wen Hill 19 Ø ( ] ). Eight months later, the construction of this cemetery was reported to have R,a 16 ¾ £_`¶ü Ñ*®N&bN “Qieshi qudi tingjiu, guihua sheli gongmu ^ ” (Forbid holding urburied coffins & planning for constructing cemeteries), Fujian minguo ribao, Apr. 19, 1932. 17 Ibid. 18 D ,¨c©d¥e£f g¥h “Duanping: Tichang jieyue zhisang c ” (Editorial: advocating for budget funeral), Fujian minbao, Feb. 21, 1937. 19 P½ji &,N “Wenshanli gongmu 3 ” (Wenshanli cemetery), Fujian minguo ribao, Oct. 1, 1932. 123 been completed. Over 1,000 coffins were buried in the new cemetery when it was opened. The cemetery also had separate spaces for female cadavers and those who were nameless.20 In 1935, plans were made to set uptwo other cemeteries in the suburbs of the city.21 However, the reform of funerary customs was fraught with difficulties since it had to contend with traditional beliefs that had been entrenched in Fuzhou for hundreds of years. Thus the police force had to be drafted in to help to enforce policies. The Fuzhou Police Department published a series of announcements in local newspapers to thoroughly regulate the prohibition of holding urburied coffins. The department decided to clear out the unburied coffins in the suburbs around Fuzhou. This movement titled “Clearing for Burial ( k!l )” was launched in Fuzhou in 1935.22 In March, policemen were sent out to clean up over 130 coffins in the suburbs. The families or relatives of the deceased were allowed to claim and bury these coffins. The police department also announced the provision of aid to families who could not afford the burial fees to bury the coffins.23 After this first move, the “Clearing for Burial” campaign proceeded sequentially. Local print continued to report in detail the actions under the Fuzhou 20 P½&,N£m¥' “Wenshan gongmu luocheng 3 ” (Launch of Wen Hill cemetery), Fujian minguo ribao , Mar. 21, 1933 21 ê ¡N&=Nn Ñ Ò “Shenghui gongmu yizai sheji, mingnian ke luocheng ” (The Provinical m¥' Capital cemetery is been planed and will launch next year) ü¦µ¨ ö Fujian minbao, Aug. 3, ¦ à =NLnpo¥q£r¥s:½ 1935; “Diyi gongmu yi zhezhi xiamashan & ” (The No. 1 cemetery will locate in Xiama hill), Fujian minbao, Oct. 16, 1935. 22 £t _`Áü£uwv ,x'G=y£z “Shenghui jinjiao tingjiu, xian bennian liuyuedi qingzang E Ó,| ¿ b{¤ÿ ü ” (Unburied coffins in outskirt of provincial capital would be cleared out by the end of June with three section), Fujian minbao, Feb.9, 1936, layout 7. ¦ Ó E 23 à _£` “Diyiqi qingzang tingjiu z ” (Clear out unburied coffins (the first section)), Fujian minbao, Mar. 17, 1935. 124 Police Department. The reports showed that the police department was very committed in implementing this movement. They carefully investigated and searched both in and around Fuzhou. Once they found any coffins, they marked them with registration numbers. In the end, if these coffins were not claimed by their families, the police department exercised their right to re-bury these coffins. In January 1937, the police department was reported to have initiated the second phase of action to deal with the unburied coffins. Fujian minbao reported that there were around 2,500 coffins that were illegally placed within or around Fuzhou. This time, the police department published detailed information about these coffins, such as their locations and number. In addition, it ordered the relevant police sections to continue the clearance.24 One month later, reports in local print showed that there were still over 1,000 coffins which had not been cleared out by their owners, and the police were finally compelled to act.25 After that, the problem of “Temporary Coffin Location” was reduced to a large extent. This measure further enhanced the reform of funerary practices. Advocating Hygienic Modernity In Ruth Rogaski’s sophisticated study of Tianjin, she claimed that “hygienic modernity” was “an essential skill necessary” for Chinese to “join the ranks of the Ó E 24 Þ z ¡ “Shenghui erqi qingzang ” (Clear out unburied coffins (the Second section)), Fujian minbao, Jan. 11, 1937. 25 “Shenghui erqi qingzang”, Fujian minbao, Feb. 4, 1937. 125 modern”, particularly with regards to Chinese urban modernity.26 Rogaski valued highly the contributions that “hygienic modernity” made on the transformation of Tianjin. It “not only transformed the built environment of Tianjin”, but “altered the human landscape of the city as well.”27 During the Nanjing decade, as with many other Chinese cities, hygienic modernity was also considered an important element in urban modernization. Voluntary Adoption of Hygienic Modernity After the rise of the New Life Movement, hygienic modernity was evaluated as a main concern for national salvation and linked to patriotism. An article titled “Announcement to Public” was published in Fujian minbao to publicize the hygiene movement under the New Life Movement. In the article titled “Unhygienic environment represents a deadend for our fellow countryman - a public letter for hygiene movement week under New Life Movement ( kV}L~YVY LYY YV 28 ,hV ó ! kV}¡ )”. The long article almost occupied close to half a page and sought to emphasize the paramount importance of improving hygiene in Chinese cities. The filthy environment and unhygienic habits and customs were not only responsible for population mortality; they were also one of the main reasons 26 Ruth Rogaski. “Hygienic Modernity in Tianjin”, in Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900-1950. in Joseph W. Esherick (ed.) (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), p. 30. 27 Ibid., p. 45. 28 à FzH\¡£ ² “Buqingjie huangjing shi tongbao yitiao silu É ” (Unclean environment was the road to the death for Chinese), Fujian minbao, Nov. 25, 1934. 126 that led to China being weaker and more backward than other countries. The newspaper claimed that pursuing public hygiene was the first step towards pursuing national salvation and self-rejuvenation. Only when the Chinese achieve hygienic modernity and enjoy healthy lives could they shake off the humiliating label of “Sick Man of Asia”. In order for the Chinese not to be despised by foreigners, “we must express great determination in developing hygienic modernity in our city.”29 In addition, local print tried to use patriotism to popularize the concept of “hygiene”. It became a medium to socialize hygienic individual behavior and practices. Local print in Fuzhou asserted that traditional medical practices did not understand the true meaning of “public hygiene”. Traditional medical practices could not reduce the population mortality rate and extend people’s lives. They commented that “traditional medical practice could not contribute to urban hygienic modernity.”30 Therefore, Western-style institutions and hospitals were advocated. As recorded in the local gazette, the modern Western-style hospitals in Fuzhou before the 1920s were all set up by missionaries. In 1924, the Fuzhou Association of Z\[ Western Doctors ( VY! ) was set up. In 1926, public hygiene affairs in Fuzhou area were under the control of the Fuzhou Police Department Hygiene ZL¢£L¤ H¥ Section ( VY¡ ). In 1933, the bureau was renamed as the Hygiene [ZL¢£ Section of the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital ( ¡¦V§ ¤ H¥ ). In the next year, a bureau focusing on hygiene affairs was set up under the 29 Ibid. 30 £¨¦M*¶¦Ñ¡Ç£© “Fujian weisheng jianshe jingguo þH¶ ” (Process of hygienic constructions in ¤ü¦H£R Fujian), Minzhng yekan m¤ Category of achievements by Fujian Provincial Government , collected by Fujian Provincial Library, 1939, p. 4. 127 Fujian Provincial Government in January. It was called the Hygiene Bureau of ¤ £ Fujian Province ( ¡¦V§ ). In 1936, an independent institution titled Fuzhou ¤ HªV«¬ Hygiene Affairs Bureau ( ! ) was set up. The institute was more complete than the previous Hygiene Section of the Police Department of the Fujian Provincial Capital. It was divided into several sections with different functions, including the headquarters office, the education section, the environment section, the medical section, the epidemic prevention section, the women and children section. In addition, three clinics were under the charge of the bureau.31 The successive establishment of official institutions in Fuzhou helped to facilitate the attainment of hygienic modernity in Fuzhou. The establishment of professional bureaus to focus on hygiene issues had indeed furthered the development of hygienic modernity in Fuzhou. Minzheng yekan ,õ ( I®L¯ , Catalogue of Achievements by Fujian Provincial Government) was a periodical published in 1939 by the Fujian provincial government to report on official achievements in the previous ten years. Within this journal, a special section titled “Process of Hygiene Development in Fujian” traced the process of the development of hygienic modernity in Fuzhou since 1929. It reported the authorities’ launch of full-scale development of hygienic modernity, which could be divided into four aspects. First, the authorities paid attention to making hygiene education more widespread. The hygiene education during this period was not limited to the promotion of personal hygiene via public speeches and related publications, but also 31 Ø ¦- ¨ M¤ý Fuzhoushi weisheng zhi þ (Fuzhou Hygiene Gazetteer), collected by Fujian Provincial Library, 1999, p. 256. 128 in educating a group of medical staff in Western medical knowledge.32 Meanwhile, the authorities embarked on a series of actions to improve the environment, such as improving the conditions of wells, clearing daily garbage, and building more public toilets. Epidemic preventions were also necessary to achieve hygienic modernity. During this ten-year period, the authorities frequently carried out vaccinations against prevalent infectious disease, such as plagues. Lastly, the above-mentioned hygiene institutions even paid attention to maternity and child care.33 All of these steps suggested that the authorities considered Western hygiene practices more modern and scientific than traditional medical practices in China. In early-twentieth-century Tianjin, urban hygiene was furthered and promoted by colonial interests. It was foreigners who headed the pursuit and efforts of building a clean urban environment, particularly focusing on hygiene in the foreign concessions. 34 Although Fuzhou was opened up as a treaty port since the mid-nineteenth century, foreign concessions were never set up in this city. In Republican Fuzhou, citizens actively voiced out in local publications their aspirations for modern hygiene and were not passive recipients of changes brought by the Westerners. In 1934, Fujian minbao published an influential article that sought to push for the “Cleanliness Movement ( kV}¡ )” under the authorities. The article pointed out the principal policies for pursuing hygienic modernity in Chinese cities. It said: “We must push on (to continue the Cleanliness Movement) 32 “Fujian weisheng jianshe jingguo”, Minzheng yekan, 1939, pp. 26-28. 33 Ibid. 34 Ruth Rogaski, “Hygienic Modernity in Tianjin”, in Joseph W. Esherick (ed.), Remaking the Chinese City, pp. 30-46. 129 and never give up ( °L±Y ¡² ); we must depend on ourselves (rather than foreigners) ( ³Y´¡µ·¶ ); we must succeed (in pursuing environmental and individual cleanliness and keeping good hygienic habits) and persuade others (in following our lead) ( ¸¹¶ 35 µLº ).” The article showed the high importance attached to hygienic modernity in the process of urban transformation in Republican Fuzhou. Public Hygiene Fuzhou’s residents, with the intensive publicity put up by local print, formed a civic movement for the promotion of hygienic modernity. In 1933, the “twelve regulations ¤ Z½ on public hygiene” ( »¡¼L ) was published in Fujian minguo ribao. From this, we can discern the common understanding of hygiene during this period. One aspect of modern hygiene was connected with personal hygiene habits in daily lives, which entailed more than washing hands or taking baths frequently. The regulations required residents to clean their house regularly, especially their private toilets, which were considered one of the main sources of infections. The other aspect of public hygiene was more important, and proved that Chinese had linked local circumstances and conditions with Western hygienic science. The regulations required residents to maintain street cleanliness. These detailed requirements included keeping domestic animals out of roads and forbidding the spilling of rubbish on streets. Food safety was accorded attention in these regulations. Stricken 35 “Buqingjie huangjing shi tongbao yitiao silu”, Fujian minbao, Nov. 25, 1934. 130 domestic animals could not be butchered and sold and fruits and seafood could not be exposed to prevent their going bad. The sources of drinking water had to be kept free from pollution. The regulations also emphasized the prohibition of “Temporary Coffin Location”, which could pollute the environment and become a damaging infection source.36 In essence, the regulations were depicted by local print as reflecting an image of a hygienic society concentrating on common people’s daily lives rather than any violence of imperialism. The desire for clean living environments and hygienic sanitary habits was not solely held by foreigners. Instead, the local authorities, together with local print, committed themselves to the creation and promotion of a healthy urban environment for the native Fuzhounese. Local newspapers frequently posted cartoons (Figure 4) to criticize the disgusting habits of local people, such as dumping nightsoil along streets and urinating indiscriminately. Figure 4: Scenes on the Street Sources: Huabao, May 3, 1933; Jul. 21, 1934 36 M&£g “Weisheng gongyue ¨ ” (Hygienic pact), Fujian minguo ribao, Aug. 11, 1933. 131 Although Guan Zhigang argued that the real rationale for the New Life Movernment was to consolidate the KMT regime, the New Life Movement also embraced “hygienic modernity” as an essential element of national salvation.37 In the second volume of Xinshenghuo yundong zhoukan, an editorial evaluated that the “Cleanliness Movement” ought to be promoted to every Chinese, regardless of their social class. In addition, it was considered a main driving force for improving 38 Chinese national power. On November 26, 1934, provincial governor Chen Yi ( ¾ ¿ ) organized a public meeting to publicize the launch of the “Cleanliness Movement” in Fuzhou. As a major channel for the dissemination of propaganda, local newspapers paid great attention to this meeting. Important officers in the provincial government, such as Chen Yi and Zheng Zhengwen ( ÀVÁ] , Chief of Fujian Provincial Education Department), attended this meeting. Other than officers in government departments at all levels, representatives came from all levels of military units and schools. In total, around 10,000 people took part in this meeting held at Nanjiaochang (the former parade ground in the Qing dynasty). The provincial KMT party headquarters made an announcement to publicize the campaign through local newspapers. The announcement agitatedly connected the “Cleanliness Movement” with nationalism. It stated that “our nation (the body and health of native people) is weakening… it is the right time for cruel competitions between nations, the Cleanliness Movement is the basic way to protect our bodies, which would then 37 'ý = î¦M\,3 Â=ÃIÄ Guan Zhigang ~ , Xinshenghuo yundong yanjiu (Study of the New Life Movement), (Shenzhen: Haitian Publish, 1999). 38 HæFÆ«æ,z,3  “Pinglun: Lun qingjie yundong Å ” (Editorial: discussion of the Cleaning 3FÂZÊ'H Movment), Xinshenghuo yundong zhoukan î¶M'\ (New Life Movement Weekly (periodical)), Vol. 2, May. 18, 1934, pp. 1-2. 132 strengthen our nation… in this sense, all Chinese should participate in the movement …”39 The grand scale of the meeting as well as the support of the local print would have mobilized the citizens’ passionate support for this nation-wide campaign. Furthermore, local print tried to spread the concept of “public hygiene” as a new lifestyle attitude which would suit urban reform in this changing period. Fujian minbao published an article to explain what “public hygiene” meant. The editor appeared to define “public hygiene” as a new social attitude for his readers (the residents in Fuzhou). This new attitude would help urban development in Fuzhou reach its ultimate aims – clean living conditions, health and happiness for its residents.40 The editor obviously tried to paint an attractive social picture through advocating hygiene consciousness to his readers. Thus, local print held “public hygiene” as the core of the attainment of hygienic modernity. Firstly, they helped the authorities to publicize the policies related to “public hygiene”. In May 1933, a policy formulated by the Fuzhou Police Department, which dictated that all public places were to be cleaned twice per week, was published in Fujian minguo ribao. These public places included restaurants, hotels, tea houses, bathhouses and theaters. The police department instructed the managers of these places to clean their doors, windows, kitchens, toilets, desks, chairs as well as floors. The police would send observers to supervise them.41 The 39 ,á¡ “Qingjie yundong dahui z¥3  ” (Public meeting on the Cleaning Movement), Fujian minbao ü Nov. 26, 1934. 40 =M¥¨¦M,ÇÈ “Gonggong weisheng quxiang & ” (Trend of public hygiene), Fujian minbao, Feb. 26, 1937. 41 ò M¥Éº Ê'G á¥ËFÌbÍIÎ “Gonggong changsuo meiyue ying dashaochu liangci & ” (All public places should do spring-cleaning twice a month), Fujian minguo ribao, May 30, 1933. 133 policy was in the interest of the ordinary people since these public spaces were places commoners frequently visited. Local print also tried to transmit the idea that the protection of the health of all residents’ was the main aim of the “Cleanliness Movement”. Due to the importance of streets as a public space for Fuzhou’s citizens, the police department embarked on a project for street cleanliness since 1932. First of all, the project aimed at increasing its facilities. A new automated garbage collection vehicle was bought to transport garbage within Fuzhou city. Next, a refuse dump was built in Shuibu. These measures enhanced the work of street cleaners. In June 1933, the police department planned to hire 130 more street cleaners to keep streets clean.42 At the same time, public places which were closely connected with public health such as restaurants were required to adhere to thirteen hygiene policies. Among these, operators of restaurants were required to keep their spaces clean, open more windows and doors for ventilation, regularly wipe their desks and chairs, prepare cuspidors for their customers, as well as separate customers with skin diseases from others. Kitchens, in particular, were required to ensure food safety and policemen would carry out spot-checks. If restaurants did not abide by these thirteen policies, their operators might be detained or fined.43 Later, the Fujian Provincial Association [ V ¡YÏLÐ for the Promotion of New Life Movement ( ¡¦¡§ ) formulated very detailed hygiene policies for three main types of public places: restaurants, 42 Q Á& ÑÒ z “Sheng gong’anju ni zhengli qingdao ” (Fujian Provincial Police Department plan to clear-out streets), Fujian minguo ribao, Oct. 6, 1932; Jun. 2, 1933; Dec. 28, 1932. 43 Ø ÓÔ É¨¦M ü “Shiju qudi caiguan buweisheng ££ ” (Ban for uncleaned restaurants) Fujian minguo ribao, Nov. 29, 1932. 134 hotels and tea houses. The policy, called “Measures for the Cleanliness of Hotels, Tea houses and Restaurants ( Õ¡¡LÖ¡×YØLÙYÚkV}¡ÛÜ )”, covered almost every aspect of the operations of these public businesses, such as the frequency at which hotels should clean their washrooms, the frequency for restaurants to sterilize their dishware, and the distance between kitchens and washrooms in tea houses.44 After the launch of the New Life Movement, the “Cleanliness Movement” to promote “public hygiene” was extended to other public places, such as bath houses and retail shops, temples and even prisons. Through the movement, local print tried to introduce a new health culture to their readers. They spread the idea of “urban beauty ( ¡LÝ )”. Local print saw an ideal “urban feature” to mean much more than neat streets or sanitary public places; it included people’s daily habits. In July 1934, a discussion about “urban beauty” was published in Xinshenghuo yundong zhoukan. In general, the writer opined that “urban beauty” included all buildings, all objects and people within one city. Good “urban beauty” would benefit residents’ health both physiologically and psychologically. The writer also emphasized that only when all citizens took responsibility for the city’s “urban beauty”, could the city really attain an ideal level of “urban beauty”. People’s behavior was more important for a city’s outlook.45 Therefore, the improvement of daily habits was emphasized. Journals and newspapers urged citizens to change several habits in their daily lives. First, they promoted personal cleanliness through eating from and cooking food with £Þߣà£á o 44 Ø zI£} “Quanshi chajiu fandian qingjie banfa ” (Cleaning policy of tea houses & restaurants in Fuzhou) , Fujian minbao, Jun. 21, 1934. £âZÖ Q 45 Ø “Shirong de zhengli Ò ” (Organization of urban beauty), Xinshenghuo yundong zhoukan, Vol. 9, Jul. 7, 1934, pp. 1-3. 135 clean dishware, rinsing their mouths frequently, cleaning their teeth, taking baths and trimming their nails. Second, certain unhygienic habits needed to be abandoned. They severely criticized behaviors such as spitting and urinating indiscriminately. They also persuaded people not to sneeze in the direction of others and not to randomly throw trash.46 Cultivating “Good Citizenship” ã¡ä In the 1930s, a traveler, Zhou Xiangze ( h ), hiked from Zhejiang province to Fuzhou. He published an article about his tour and observations of Fuzhou in Fujian minbao. In his article, he wrote: “People in Fuzhou did not have proper amusements. They were either keen on burning joss sticks or shuttling between tea houses and theaters. …These amusements were unfavorable for a healthy civil culture …. The authorities should promote knowledge onational essence and general education for its citizens, especially for youth.” 47 He concluded that the authorities should promote proper education and entertainment to shape new citizenship in Fuzhou. In September 1934, Fujian minbao published a series of articles titled “Reshape the hearts of the people and revitalize the nation ( åYæYºYçVèéVêë ì )”. These articles pointed out the importance of cultural undertakings at that time. The lack of enterprise and ambition ( Ðíîç ) was considered the most dangerous 46 “Xinshenghuo yundong xuzhi ïð ñ¥òIóôIõ ” (Notice for the New Life Movement), Xinshenghuo yundong zhoukan, Vol. 3, May 25, 1934, pp. 8-9. 47 “Guancha Fuzhou zhi ganxiang ö¥÷£ø ù,ú¥û£ü ” (Reflections of observation of Fuzhou), Fujian minbao, Sep. 5, 1936. 136 shortcoming for Chinese.48 Chinese people did not have the notion of either “state” or “nation”. Therefore, the state lacked a cohesive force. It was necessary to build a new culture in China.49 An editorial claimed that the main task for the state was “to 50 stimulate national consciousness ( ë ìVýLþ )”. It represented the aim of local print to shape a new culture which can “harness the nation’s potential, strengthen the country and protect the motherland from invaders”. 51 In order to attain their objectives, local print firstly targeted public education in Fuzhou. Popularizing Public Education ¡ “Civilizing the masses ( ÿë )” was a worn-out maxim dating back to the May Fourth Movement. Civilizing the citizenry and revitalizing urban culture were the main tasks for local print. On 1st January, 1934, an editorial titled the “Mission of Minbao” was published by Fujian minbao, which pointed out that one of its main Yç tasks was “correcting the hearts of the masses ( ¢¤£¦¥ )”. It said all print should take up responsibility for public education. The newspaper expressed their passionate desire to their readers and Fuzhou city. They committed themselves not only to report “public opinion” but also to germinate “right public opinion”.52 The 48 “Zhuanbian renxin yu fuxing minzu §©¨ © ” (Changing culture and national revival), Fujian minbao, Sep. 28, 1934. 49 “Zhuanbian renxin yu fuxing minzu (xu) § ¨ © ( )” (Changing culture and national revival (Continued)), Fujian minbao, Sep. 29, 1934. 50 £ú$&% “Shelun: Benbao dangqian zhi renwu ! #" ” (Editorial: commission of our newspaper), Fujian minbao, Jan. 21, 1936. 51 Ibid. 52 Liang Qichao pointed out in “Guofengbao xuli” that “although public opinion arises from many sources, the most powerful among the organs that produce it are newspapers”. 137 newspaper also criticized some negative aspects of culture in Fuzhou. It pointed out that the public education in Fuzhou was not efficient. Residents in Fuzhou were both foolish and lacking the necessary moral values. “In Fuzhou, if the culture could not be changed, the city could not stop falling”.53 Although this comment sounded a bit harsh, it reflected local print’s eagerness to change the city. In order to shape a new civic culture, local print sought first to popularize public education. The local authorities paid attention to the establishment of the facilities necessary for the education of its citizens. The Fujian Provincial Library was set up by the Fujian Provincial Education Department ( ')(+*-,-.¤/ ) in 1928 and formally began operations on January 1, 1929.54 The library was located on Dongda Road ( 0¦1-2 ) in the center of Fuzhou city. Its predecessor was the No.1 Public Library which was built in 1913. The Provincial Education Department enlarged its collection and renovated its old building. The library announced that it was going to collect authoritative publications published both within and outside China, including books, journals and newspapers. It also opened a newspaper reading room that the public could access for free.55 Four years later, the Fujian Provincial Science Museum was also set up under the Education Department. In March 1933, the chief of the Fujian Provincial “Guofengbao xuli” 354© 67 (Introduction to Naational Culture Newspaper). In Yinbingshi ? heji 89:©;©<>= Collected works from the Ice-Drinker’s studio , (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989),Vol.3, No. 25a, pp. 19-26. 53 ú B C “Shelun: Benbao jinhou zhi shiming 5 © ©@A ” (Editorial: Mission of our newspaper in future), Fujian minbao, Nov. 11, 1934. 54 ED+F+GIHJ)K+L+M Fujian zhengli tushuguan gaikuang ø (General information of organizing libraries in Fujian), collected by Fujian Provincial Library, 1947. 55 “Zhengli shengli tushuguan, tingzhi yuelan F©G NPOH J K QSR TU#V ” (The Provincial Library is under reorganization and closed for public), Fujian minguo ribao, Aug. 1, 1933. 138 Education Department, Zheng Zhenwen, ordered the establishment of a museum in Fuzhou to spread scientific knowledge. On October 23, the museum was completed and opened to the public for free. The museum showcased basic exhibits on physics, chemistry, biology and geography, as well as published several science journals. It also dispatched scientists to receive and answer enquiries and questions from the public on local radio broadcast networks every Thursday. In the following year, a small zoo with a collection of several dozen valuable animals from Southeast Asia was also started within the library, in addition to a climate survey room.56 The Fujian Provincial Broadcasting Station was another important organization set up during the Nanjing decade in Fuzhou, It cost 40,000 yuan and started operation in October 1933, reporting news from all over the country as well as promoting general knowledge.57 The editor of Fujian minguo ribao gave high praise to the founding of this broadcasting station believing that it would “improve urban culture”. The station broadcasted for four hours per day and had different programs everyday. The contents were rich, including domestic and foreign news, music, government reports and educational programs. In the following year, the number of broadcasted programs increased to eleven, and new programs such as business news, climate reports, dialogues and government announcements were added.58 56 !D!N&O WX&K L!M Fujian shengli kexueguan gaikuang ø (General information of the Provincial Science Museum), collected by Fujian Provincial Library,1935. 57 “Sheng guangbo diantai zuori kaishi zhengshi boyin N YZ\[P]_^-`ba cd e©Z©f ” (The Fujian Provincial Broadcasting State was in operation since yesterday), Fujian minguo ribao, Oct. 17, 1933. 58 Ibid. 139 These public education and communication organizations provided the necessary channels to educate residents in Fuzhou. The establishment of Fujian ë¤hi,I.kj Public Education Society ( 'g( ), a professional public education organization set up in December 1934, was a further step carried out by the local authorities to push public education. Fujian minbao used an entire page to promote this new organization in February 1935.59 It could be seen from the newspaper’s interest that the media considered public education an urgent matter. They publicized the publicly accepted ideas about public education. Only public education could save the nation from danger by raising the calibre of its people. After its settlement, the society directly spearheaded the popularization of public education in Fuzhou. Local print in Fuzhou closely traced its work. Between 1934 and 1937, the society mlonqp organized several “literacy movements ( þ )” to encourage residents, particularly the lower class citizens, to read. At the same time, the society organized public reading sessions and painting competitions to engage the public.60 The launch of the Fujian Public Education Society as well as the movements carried out by it soon achieved some results. In September 1935, Ziyang village ( rks¡t ), which located in the outskirts of Fuzhou, held a march to publicize the “literacy movements”. All the village’s residents took part in this march. A group of over 100 adult women from the village Public Education class held red lanterns and walked pass 14 villages. On the way, they distributed leaflets to encourage more people take 59 ø Dxwy©z{_| “Zhuzhi Fujian minzhong jiaoyu yuanqi u©v ” (The origin of organizing public education in Fujian), Fujian minbao, Feb. 16, 1935. 60 “Minjiaoguan juxing yueduhui 5yK&}~\U ” (The Public Education Society hold reading reunion) Q Fujian minbao, Apr. 29, 1935. 140 part in public education and successfully attracted many people to register.61 Through these reports, local print showed their aspirations for the residents to acquire reading ability and modern scientific knowledge, and even the interest to paint. In short, the local publications made efforts to turn a “backward uneducated ¡ ¦) populace ( ë )” into “civilized citizens”, who could finally be involved in urban reforms.62 Lifestyle Reforms The promotion of public education was the cornerstone of the movement for a new lifestyle for Fuzhou’s residents. Subsequently, local print shifted their ambition from public education to a broader agenda, and tried to promote a new urban culture to their readers. Since the beginning of the New Life Movement, local print published a large amount of propaganda to promote lifestyle reform. They commented that “the people’s lifestyle was the standard for evaluating national strength and the development of national culture. If people have healthy lifestyles, the nation would be strong. Otherwise, the nation would be weak.”63 Hence, local print played an active role in integrating urban cultural reform in Fuzhou with the nation-wide social 61 ò ó= ? “Wuliting shizi dayundong © _ Literacy Movement in Wuliting ”, Fujian minbao, Sep. 6, 1935. 62 òîók “Shizi yundong zhongyaoxing (The importance of the Literacy Movement) Q Fujian minbao, Oct. 31, 1934. 63 “Xinshenghuo yundong xuanchuan dagang ï ðñ,ò¥ó ” (Principle of the New Life Movement) Q Fujian minbao, Apr. 6, 1934. 141 reform movement that was taking place in China then. Although many scholars have argued that there were political motivations behind the KMT’s launch of the New Life Movement, the movement was also aimed at bringing changes to social lives in Fuzhou. It advocated several reforms which were helpful in shaping a new urban culture in Fuzhou. First of all, the movement tried to promote reforms against waste and extravagance. In traditional Fuzhou, serious waste and extravagance were caused by the practice of all kinds of rites, such as funerals and weddings. Waste and extravagance were considered detrimental to nation building. The Xinshenghuo yundong zhoubao published an article criticizing waste and extravagance. It wrote: “the habit of waste and extravagance is the reason which leads to the downfall of a nation.”64 Since September 1931, when Japan launched its invasion of Northeast China, the desire for national salvation was prevalent among all the public media. Local print seized the opportune moment to advocate their ideals for Fuzhou, linking these closely with national salvation. Advocating the New Life Movement, local print actively responded to reforms of traditional rites, such as weddings, funerals and birthday banquets. The Fujian Provincial Association for the Promotion of New Life Movement constituted a set of rules to forbid waste and extravagance in these rites. The rules dictated that the cost of each dinner table should not be more than 8 yuan. There was a limit of sixteen members on the procession troop for the funeral. In addition, the procession troop could not hire cars 64 ¥ú “Langfei wenti zhi taolun ¡! ” (Discussion of the issue of waste), Xinshenghuo Q yundong zhoubao ï¥ðñò¥ó (New Life Movement Weekly (newspaper)) Vol. 30, Aug. 1934, p. 1. 142 or horses.65 Another policy extended the prohibitions on waste and extravagance to civil servants. The policy delineated detailed rules for all kinds of rites or banquets organized by civil servants. It prohibited them from accepting gifts during weddings or celebrations of childbirth. It also instructed that civil servants could not hold birthday banquet when they were below 60 years old.66 These policies were to be enforced by the police. Later, Fujian minbao published an editorial commenting on these new rules and policies for cultural reforms. The newspaper argued that these measures would bring a more wholesome urban culture to Fuzhou. In addition, they elevated the importance of socio-cultural reforms by connecting these to national salvation. If people abandoned corrupt customs such as waste and extravagance, it would enable not only Fuzhou but also the whole of China to avoid extinction.67 Conclusion During the Nanjing decade, urban reforms were not limited to the transformation of the urban landscape. The local print went to great efforts to promote the creation of a “civilized community” for the city. This new “civilized community” that they aspired to would be composed of “civilized citizens” who was well educated, possessed strong physical bodies, had a modern hygienic consciousness, avoided superstition, 65 “Gechu hunsang shouyan langfei guicheng S©©©&&S ” (Ban for the waste in weddings and funerals), Xinshenghuo yundong zhoubao, Vol. 30, Aug. 1934, p. 12. 66 “Gongwuyuan gechu hunsang shouyan langfei zanxing guicheng ¡©%©¢ ¡P_©& £ ~&© ” (Temporary policy for forbidding the waste in weddings and funerals for civil servants), Xinshenghuo yundong zhoubao, Vol. 30, Aug. 1934, p. 12. 67 ï£ò§ ¨© “Jintian tiyuchang kai xinyun jinian dahui @¤¥©z ¦&a ” (Public meeting for the New Life Movement is held in public playground today), Fujian minbao, Feb. 19. 143 and enjoyed elegant urban culture. Local print in Fuzhou publicized their hopes for their city and their citizens, and cooperated with the local authorities in related policies and movements. After 1930s, because Japan exposed its naked ambition in invading China, nationalistic sentiments were widespread among Chinese people. Local journalists and publishers made the best use of this nation-wide emotional awakening to promote their proposals for urban reforms. The propagation and promotion of the ideas of a new urban culture and “civilized” community by local print constituted an initial but vital first step. 144 CHAPTER V SCRIPTING FUZHOU WOMEN In 1898, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao proposed movements to improve the lives of women, such as the “Forbidding Foot-binding” and “Advocating Female Education” movements. In the late 19th century, a number of Chinese women began to get educated in new modern schools and even received higher education overseas. This was considered as the forerunner of women’s emancipation.1 After the 1911 Revolution, the Nüquan ( ©¤ª , female rights) movement blossomed. Gilmartin pointed out that the May Fourth era (1915-1924) witnessed “the growth of female social activism in various public arenas”.2 She emphasized the dramatic growth of “literature on the topic of women’s emancipation”.3 As Barbara Mittler discussed in her authoritative work, women became part of “a reading public of the flourishing media in late Qing Shanghai”.4 The coverage of women issues was one of the important factors which made modern newspapers, previously an alien medium, popular in the late Imperial China.5 On the one hand, as one of the major transmitters of popular culture in Republican Chinese cities, these 1 ,ò¥ó&® Women’s Leagure of China (ed.), Zhongguo Funü Yundong Bainian Dashiji «35¬ ¯ ¡°¡± (Chinese Women Movement – 100 Years Chronicle) (Beijing: Chinese Women Publish, 2003), p. 1. 2 Hua R. Lan and Vanessa L. Fong (eds.), Women in Republican China: a sourcebook (Armonk, New York, London, England: M. E. Sharpe, 1999), p.ix. 3 Ibid.. 4 Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China? Power, Identity, and Change in Shanghai’s News Media, 1872-1912 (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004), p. 246. 5 Ibid., p. 245-257. modern Chinese newspapers not only intended to reach out to a public audience that included women, but also brought images of Chinese women’s private lives into the public sphere. Readers were keen to read about women’s romances, affairs, marriages and childbirth. Leo Ou-fan Lee commented that, as urban society became more materialistic, women became a “commodity and material object of male gaze and desire”.6 Some studies focused on the discourse on women in novels, articles and other literary products in the Republican era. However, the women who were not from the high literati circles remained unnoticed. The popularity of western-style newspapers and journals drew the attention from both educated elite women as well as women who belonged to the lower classes during the late Qing and Republican China. Prostitutes, actresses, slave girls and housewives were the most prevalent and significant images of women in published materials during the Republican era. Furthermore, the women who were depicted in newspapers or periodicals were more naturally and authentically represented than those in novels. During the Nanjing decade, Fuzhou’s newspapers and journals also focused on the central issue of the emancipation of women. These subjects, such as women’s role in boycotting Japanese goods, rescuing servant girls ² setting up women associations, and so on were unremittingly discussed in a sustained manner from the New Culture Movement onwards. Other than these major topics, several private newspapers in Fuzhou, such as Xiaominbao, were interested in discovering secrets about famous prostitutes or actresses, publishing romance series, as well as reporting 6 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: the Flowering of a new urban culture in China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge, Mass., London: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 28. 146 on the daily lives of ordinary women in Fuzhou city. These accounts painted an authentic snapshot of the lives of Fuzhou’s women. However, these nuggets revealed some limitations of the nation-wide female emancipation efforts in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade. Furthermore, local print also devoted their efforts to reconceptualize and re-define the images of Fuzhou’s women and alter public attitudes towards women’s roles and rights. Rescuing Servant Girls In Fuzhou during the Republican era, major battles for the emancipation of women were waged in the newspapers and journals. The emancipation of servant girls had been one major issue since the last decade of Imperial China. In 1912, five women communities which were active in the 1911 revolution merged to form a organization named the Women’s Political Alliance ( ©-³-´-µI¶&·-j ) in Nanjing. Its publicly announced objectives were to fight for the implementation of monogamy law, the prohibition of the trade in servant girls, the advancement of female employment, the establishment of philanthropic enterprises for women, the eradication of the prostitution trade and so on.7 One of their major aims was to spread public awareness and gain public support for the efforts to rescue servant girls. Writers and journalists actively took part in the fight for the liberation of servant girls. However, these efforts were frequently limited to agitation in the papers without ever being 7 Zhongguo funü yundong bainian dashiji, p. 9. 147 translated into real action. During the Nanjing decade, local print also focused on the topic of servants girls and uncovered many gaps and failings in the women’s emancipation movement thus far. Denouncing the Possession of Servant Girls As early as 1895, the Methodist Episcopal Church advocated the relief of servant girls’ in Fuzhou.8 In 1927, the Nanjing central government published a law to forbid the possession of slaves.9 However, during the Nanjing decade, servant girls were still popular among wealthy families in Fuzhou and suicides of servant girls were frequently reported in the newspapers. On September 16, 1931, Fujian minguo ribao reported that a servant girl, who was only 10 years old, had drowned herself in the 10 Ma River ( ¸\¹ ). In January 1935, a 16 year-old girl was reported as having attempted to drown herself in the Min River because she was frequently abused by her master. After the girl was saved, she received police protection. In the police station, the girl revealed her master’s many offenses. She was frequently beaten by her master, and sometimes even with the iron chain which was used to tie up dogs. Journalists described the girl as having “big and small, new and old scars all over her 8 Meiyimeihui gangli º\»#º &©7 (Policy of the Methodist Episcopal Church) (Fuzhou: Fuzhou huamei shuju, 1885). 9 «#¿\ 3#À Á Wang Chonghui ¼ ½¾ , Zhonghua minguo xingfa (Law in the Republican China) ( Beijing: Fangzheng chubanshe, 2006), p. 18. 10 Ið “Shisui binü toushui qingsheng ¡éÄ! Å&Æ&Ç ” (Ten-year-old servant girl commits D©3`È suicide), Fujian minbao ribao ø (Fujian Republican Daily), Sep. 16, 1931. 148 legs, arms and even on her face.”11 Only several months later, another servant girl was reported to have attempted suicide just because she had carelessly broken a bowl and was afraid of receiving her master’s punishment.12 Her master’s wife even frequently used lit joss sticks to burn her face as a punishment.13 The above-mentioned reports revealed that the circumstance of Fuzhou’s servant girls did not improve much in spite of several decades of efforts to emancipate women. Funü zhoukan ( É+©-Ê-Ë , Women Weekly) published an article titled “Thoroughly Eradicate the Disguised Practice of Possessing Servant Girls ( Ì Í 14 kÎ)ÏEÐgÑ\ÒÔÓ í )”. This referred to the practice of many rich families in Fuzhou in adopting children from poor families as foster daughters in name but virtually forced them to become servants. Fuzhou’s print discovered this social ill and tried to change this phenomenon. Several newspapers severely criticized the practice of adopting “foster daughters” in Fuzhou. It encouraged the authorities to prohibit the practice through legislation. In addition, the local print also sought to spur the public to help the servant girls through practical actions. In February 1933, Fujian minbao published an editorial discussing the tragic lives of servant girls. It said Õ 11 “Shiliusui shaobi nankan nuedai yutoujiang ©ÖÃ×_ÄØÙ Ú Û Ü©ÅÝ ” (Sixteen-year-old D\ servant girl want to commit suicide under severe abuse), Fujian minbao ø (Fujian People Daily), Jan. 17, 1935. 12 “Youbi bukan kuxing chuwanghou toushui zijin Þ Ä&ß Ù©à Àá5â A Å ÆEãÈä ” (Young servant girl could not endure torture and drowned herself), Fujian minbao, Jul. 22, 1935. 13 Ibid. 14 “Chedi quxiao bianxiang de xubi zhidu å©æç&èS¨éê ë_Äì©í ” (Thoroughly ban the system of possessing servant girls), Funü zhoukan ¬ ©î (Women Weekly), Vol. 1, Feb. 5, 1931. 149 The tragic lives of servant girls are like those living in hell. Their pain cannot be described in any language. It is totally inhuman….15 The journalist also suggested the establishment of a special organization dedicated to saving and assisting servant girls in Fuzhou, called the Fujian Provincial Capital Servant Girls Relief Committee ( ')(+*\j)Ó+©¦ï¤ð-ñÔòj ). The aim of this organization was to achieve and protect “the liberty of servant girls”. Local print appealed to the local KMT center to oversee the launch of this organization in Fuzhou.16 In November, the committee was reported to have been established under the management of several organizations, such as the Minhou County KMT Yë ö¤ö)÷ headquarters ( ó¡ôIõ ) and the Fujian Provincial Women Relief Committee 17 ( ')(+*¦É+©¦ï¤ø-j ). The negative consequences of having servant girls were widely discussed in local print. Funü zhoukan published a long essay which discussed the danger of possessing servant girls. Firstly, rich families which bought or adopted girls from poor families as servants were considered as inhuman. Second, gathering girls was contrary to the norm of the equality of men and women. If servant girls were not saved, women 15 ¥ðñ©ù úû ü “Binü shenghuo ruru huokeng Ä ” (Tragic lives of servant girls) , Fujian minbao, Feb. 26, 1933. 16 Ibid. 17 ¡ £¢¥¤§¦©u v©¨_O “Jiuba binü weiyuanhui you gejiguan zuzhi chengli ý©þÄ&Pÿ&¢_ ” (Various institutions organize the rescuing servant girls committee), Fujian minbao, Nov. 9,1933. 150 rights could not be realized. Third, servant girls were the source of concubines. They might cause further problems for families.18 Furthermore, cautious journalists and editors advocated a gradual execution of the rescue efforts. They published a few articles that discussed the means of rescuing servant girls. The eventual solution was divided into three stages. Journalists firstly requested the authorities to prohibit the adoption of foster daughters as servants, and the possession of maids. Secondly, they suggested setting up schools for servant girls where they could learn some skills to make a living with. Last, they suggested that the authorities establish factories or workshops to provide jobs for these servant girls.19 These specific measures should be able to address the problems of these maids’ livelihood and ensure the thorough eradication of this social ailment. Due to the publicity by local print, the tragic fates of servant girls gained the public’s sympathy. The clamor for the emancipation of servant girls grew in intensity and strength. During the Qing dynasty, the authorities together with the local elites made efforts to ban the tradition of servant girls in Fuzhou. However, 18 ©¥¥ “Xubi zhidu de bihai yu jiefang ë_Äì©íê ”(Fault and liberation of the system of possessing servant girls), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 24, Jul. 23, 1931; “Xubi zhidu de bihai yu ©¥© jiefang (xu) ë Äì íê ( )” (Fault and liberation of the system of possessing servant girls (Continued)), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 25, Jul. 30, 1931. 19 “Chedi quxiao bianxiang de xubi zhidu å_æ ç è_¨é!ê ë Ä©ì©í ” (Thoroughly ban the system of possessing servant girls), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 1, Feb. 5, 1931; “Chedi quxiao bianxiang de xubi zhidu (xu) ”, Funü zhoukan, Vol. 12, Feb. 5, 1931; “Xubi zhidu de bihai yu jiefang”, Funü zhoukan, Vol. 24, Jul. 23, 1931; “Xubi zhidu de bihai yu jiefang (xu)”, Funü zhoukan, Vol. 25, Jul. 30, 1931. 151 their attempts did not achieve good results. During the Republican era, news about the abuses of servant girls continued to appear in local publications. Under Republican China laws, those who made someone become a slave were to be punished with one year to seven years’ imprisonment.20 Some other news reports proved that the justice department had already looked into these abuse cases. Nevertheless, the lack of severity of the judgments and sentences meted out to the offenders meant that the law did not offer much deterrence. In August 1936, Fujian minbao reported a story about a servant girl named Chunlan ( ), a 17-year-old servant girl to a Lin family in Fuzhou. The mistress of Lin ( ) family called Madam Chen ( ), was described as vicious and tough. Chunlan alleged that her mistress frequently beat her. She could not endure it and had attempted to run away. Unfortunately, she was caught by her mistress and cruelly flogged for her attempt. After that, Madam Chen forced Chunlan to wear a pair of heavy iron chains on her feet and ordered her to work with the chains, in order to make sure that she could not run away again. Madam Chen’s cruelty invoked great anger from her neighbors. These neighbors reported Chen’s crime to the local police. In order to avoid incrimination, Madam Chen secretly sold Chunlan to another owner for 120 yuan. However, she was arrested by the local police.21 The case sparked much attention from local newspapers and residents. Other than the Fujian minbao, other major newpapers in Fuzhou, such as Xiaominbao and Huabao, continued to report on the proceedings of the criminal case. The judicial department 20 Wang Chonghui, Zhonghua minguo xingfa, p. 18. 21 ©ÚÄ “Shangdu nuebi annei ¥ ”(Abused servant girls in Shangdu), Fujian minbao, Aug. 4, 1936. 152 was also reported to have gotten involved in Chunlan’s case. However, one month later, the journalists could not hide their disappointment towards the sentence Madam Chen received. The local justice sentenced her to only two months’ imprisonment and the sentence would be suspended for two years. Editors wrote that 22 !#" “it (the sentence) seemed too gentle (( ) )”. In fact, during the Nanjing decade in Fuzhou, there was a lack of legislation concerning the abuse of servants and the laws that existed were inadequate or poorly-enforced. In another case in Beimen ( $&% ), a servant girl was seriously injured by her mistress and finally died from the abuse. However, her mistress also got a light sentence of only a year and two months’ imprisonment, and even this was suspended for three years.23 The absence of severe laws to punish the rich families who possessed maid illegally was the main reason the practice was not stemmed out despite public acrimony. Fuzhou’s newsprints felt that it was necessary to promulgate a strict law to forbid the possession of servant girls. Fujian minbao reprinted “The Measures to -Ò¤Ó,+ -/. Prohibit the Possession of Servant Girls ')(#* ” by the Ministry of the 24 µ)÷ Interior ( 0 ). The document declared the possession of servant girls and the adoption of foster daughters as maids illegal. In addition, it required the local police to be responsible for its enforcement. The importance of this measure was that it 22 xÚ Ä “Lin chenshi nuebi an 13254 ” (Mrs Lin-Chen abuses servant girl), Fujian minbao, Sep. 10, 1936. 23 ¡Ú Ä9 “Beisan guantang nuebi an 6§7985: ”(Case of abusing servant girls in Beisan guantang), Fujian minbao, Sep, 29, 1936. 24 £ï¥>©?©T ë Ä @©Á “Neizhengbu xinban jinzhi xubi banfa <;= ” (New measure published by the Ministry of Interior to forbid possessing servant grils), Fujian minbao, Feb. 8, 1936. 153 gave the judicial authorities and the police the rights to punish those who broke the regulations, even though it did not provide detailed guidelines on how the penalties were to be meted out. Since the judicial authorities had publicly endorsed the cause of freeing these servant girls, local print expanded their efforts to galvanize public opinion to eradicate the practice of maid abuse. An interview of several servant girls was posted in June 1937. The impressive article vividly described the sufferings of four girls who served as maids in an enclave of rich families in Fuzhou – Sanfangqixiang ( A B#C#D , three blocks and seven lanes), where many celebrities and officials have resided since the Song Dynasty. The author wrote that “among these graceful houses, we can find some emaciated maids, wearing unclean cloths, emptying spittoons…”25 The author found it a mockery that the notables who lived in this prestigious area were still engaged in deplorable practices such as the illegal possession of servant girls. In this long interview, four servant girls poured out their bitter experiences to the journalist. These four teenage girls all came from poor families in remote counties and were sold to Fuzhou. The youngest was only fifteen years old. However, her story proved the most tragic. The author recalled completely what she said: Sir, I cannot remember where my hometown was. When I was four years old, my hometown was ravaged by a big flood. My Dad and Mum lost all of their farmland so they had to 25 Ä&H_©IáJ!ê “Jige binü zuili shuochulaide EGF ” (From several servant grils), Fujian minbao, Jun. 30, 1937. 154 bring me out of the hometown and we became refugees. On the way to Fuzhou, my parents passed away because of the plague. I was sold to this rich family by my uncle. There was an old maid called Zhangma ( K L ) in this family, who was an evil woman. She frequently incited the mistress to beat me for any reasons. She made the mistress dislike me. They even used a long iron forceps, which had been made red hot to scorch me. You cannot imagine those terrible wounds on my body!26 The author wrote that “the ragged cloths cannot cover those scorched wounds on her arms which had turned a terrible black and red”.27 The other girls were also frequently abused by their masters. One of them was in a state of great panic because her mistress wanted to marry her to a military officer as a concubine. Emotive and moving, this interview aroused sympathy from the readers. Other similar articles could be found in local print during this period. These reports sparked great attention and sympathy from the public. The campaign for the emancipation of servant girls came to its peak when the Yuechun ( MN ) case occurred in 1936. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 155 Yuechun’s Case On July 1, Fujian minbao published a report about a servant girl called Yuechun who ©¾P was allegedly strangled by her mistress Zhang Huizhen ( O ). However, Zhang insisted that Yuechun had drowned herself in a well. Her testimony was doubted by the Judicial Department as well as local print. Journalists questioned why Zhang’s family had buried Yuechun hastily after her death and asked for a thorough investigation of this case: A servant girl is also a human being. We cannot tolerate the fact that her death was caused by inhumane abuse. We hope that the Judicial Department and all types of women communities will participate in the investigation of this case. We hope that we will not be subverted by power and wealth in our search for the truth. We hope that we can discover the truth of the case and discover the girl’s grievances.28 In the following few months, Fuzhou’s print continued to follow the case and report on its progress. A medical expert confirmed that Yuechun had died from strangulation rather than drowning. Zhang Huizhen’s testimony that Yuechun had drowned herself in the well in their backyard was also disproved by the police. As 28 ¬¥R3S × Ä Q “Hanfu cansha shaobi Q ” (Vicious mistress killed young servant girl) Fujian minbao, Jul. 1, 1936. 156 the diameter of the well was only eight cun ( T ) in length, it was impossible for an adult like Yuechun to fall into it.29 It was therefore clear that Zhang had lied. However, she was subsequently reported to have been released to seek medical treatment after her family had paid a bond of 1,000 yuan.30 The news immediately aroused great anger from Fuzhou’s residents. Other than Fujian minbao, other two popular newspapers - Xiaominbao and Huabao also paid close attention to this case. It became one of the hottest news in Fuzhou of the year. In Fujian minbao alone ² over 24 reports about Yuechun’s case were published from July 1 to September 3. Furthermore, the public participated U actively in the discussions of the case. In the special column, “Public Forum ( 1¦h V )”, which was a space for readers to post their comments or communicate with editors and other readers, several readers articulated their views on this case. It also triggered the climax of the movement to liberate servant girls. On July 25, Zhang Huizhen and the nanny Mrs. Huang-Song ( WX ) were charged for murder. Two bricklayers who served in Zhang’s family were charged for destroying evidence. Zhang’s father-in-law was exposed for having illegally bought ¤¹ a twelve-year-old girl from Zhejiang ( Y ) province as a maid. He was accused of interfering with personal freedom. Local print devoted a full spread to report on the details of the Zhangs’ trial. The editors recounted every detail that served as proof to demonstrate that Yuechun had been murdered, such as “a clear mark on her neck” ² “her face turned black and red”, and “her tongue hanging out of her mouth”. The 29 ¥ZZO¾©P ú¥[ “Shanainai Zhang Huizhen ruyu × ” (Young mistress Zhang Huizhen was in prison), Fujian minbao, Jul. 4, 1936. 30 Ibid. 157 judge also found a witness, another maid in Zhang’s family, who testified that Yuechun was strangled by her mistress. The witness said that she saw Zhang beat Yuechun with a duster before she used a hemp rope to strangle her with nanny Huang’s assistance. The two bricklayers also confessed that they had used a blue cloth to wrap Yuechun’s body up and bury her corpse the next morning after she was killed. All of these actions were committed under Zhang’s instructions.31 Due to the newspapers’ extensive coverage, Yuechun’s case was widely discussed by Fuzhou’s readers. Several readers wrote articles and commentaries about this case. For instance, a reader revealed his anger towards Zhang’s cruelty. He said “Zhang is a terrible murderer that all of us could not tolerate. It is only if Zhang is severely punished that we could pursue a civilized society in Fuzhou”.32 Fujian minbao published his letter in the special column titled “Public Forum” just before the final verdict of Yuechun’s case was reached. This implied that both local print and their readers were extremely concerned about the case, and were in favour of severe punishment for Zhang. Zhang Huizhen was eventually given a life sentence. Nanny Huang was sentenced to 15 years of imprisonment, while Zhang’s father-in-law was sentenced to one year’s imprisonment because of his offence.33 The results of the case were astonishing, especially when compared to the previous cases concerning abused 31 Q “Yuechun que beihai shensi \^]©_©`§ aGb ” (Yuechun was considered to be murdered) Fujian minbao, Jul. 25, 1936. 32 ©c©de©f§g¥h êi¥j Q “Dazhong huatan: yifen duokuan de mashen, tibuqi zhong siti ©w k l_¥ Q ß_| ” (Public speech: 10-centimeter-wide rope could not lift the heavy body) Fujian minbao, Aug. 11, 1936. 33 ¾P©SSÄQ ^nm©o p¥qÀ “Zhang Huizhen shabi, zuopan wuqituxing O ” (Zhang Huizhen who murdered a servant girl was given a life sentence yesterday), Fujian minbao, Aug. 18, 1936. 158 servant girls. For the local print and many residents, Yuechun’s case marked an exciting milestone in the campaign to prohibit the possession of servant girls in Fuzhou. It also demonstrated the local print’s and the public’s determination in clamoring for the abolition of the practice. At the time, Zhang was already in the later stages of her pregnancy. However, the editors asserted that severe punishments were necessary to serve as a warning to others who still possess servant girls. They unrelentingly wrote that: Zhang is a cruel murderer. She deserves to be sentenced to life imprisonment or even executed. She cannot be released for any reason. Even though she was expecting soon, she should still stay in prison…34 Furthermore, Yuechun’s case sparked other debates on topics such as equality between males and females, as well as the integrity of the family system. About one month after Yuechun’s case, Fujian minbao published a full-page long article discussing the reason for Zhang Huizhen’s cruel murder of Yuechun. The author claimed that he was a local resident and had followed this case for a whole month ever since it was reported. The author revealed that Zhang hated the servant girl because she suspected that her husband had an affair with her. He believed that great jealousy had finally driven Zhang to become a murderer. However, the author 34 PÄ9rs¡¡nt “Shabian jijiang gongsu S ” (The case of murdering servant girl should be in public prosecution soon), Fujian minbao, Jul. 5, 1936. 159 pointed out that the case was not unique in Fuzhou; instead, “it was a common social problem”.35 According to the author, affairs between maids and their masters in rich families were frequent, resulting in domestic disputes. Mistresses usually turned out to be cruel, over-sensitive and even unbalanced. However, the author commented that: A man, if he has money, can visit the brothel if he so wishes, and even have many affairs after he had married. This kind of thing can be tolerated by the whole society. However, the situation for women, even rich women, is totally different. It is a great sin for women (to do the same).36 The author obviously sympathized with the weak status of women in rich families. He felt that these wives faced great pressures. Their sexuality and finances were controlled by their husbands, and they were not allowed any independence in any sense. So, the author was driven to think that “they actually hate men.”37 The mental anguish they suffered in turn led them to vent it out on their maids through abuse. In short, the author suggested that the inequality between men and women was the core reason for Yuechun’s tragic fate. The author proceeded to discuss the unjust family structure in Fuzhou. The 35 ¤¾#P\°¡v#I¦| “Cong Zhang Huizhen shijian shuoqi u¡O ” (Discussing from Zhang Huizhen’s case), Fujian minbao, Aug. 1, 1936. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 160 author argued that the male patriarchal system was the main reason for family problems such as domestic abuse. Both servant girls as well as women from the upper class needed to be emancipated. Sexual and financial freedoms were the first things these housewives wanted.38 As the author wrote in the conclusion: Zhang’s crime was only one of the ills within the modern family system…Only by abolishing the whole family system (male patriarchal system) can us really free women and the slave classes. 39 Unlike the other cases of servant girl abuse, such as the girl tortured to death in Beimen, however, the tragedy of Yuechun’s murder became a landmark event that spurred the support for women freedom in Fuzhou. Local print successfully induced their readers to give support and provide insights into this movement from the bottom of their heart. The outcome of Yuechun’s case represented a big step forward for the women emancipation movement in Fuzhou. Desiring Marriage Freedom Xu Jiansheng divided the transformation of the institution of marriage in Republican China into three stages: the expansion of marriage freedom; the abolition of 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 161 traditional arranged marriages; a revolution in the ideas about marriage. Of these three stages, Xu considered the process of pursuing marriage freedom to be the most important.40 However, when scholars discussed the free-choice marriage as a major theme of the New Culture Movement, they found that the issue was mainly debated with a male-centered discourse. In particular, during the May 4th movement, the most severe criticisms towards the traditional marriage system came from the male literati, y¤1¡z such as Chen Duxiu ( 9w#x ), Li Dazhao ( ) and Lu Xun. However, female perspectives were still lacking or inadequate among current studies. Furthermore, the influence of the revolution on the institution of marriage in urban society during the thirty years from the May 4th Movement to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China has been little examined. A number of scholars held a negative attitude towards the marriage revolution in the Republican era. For instance, An Xiuling argued that the traditional marriage and family systems have been deeply rooted in Chinese society for thousands of years. Hence, the traditional conceptualizations actually presented more advantages than new radical ideas about marriage and family. Furthermore, she commented that the impact of the revolution on ideas about marriage varied between localities and social classes. She believed that these changes were more accepted in urban areas than in rural areas. In addition, the new ideas were more widely accepted by the upper classes than the commoners. In brief, she asserted that the revolution in ideas about marriage in Republican China 40 D¥ð |}«©3#©~ Xu Jiansheng { , “Jindai zhongguo hunyin jiating biange sichao sulun ^© ¨ ” (Ideological trend of marriage and family in early Modern China), Jindaishi yanjiu |}G § (Modern Chinese History Studies), Vol.3 (1991), pp. 139-167. 162 was still quite limited.41 How did the marriage revolution directly affect Chinese women? In particular, how did urban females in the front line of this great transformation respond to these new notions? The issue of women’s emancipation was intertwined with the broad process of China’s transformation. Among the many aspects of women’s emancipation, marriage freedom, which was one of the main targets for Chinese cultural reform since 1915, was codified by the KMT laws. Philip Huang pointed out the KMT law showed that “a woman possessed the same rights and obligations as a man”; in particular, she can “make her own choice of a marriage partner.”42 However, even if the laws could enable women to seek for a free-choice marriage, liberation from Chinese marriage traditions would require a much longer time to be realized. Publicizing New Marriage Notions Gilmartin argued that “the right to decide their own marriages” was the basic precondition to improve the position of females within in the thousand-year patriarchal social structure.43 During this period, monogamy was widely encouraged by local publications. Local print condemned the traditional marriage system as one of the main reasons for the tragic lives of women. For the whole society, the 41 \©©~ An Xiuling ¥¥ , “Qingmo minchu hunyin jiating guannian de bianhua ¨ê5¨ ö ” (Changes towards marriage and family idea in the late-Qing and early Republican y X\ China), Lishi jiaoxue wenti (Historical teaching question), Vol.5 (2002), pp. 41-45. 42 Philip C. C. Huang, “Women’s Choices under the Law: Marriage, Divorce, and Illicit Sex in the Qing and Republic”, Modern China, Vol. 27, No. 1 (Jan., 2001), p. 28. 43 Christina K. Gilmartin, Gail Hershatter, Lisa Rofel, Tyrene White (eds.), Engendering China: Women, Culture and the State (Cam.: Harvard University Press, 1994), p. 217. 163 traditional practice of taking concubines caused many social problems. In a single family, the hierarchical family structure had also caused complicated conflicts and disputes among family members. In particular, the practice of taking concubines was disrespectful and unfair to females in general. Funü zhoukan commented that the practice was “unreasonable and against the trend of social development.” 44 Therefore, local print considered the old marriage system to be “antiquated” and that monogamy was more apt for the new society. Local print considered monogamy to be the ideal marriage form. However, frequent reports about child brides and forced marriages demonstrated that arranged marriages still persisted within Fuzhou society. In May 1932, Fujian minguo ribao told a story about a lady named Ke ( ). Before her marriage, Ke fell in love with a lowly bodyguard. However, her father disliked her poor lover and forced Ke to marry into the Wang ( ) family, which owned a rice shop. Ke’s husband was suffering from pneumonia and died just four months later after the marriage. After the death of her husband, Ke’s mother-in-law treated her very harshly and even tried to remarry her to someone else. When Ke’s lover heard this news, he came to the rice shop and tried to visit her. In the end, the bodyguard was caught by the Wang family and sent to the Police.45 Although journalist could not help these two lovers, they did not conceal their sympathy for Ke and her lover. Reports on child brides were also found in local publications. These child 44 ©~©ìí!ê©G “Hunyin zhidu de guoqu yu xianzai ” (Past and present of marriage system), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 19, Jun. 19, 1931. 45 ©¦©R© “Mabian qingchang canbai G© ” (The failure of a bodyguard in the love arena), Fujian minguo ribao, May 20, 1932. 164 brides in Fuzhou were described as the victims of arranged marriage. As a powerless social group, some of them committed suicide in the end. Through these cases, local print discussed ways of rescuing these women from the traps of arranged marriages. Hence, arranged marriages were under severe attack by local print. Funü zhoukan published an editorial discussing how to achieve women emancipation. Other than acquiring economic independence, the writer considered free-choice marriage as the first important step for Chinese women to pursue their emancipation.46 As one of the main themes of the New Culture Movement, free-choice marriage was accepted by Fuzhou’s print. However, this editorial pointed out that if females wanted to achieve real liberation, they must take actual action to break the shackles of the arranged and abusive marriages.47 Funü zhoukan published another article discussing how to seek divorce through legal means. The article argued that “many people do not know what a proper marriage is.” It declared that equality for both spouses was the basis for a “proper marriage”. Wives should have the same rights as their husbands. The article called for women to wake up and realize that it was necessary to end their unhappy marriages through legal channels. The editors felt that those who got married under their parents’ arrangement when they were too young to understand about marriage, as well as others who were forced to marry, should made aware of their rights for 46 ¬&G¥ “Tantan funü jiefang ¥ ” (Discussion on female emancipation), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 9, Apr. 2, 1931. 47 Ibid. 165 legal protection and be encouraged to go for a legal divorce.48 Local print also tried to persuade their readers that divorce was not a shameful outcome. One news article stated that “falling in love is the foundation of all marriages. If she could not find love in her marriage, a divorce cannot be 49 avoided.” The Confucian value of female virtue ( © ) was considered by local print as the main reason driving women to choose to remain in their unhappy marriages. The traditional moral standard demanded that women obeyed their fathers before they were married. After their marriages, they were requested to show unquestioning obedience to their husbands. After the deaths of their husbands, they were to be subordinated to their sons. Furthermore, under traditional Chinese norms, women were forbidden to divorce or remarry. Funü zhoukan published an editorial titled “Divorce and Remarriage” that encouraged women to bravely “seek their own 50 Ñ5¡¦' happiness ( n )”. Therefore, the writer persuaded women who were in unhappy marriages and who had lost their husbands to get divorces or remarry. In addition, he wrote “only when the society is able to accept these (divorce and remarriage of women), can we achieve real equality between males and females”.51 In short, this editorial advocated that women enjoy full freedom in their marriages, including the freedom to choose to divorce and remarry. Thus, the journalists tried to remove the last obstacle for “free-choice marriage”. These series of denunciations, which was continually published in local 48 ©¢ú©~©£¤ “Falvshang zhi hunyin chexiao Á ” (The marital cancellation in law), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 3, Feb. 19, 1931. 49 © “Tan lihun ¥ ” (Discussion on the divorce), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 17, Jul. 4, 1931. 50 _ ¥¦¥§ “Lihun yu zaijia ¥ ” (Divorce and remarriage), Funü zhoukan, Vol. 9, Apr. 2, 1931. 51 Ibid. 166 print, encouraged women in Fuzhou to pursue their marriage freedom. On Aug 8, 1932, a lady named Wu Jinleng ( ¨#©#ª ) published an announcement in Fujian minguo ribao declaring her decision to renounce the marriage engagement with Mr. Luo ( « ) . Wu argued that the engagement was decided by her parents a couple years before. However, she discovered that Mr. Luo was already married. Therefore, the furious lady wanted to terminate the marriage engagement and expose it to the public without any hesitation.52 Thus, local print depicted Fuzhou’s women as a group of warriors fighting for their happiness during the Nanjing decade. Fighting for Marriage Freedom In 1930s, a number of advertisements for marriage partners could be found in Fuzhou’s newsprints. Fujian minbao opened a new section, “Duzhe huatan” ( ¬#U V ² reader’s forum), to communicate with readers from 1935 onwards. With this readers’ forum, we could hear the readership’s voices directly. In 1936, within one month, there were several advertisements looking for marriage partners to be found in local newspapers. On November 18, a 23-year-old businessman announced that he was looking for a marriage partner. Significantly, the young businessman required the applicant to be healthy, gentle, aged between 18 and 22 and most importantly, to be voluntarily willing to be his partner for life. Clearly, this young businessman saw the importance of his life partner making the choice out of her own free will. On the 52 !S ®©¯9° “Jiechu hunyue shengming ” (Statement on annulling the engagement), Fujian minguo ribao, Aug. 9, 1932. 167 same day, other two young men aged 24 and 23 also posted solicitations for marriage partners. These three young men, who were educated, all delineated good health and personality as two necessary criteria for their life partners. In particular, they emphasized that the female applicants should be willing. The second recruiter hoped that “both the applicant and myself will be marrying autonomously (and not because 53 k²9¸º¹¼»¤¥#½,K of family compulsion) ( ±,²¡³¡´¶µ· )”. Women in Fuzhou also took to seeking life partners in local print. Usually, an advertisement for a life partner would be posted by relatives or friends on the behalf of the applicant. One such case was a primary teacher named Zheng 54 ÂÄÃ/Å Zhongying ( ¾À¿Á ). However, a lady named Liu Pingyin ( ) bravely published a similar advertisement by herself. Her act aroused a hot debate in Fuzhou’s newspapers. The contents of her announcement were very interesting: I am a 20-year-old female who received intermediate education. I would like to look for a gentle male with stable employment to be my life partner. I have several requirements. First, he must have completed high school or higher education, be healthy, have a good personality and be single; second, his income should be more than 50 yuan per month, preferably working in post offices (but not be a fat 53 GÈ =É7Ê? “Zhengqiu nüyou Æ¥Ç ” (Seeking girlfriend), Fujian minbao, Nov. 18, 1936. 54 !«Ì ¥Í©Æ© “Zheng Zhongying nüshi zhenghun Ë ” (Advertisement of life partner by lady Zheng Zhongying), Fujian minbao, Nov. 27, 1936. 168 ÏÎÑÐÑÒÔÓ businessman 1 ); third, he must not have a complicated family background; fourth, he must willing to shoulder the burden of taking care of my mother. If someone feels these above requirements are acceptable, please write a letter providing information such as address, family members and send it together with a recent photo to the editors of Fujian minbao. Then they would deliver the letter to me.55 This advertisement unveiled the true desires of women in normal families during the Nanjing decade. Miss Liu was a 20 years old female resident. She might not come from a rich family and her father appeared to have already passed away. In addition, she did not have a brother. Therefore, she bore the responsibility of supporting her old mother, a duty which was usually carried by a son. However, she also looked forward to a better life - hence her preference for her partner to have a stable job with a good salary like those working in post offices (probably highly paid in Republican Fuzhou). She did not cover up her disdain towards profiteers who fattened themselves with money wrested from urban commoners. In short, Miss Liu bravely voiced her expectation for her future marriage. She obviously hoped to select a satisfactory husband by herself. Her case proved how a common Fuzhou woman bravely made an effort to pursue the better and ideal life she aspired to. Miss Liu’s advertisement immediately aroused great attention from many 55 ¥ÕGÖ ×9ØnÆGÇ©ÙÚ “Nüzi Liu Pingyin zhengqiu pei’ou ” (Lady Liu Pingyin seeking a life partner), Fujian minbao, Sep. 10, 1936. 169 readers. One with the penname of Feifei ( Û#Û ) published an article to criticize Miss Liu’s requirements. The reader condemned Ms Liu as a materialistic woman because she listed monthly salary as one key requirement in seeking a husband. The reader disagreed that marriages could be built on financial considerations and said that “only love and personality were the foundation of any marriage”. In addition, the reader also commented that Liu could not make supporting her mother a condition. Since “we are encouraging equality between men and women nowadays… if men should take the responsibility to support their parents, females should also do it too.”56 As such, the reader thought that Miss Liu was still a woman with feudal-era thinking. Other than voicing criticisms of Liu’s advertisement, the reader also discussed ideas of a modern marriage and a modern woman. In particular, the reader thought that a modern female in a modern era should be economically independent and shoulder all responsibilities which were usually taken by males. Although some readers questioned Liu’s advertisement, many other readers supported Liu’s brave and honest action. Some of them wrote letters to the editorial to support her. One of them argued that Liu’s requirement that her future husband possessed a stable job and good income was reasonable. It proved that she had thought about her life carefully and had the courage to pursue her happiness.57 Another reader gave high praise to Ms Liu’s filial piety. He wrote that “even though 56 &¡ a êÝ!QnÞGß©Ö×9ØS©Í “Yifeng gongkai de xin, jigei Liu Pingyin nüshi e©Ü ” (A public letter to lady Liu Pingyin), Fujian minbao, Sep. 19, 1936. 57 à¥1©áâ§ãnÖ ×NØ ä “Duzhe Lin Lüchen wei Liu Pingyin bianhu – bo feifeijun zhi yilun å^ææ3ç è©èGé ©ê ú ” (Reader Lin Lüchen defends Liu Pinyin – against the discussion from Feifei), Fujian minbao, Oct. 3, 1936. 170 she (Miss Liu) was a woman, she still wanted to take care of her old mother.”58 These feedbacks from readers indicated that most Fuzhounese during the Nanjing decade accepted that women had the freedom to choose their husbands and had the right to pursue a happy life. These readers’ responses undoubtedly encouraged Fuzhou’s women in their pursuit of marriage freedom and other female rights. Finally, Liu published another announcement to declare that she had successfully found a suitable candidate about one month later. Furthermore, Miss Liu also explained her motivations for posting the advertisement in a moving article. She wrote: I am against the traditional marriage system and thus I have bravely published this advertisement regardless of others’ criticisms and censure. I am so honest and sincere that I made public my real name as well as my true aspirations for a life partner. I think my desire for a happy marriage is totally personal and I have the right to do so. However, I was still accused severely by someone. Fortunately, there are several righteous readers who stood up and protested for me. I really appreciate them.59 58 å à¡QÉãGÖ©×NØä “Youyi duzhe, wei Liu Pingyin bianhu ëe ” (Another reader defends for Liu Pinyin), Fujian minbao, Oct. 6, 1936. 59 §Í9Æ&5ìNí/î “Liu Pingyin nüshi zhenghun jiexiao Ö9× Ø (The result of lady Liu Pingyin’s advertisement for a life partner disclosed), Fujian minbao, Oct. 16, 1936. 171 In this announcement, Ms Liu mentioned she was a “weak lady from a poor family”, but she had the courage to pursue a joyous marriage for herself. The positive outcome of this marriage solicitation effort, as well as the support that came from most readers encouraged more Fuzhou women to fight for their marriage freedom. Subsequently, several ladies followed Liu’s example of publishing advertisements for a life partner. Among them, a lady named Ren Xia ( ïð ) was special as her advertisement was out of the ordinary and drew the attention of both the editors and readers. Ren Xia published the advertisement in the form of a rhyming couplet challenge ( ±#±ñ ) - the traditional measure for Chinese literati to evaluate their talent. She made the first verse: “Qianjin nanmai qianjin xiao ò#ó¡ô õ 60 ò#ó#ö ” (A thousand gold pieces may not buy a lady’s smile). Through the exposure provided by the newspaper, the lady made the advertisements more meaningful. Unlike the elite women described by Susan Mann, who was simply satisfied by the limited freedom to contact with “elite culture”, Ms Ren Xia wanted to openly mount a literary challenge to males.61 Her method of a challenge aroused many readers’ interest. Editors commented that they received so many letters from applicants that they decided to post all the replies. Between October 29 and November 1, within four days after the publication of Liu’s advertisement, Fujian minbao posted around 40 replies from 34 applicants. The active response from 60 ÷&©Í¥Æ© “Renxia nüshi zhenghun $ ” (Lady Renxia seeking a life partner), Fujian minbao, Oct. 29, 1936. 61 Susan Mann, Precious Records: Women in China’s Long Eighteenth Century (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1997). 172 readers induced the newspaper to publish the second announcement from Miss Ren, voicing her appreciation to both the editors as well as the applicants. However, she emphasized that “she treated this challenge very seriously as the outcome would affect her whole life”, and thus she only considered those who were of a similar age and character.62 Finally, like Liu Pingyin, only two weeks later after she published her advertisement, Ren Xia published a third announcement to declare that she had already found a most satisfactory candidate based on the received answers.63 However, the editors also highlighted her prudence in wanting to set up a friendship with the candidate first, instead of committing herself into the marriage too early. In short, Ms Ren Xia was another person who successfully found a suitable life partner through publicity by local print. Her case revealed that this method of public advertisement was widely supported by readers. Some of them were greatly interested in employing this solicitation method in order to achieve a self-willed marriage. Liu Pingyin and Ren Xia were only two examples of brave women fighting for their marriage freedom featured by local print during the Nanjing decade. Fuzhou’s print publicized their brave actions and supported them. The extensive attention local print paid to the women’s efforts would probably encouraged many other Fuzhou women to seek their happiness. 62 ÷&©Í¥Æ© “Renxia nüshi zhenghun $ ” (Lady Renxia seeking a life partner), Fujian minbao, Nov. 11, 1936. 63 Unfortunally, Ren Xia did not mention which answer of the rhyming couplet she selected and did not expose the winner’s name. 173 Conclusion In conclusion, during the Nanjing decade, local print painted a lively and veracious picture of women in Fuzhou. They discovered that the emancipation of women in the early Republican era was still quite limited. Fuzhou’s print showed that prostitution and the practices of owning child brides, servant girls, and concubines were still popular in the urban society. As the shaper of local public opinion, Fuzhou’s print tried to advocate the advancement of the women liberation movement. As one of local print’s major concerns, the issue of servant girls was pushed to the forefront of the women emancipation efforts. Particularly through the case of the servant girl Yuechun, Fuzhou’s print revealed the tragic lives of servant girls and successfully aroused widespread attention and deep sympathy from Fuzhou’s residents. Meanwhile, local print actively took part in the campaign for marriage freedom. They offered an avenue for individual men and women to fight for free-choice marriages, in particular, the women who used local print as a space to publish their advertisements for marriage partner. In short, local print provided a vital channel for Fuzhou women to be heard by the public. They not only revealed the changes in the lives of Fuzhou women and developments in urban society, but also actively advanced the cause of female emancipation from several fronts. Hershatter commented that the public discussion about “marriage, family, sexuality and gender difference” was one of the “key meanings of modernity”.64 The issue of female 64 Gail Hershatter, “State of the Field: Women in China’s Long Twentieth Century”, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 63, No. 4 (Nov., 2004), p. 994. 174 emancipation presented by Fuzhou’s print was also a part of the urban modernization during the Republican era. 175 CHAPTER VI RELATING TO THE “OUTSIDE” Fujian, a coastal province in southeastern China, has a long tradition of overseas ventures and frequent contacts with the outside world. In particular, the city of Fuzhou located in eastern Fujian has a migration history stretching back to the Han dynasty (202B.C.-A.D.220). As a treaty port since 1842, Fuzhou became even more extensively connected with the outside world, especially the Nanyang area ( ø¡ù#ú û , roughly equivalent to present-day Southeast Asia). The story of overseas Fuzhounese is an integral part of Chinese migration history. However, this history has not received due attention from historians. Within the rich literature on Chinese diasporic studies, research on the Qiaoxiang ( üºý , migrants’ hometown) is gaining increasing attention from scholars. Chen Da’s pioneering study about home villages in South China provides a new analytical framework that focuses on examining the influence of migrants on the evolution of social life in some towns and villages in Guangdong and Fujian.1 Bryna Goodman and several other scholars introduced a transnational dimension into the studies on the Chinese press in late Qing and early Republican China.2 This group 1 Chen Ta, Emigrant Communities in South China: A Study of Oversea Migration and Its Influence on the Standard of Living and Social Changes, English version edited by Bruno Lasker, (New York: AMS Press, 1978). First Chinese edition was published in 1938. 2 In October 2002, the international workshop on “Transnational Dimensions of the Chinese Press, 1850-1949” was held in University of Oregon. 14 scholars took part in this workshop. Later, some of the papers presented were organized into a special volume and published on The of scholars claimed that the modern Chinese press should be studied beyond national -Ë boundaries. Among them, Madeline Hsu argued that the qiaokan ( ü , overseas Chinese magazines) provided a vision of transnational community to connect the Chinese localities with Amercian Taishannese. She emphasized that the qiaokan played a major role in engaging transnational migrants to better understand and be more concerned about developments in their hometowns.3 However, there is a gap in the literature examining the perspectives and attitudes of those who remained within China towards the emigrants and emigrant areas. The political and cultural roles that the overseas Chinese played in the early urbanization of their Chinese home areas had not been given due attention. In addition, there has been limited research on the historical impact of migration on people who had remained behind in China. How did these people look upon the migrants and migrant places? Were they receptive towards the participation of the overseas sojourners in their daily lives? This chapter seeks to address this gap by analyzing the interactions between this Republican city and its diasporic communities through examining images and discourses of Nanyang in native print. Presenting “Nanyang” to the Local Community As a result of poverty and high unemployment during the late nineteenth and early China Review. “Special Issue: Transnationalism and the Chinese Press”, The China Review, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Spring 2004). 3 Madeline Y. Hsu, “Qiaokan and the Transnational Community of Taishan County, Guangdong, 1882-1943”, The China Review, Vol. 4, No.1 (Spring 2004), pp. 123-144. 177 twentieth centuries, a large number of Fuzhounese emigrated overseas in search of better livelihoods. During the Nanjing decade, local print became more critical towards the outside world, even as migration remained a popular trend in the city. Through the migrants’ personal experiences and more direct surveys, local print in Fuzhou tried to provide first-hand observations of Nanyang. Dissipating Romantic Images and Providing First-hand Information In the early Qing dynasty, the court forbade any overseas trade in south China, in order to cut off the supplies to Zheng Chenggong’s ( ¾#þÿ ) anti-Qing forces in Taiwan. Furthermore, the government forced residents living along the coastline to move 20 to 30 miles inland. These policies resulted in many Fuzhounese being made homeless, and forced to flee to other countries such as Japan and many of the present-day Southeast Asian countries. After the Opium War, there were several other trends of migration from Fuzhou. Other than some individuals trying to go ¡ abroad to “make a living” ( ), the Fuzhounese were known for their collective emigration, such as the example of the establishment of “New Fuzhou” in Sarawak. The migration process in Fuzhou was different from migration in southern Fujian, which was primarily the export of labor. However, Western religion played an important role in migration from Fuzhou. Leung Yuen-sang attributed great importance to the role of Huang Naishang, whom he hailed as the Chinese Moses, in 178 this organized migrantion.4 The Christian commune which Huang attempted to launch in the new migrant settlement in Sarawak was the early experiment for a new social model outside of Fuzhou territory. In fact, Fuzhounese had a romanticized image of Nanyang. They considered emigration to be a solution for ending poverty. For many individual migrants, the outside world promised riches, which they believed would help them endure the pain and loneliness away from their families. However, were their beliefs justified? Under the conditions of that time, local print was the most convenient and reliable way for people to understand the outside world. In 1935, Fujian minbao published a serialized article which vividly ÄÅ described Nanyang. The author, whose penname was Jianyin ( ¢ ), relied on his own careful observations to describe a picture of the world outside China that differed from the previous romanticizations. His personal motivations and the expectations of the editors who wanted to publish this long article constitute an interesting issue which merits further discussion and analysis. Jianyin had been in Singapore for several years. In his letter, he paid more attention to the social environments in Nanyang, rather than focusing on the natural landscapes. First, he compared Shanghai and Singapore, commenting that “the living conditions of the poor in Singapore were not much better than those in Shanghai”. He added that there were many capitalists in Singapore and the exploitation of laborers among them was not very different from that already occurring in 4 Philip Yuen-sang Leung, “The Moses of China: Huang Naishang and the Chinese Christian Commune in Sibu”, in Leo Suryadinata (ed.), Ethnic Chinese in Singapore and Malaysia: a Dialogue between Tradition and Modernity (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 2002)., pp. 342-347. 179 Shanghai.5 He also noticed that prostitutes wandered around the streets and peddlers were beaten by Malayan policemen. In revealing the many “dark sides” of the Chinese communities outside of China, his account appeared to be a warning to his compatriots who wanted to go abroad.6. He tried to illustrate that “the outside world is not much different from the homeland of China, and that it is not as beautiful as previously imagined.” 7 He also paid much attention to Chinese newspapers and journals published in Singapore. Although Xingzhou ribao ( £¥¤§¦©¨ , Sin Chew Jit Poh) was the best-selling newspaper in Singapore, Jianyin criticized it for publishing dispirited literary works, which made this Chinese newspaper stagnant and lacking in vitality.8 In addition, the author commented on two influential journals ( ø , Southern Island õ and ø , Children in Southern Country) in Singapore. He harshly criticized the writers for lacking proper training in Chinese literature. He commented that these writers did not “have mature writing skills, which made their works very crude.”9 This shows that the author was likely to be educated literati who could not hide his disappointment at the cultural leanness in his migrant place. Jianyin went on to denounce the education system in Singapore. He pointed out that most private schools in Singapore could not provide proper education for children. In particular, because of the strict control of the colonial government, 5 ȥݫê4 “Pengyou xinzhong de Nanyang fengguang (The images of Nanyang in D a friend’s letter),” Fujian minbao ø (Fujian people daily), Jan. 25, 1935. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 180 students were not able to write a single sentence to express their dissatisfaction towards the oppression of the Chinese.10 In sum, this article provided a first-hand account of Nanyang. The author revealed many “dark facets” of Nanyang societies. Nanyang was described as a place that might be prosperous, but lacking a good Chinese cultural environment. Introducing Emigration Information for Potential Migrants Chen Ta’s early study about emigrant communities in South Fujian discussed the close economic ties between the overseas Chinese and their home villages.11 It was a common belief among the Chinese in southeastern China that migration was an easy route to wealth. This belief was passed from one generation to the next, from a very early period right up to the Republican period. During the Nanjing decade, the high volume of news about the outside world in local print indicated the intense attention both the media and the public paid to this issue. The Chinese population’s desire to venture abroad was reflected in Fuzhou’s newsprints. In March 1937, a reader wrote a letter to the editors of Fujian minbao: I am suffering in poverty (in Fuzhou). In order to get out of these poor living conditions, I intend to go to the 10 ȥݫê 4 “Pengyou xinzhong de Nanyang fengguang (xu) ( ) (The images of Nanyang in a friend’s letter (Continued)),” Fujian minbao, Jan. 26, 1935. 11 Chen Ta, Emigrant Communities in South China. 181 Southeast Asian countries. With the exception of a relative residing in there, I know nothing about the outside…12 The reader asked the editors for more information regarding the route to Nanyang as well as the procedures for traveling abroad. As a result of information censorship during the Nanjing decade, local print became one of the major channels for the public to obtain valuable information about the outside world. At the same time, the local newsprints were also willing to take on the responsibility of providing this service to their readers. Editors often replied to questions posed by the readers and offered them information about traveling to Nanyang. At that time, it took approximately seven days to travel from the Ma River to the Island of Celebes.13 Each traveller needed to pay 50 Chinese yuan for the trip. The editors of Fujian minbao also reminded the Chinese travelers to bring along two photographs for the passports and some extra cash for daily necessities.14 Just a month later after the publication of this letter, Mr. Lin ( ), another reader, wrote a letter to request for more information on Nanyang. Lin also wanted to go to Nanyang because he had lost his business in Fuzhou. He asked about the economic situation in Nanyang, and inquired on the best place for business, as well as the expenses needed to prepare for the journey. After a careful survey, the editors were able to give him accurate information. First, the editors considered that the 12 £ô “Yuwang Nanyang xubei hezhong shouxu Ü (Procedures of traveling to Nanyang),” Fujian minbao, Mar. 19, 1937. 13 The island of Celebes refers to the Sulawesi island in present-day Indonesia. 14 “Yuwang Nanyang xubei hezhong shouxu,” Fujian minbao, Mar. 19, 1937. 182 economic situation in Nanyang was much better than it was two or three years ago. They suggested that those who wanted to go there needed to bring along about 100 yuan for immigrant tax. However, they also warned that if the reader did not have any relatives in Nanyang, it would not be advisable to go there as it was still not easy to find a job without assistance.15 Fuzhou’s print also wrote about the livelihood of the overseas Chinese in Nanyang. For instance, local print frequently featured surveys of the economic and political conditions in Southeast Asian countries. The editors and journalists paid close attention to the overseas Chinese in Singapore. They reported that the rubber industry was among one of the top industries, which was running well under the leadership of the overseas Chinese; the mining industries were ranked second.16 Furthermore, the Fuzhounese in Singapore monopolized the coffee shop and hairdressing businesses.17 They also established their own native place associations which promoted close links among the Fuzhounese migrant community.18 The ¡ Fuzhou Huay Kuan ( '(Ej , Fujian Native Place Association) provided the Overseas Fuzhounese in Singapore with financial aid to set up their coffee shop 15 “Nanyang Jingkuang jinlai haozhuan,” Fujian minbao, Apr. 3, 1937. 16 ©¿ !" “Nanyang huaqiao jingji diaocha (Economic survey on overseas Chinese in Nanyang),” Fujian minbao, May 13, 1935. 17 ' ()* +, - Zhong Junqiang #$&% , “Bobing mianxian, gaopi piaoxiang: yinshi ye” , . 8/0 = ? Food and drink Industry , in Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan (ed.), Toulu: Xinjiapo Ô54637ø-D- Ôê&~0 Fujianren de hangye 132 (Trades of Fujianese in Singapore) (Singapore: Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, 2008), p. 232. 18 The first hairdressing industry association in Singapore was set up at 1909 by Fuzhounese. The Fuzhou Coffee Bussinessment Association was also recorded to set up around 1830s. Zhang 38 °0913: ;=¡ G9@30 Jing O , “Shiye touteng, gongfu dingshang: lifa ye” , : (Hairdressing industry), in Toulu: Xinjiapo Fujianren de hangye, p. 209; Zhong Junqiang, “Bobing mianxian, gaopi qiaoxiang: yinshi ye”, in Toulu: Xinjiapo Fujianren de hangye, p. 232. 183 businesses.19 These first-hand reports were of great help to those who intended to go aboard to make their future plans. Supporting the Nanyang Travel Agency In the aftermath of the Great Depression from around 1934 to 1937, local print noticed that it was difficult for Fuzhounese to go abroad because many countries wanted to impose tight restrictions on the number of Chinese immigrants. Due to this circumstance, it was not easy to obtain the required passports to enter Nanyang. In addition, local print revealed that several illegal travel agencies made great profits through exploiting the limited availability of passports. Many people were cheated when they relied on these agencies, ending up only in Xiamen or Hong Kong ( AB ) instead of Southeast Asia, and being extorted to the last cent.20 To help these people, Fujian minbao strongly advocated the establishment of a reliable travel agency to help the migrants make their way to Nanyang.21 ¥CD In July 1935, Lin Jingchao ( ), an overseas Fuzhounese, returned to Fuzhou and organized the establishment of the Nanyang Travel Agency. His plan was publicized and supported by local print. Other than exposing the wrongdoings of the rogue agencies, Fujian minbao suggested the establishment of a special agency 19 “Xinjiapo Fujian huiguan 436?73E9FHG3I (Singapore Fuzhou Huay Kuan)”, Fujian §ãPE minbao, February. 13, 1935; “Xingzhou kafeidian wei Fuzhouren suo baoban JK&LMON FQRSUT ”(Fuzhounese dominate café shops in Singapore),” Fujian minbao, Nov. 7, 1935. 20 “Choushe Nanyang lüxingshe V W5XHY5ZH[]\ (Proposal for the establishment of the Nanyang Travel Agency),” Fujian minbao, Jul. 9, 1935. 21 Ibid. 184 to focus on handling the procedures for migration to Nanyang. Subsequently, journalists investigated Lin’s background, concluding that his assets in Penang were genuine and that he was thus reliable. Furthermore, they also introduced Lin to the relevant native-place association and helped him to acquire the necessary license.22 Finally, the agency was set up on 10 July 1935. The British Taikoo Shipping Company also agreed to start a new route from Fuzhou to Nanyang, which would be able to transport approximately 500 people on each trip.23 Fujian minbao lavishly praised the agency’s establishment and believed that it would “greatly benefit Fuzhounese.” Before the establishment of the Nanyang Travel Agency, Fuzhounese could only travel to Nanyang by taking ships at the Xiamen dock. After its establishment, Fuzhounese could also embark on their journey directly from Fuzhou. Furthermore, with the opening of the Agency, Fuzhounese had a professional agency to organize all the emigration procedures, such as applying for passports, booking tickets, and introducing jobs to the emigrants upon their arrival. 24 The local newsprints expressed high expectations for the Nanyang Travel Agency, predicting that it would become an important institution linking Fuzhou and Nanyang. Two years after its establishment, the agency was featured in Fujian minbao as an information center which answered readers’ enquires on Nanyang and traveling abroad.25 22 Ibid. 23 “Nanyang lüxingshe dingyu benri xiawu kaimu X5YUZ5[&\ ^U_a`cb5d ef (Nanyang Travel Agency is scheduled for opening this afternoon), Fujian minbao, Jul. 10, 1935. 24 “Nanyang lüxingshe zhi renwu XY Z[\g h&i ” (Mission of Nanyang Travel Agency),” Fujian minbao, Jul. 10, 1935. 25 “Lüxing zhidao Z [UjUk (Travel guidance),” Fujian minbao, Jun. 23, 1937. 185 Surveying the Overseas Chinese during the Great Depression The 1929 Great Depression deeply affected the overseas Chinese both economically and politically. Local print in Fuzhou kept a close watch on the situation of the overseas Chinese - the collapse of overseas Chinese businesses; the Sinophobic policies being implemented in many countries; and the tensions between the overseas Chinese and the assimilation policies of the foreign governments. It was indeed a difficult time for the overseas Chinese communities. How did the colonial authorities and native people treat the overseas Chinese communities? Was “going abroad” a correct, or even safe, option to improve one’s lives? Local print in Fuzhou began to raise doubts about the outside world during this period. The Great Depression and Hostile Policies towards the Chinese Diaspora During the Nanjing Decade, a large number of reports revealed the negative faces of the outside world as well as tragic stories surrounding the overseas Chinese. Since 1929, the worldwide Great Depression exerted a far-reaching impact on the overseas Chinese communities. Overseas Chinese communities not only lost their businesses, but also had to endure anti-Chinese riots caused by the crisis. Local print in Fuzhou reported the high unemployment rate of the overseas Chinese in the countries they were sojourning in. For instance, Qingtian bairi zhoukan ( l9monqpOr=s , Blue sky and bright sun weekly) noted that the economic crisis caused rubber and tin 186 industries to close down, resulting in the massive retrenchment of overseas Chinese in Malaysia.26 Many overseas Chinese were forced to return to China during this period. Fujian minbao published a report on the annual number of migrating Chinese and returned overseas Chinese. According to the statistics from Xiamen and Shantou ( t¡u ) Customs, 112,202 people emigrated to Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan and Nanyang in 1932. However, the statistics from these two customs also revealed that 278,944 people returned in the same year - more than twice the number of emigrants. Journalists tried to offer reasons for this phenomenon. First, they identified the decline of global trade as one of the main causes. The decline of global trade resulted in a decreasing demand for Chinese workers in many countries. Some countries, such as Singapore, even imposed a severe immigration policy to restrict the number of Chinese immigrants. In addition, many countries, particularly those in Nanyang, started to collect heavy immigrant taxes from Chinese. The gloomy economic environment in Nanyang for overseas Chinese continued for the next few years. Local print placed much emphasis on the situation of the overseas Chinese. Fujian minbao reported the downturn of the overseas Chinese businesses and the sharp decline of remittance from the overseas Chinese since 1929. For example, the statistics showed that the remittance from overseas Chinese in Siam dropped drastically from 34,600,000 yuan in 1928 to 14,900,000 yuan in 1934.27 26 “Malaiya jingji konghuan yu huaqiao shiye v wxy z{ |&} ~ 5O (Economic panic and unemployment among Malayan Chinese),” Qingtian bairi zhoukan 9&` P (Blue sky and bright sun weekly), Jun. 4, 1932, p. 1. 27 “Private remittance from Thailand to Shantou kept declining… it was 34.2 million in 1929, 33.2 million in 1930, 19.9 million in 1931, 16.8 million in 1932, and 14.9 million in 1933. See “Lüwai huaqiao jingji yi riqu shuairuo, junian huikuan guiguo shuzi yujian ZU~ yz3]` 187 The Case of Overseas Chinese in Siam During the Great Depression, the severe economic conditions were accompanied by political oppression for the overseas Chinese. Many countries, such as Indonesia, Switzerland, Spain, Malaya and Siam, adopted local protectionist policies.28 In the Philippines, some Filipinos destroyed Chinese shops and severely wounded many overseas Chinese.29 Among these countries, the Siamese government carried out the most policies that were directly and severely hostile to Chinese sojourners. During the period of more than 30 years from the enthronement of Rama VI to the fall of Phibul Songkram’s military regime in 1944, the Thai ruling class escalated the exclusion of ethnic Chinese from Thailand. Since the late 19th century, the Siamese kingdom had faced serious external threats. From 1867 to 1907, Siam was forced to cede large amounts of territory to France and Britian.30 When Rama VI ascended the throne in 1910, Siam remained under pressure from several colonial U , &] &P (The ever-weaking economy of Oversea Chinese, and the parallel decreasing remittance to China),” Fujian minbao, Nov. 20, 1934. 28 “Heyin qiaobao liang wenti HU3 ” (Two problems facing overseas Chinese in Dutch East Indies), Fujian minbao, May 8, 1935; “Dong yindu huaqiao xingjiang jueji ~ [ ¡ ¢ ” (Overseas Chinese in Dutch East Indies is going to vanish),” Fujian minbao, May 11, 1935; “Ruishi, Banama ji Heyin, Xianluo zhihou shixing paihua £U¤¥¦5vP§ H¨&©Pg ªU« [¬~ ” (Switzerland and Panama Imposed Anti-Chinese Measures Following the Dutch East Indies and Siam)”, Fujian minbao, Aug. 10, 1935; “Xin Fuzhou minji qiaobao, ni hui qiongzhou zhongzhi shujiao EUF]®°¯ ±²H³©´UFPµ¶·¸ (Overseas Fuzhounese in “New Fuzhou” (Sibu, Sarawak) plan to go back to Qiongzhou to plant rubber),” Fujian minbao, Nov. 9, 1936; “Lüxi huaqiao jiang jueliang Z¹~ U¡ º (Overseas Chinese in Spain is going to run out of food supplies),” Fujian minbao, May 25, 1937. 29 “Feilübin paihua chao »O¼ ½P¾P¬U~ ¿ (Anti-Chinese wave was evoked in Philippines),” Fujian minbao, Mar. 15, 1935. 30 Âà Huang Ruizhen À£Á , “Lama liushi de minzu zhuyi yu paihua sixiang jiqi yingxiang ÄÅ?ÆUÇÉÈÊË }P¬~&ÌOÍÎÏUÐ5Ñ ” (Nationalism and Excluding Ethnic Chinese Thought of Rama VI and Their Impacts), Nanyang wenti yanjiu XY3É Ò5Ó (Southeast Asian Affairs) , Vol.2 (2008), p. 75. 188 empires, particularly France and Britian. Subsequently, Rama VI believed that the wealth of the overseas Chinese in Siam posed a menace to the country and its people. He described the overseas Chinese in Siam as “Jews of the East”, who remained loyal to their motherland no matter where they resided in. He criticized the Chinese for reaping money off the Siamese people and remitting a large amount of money back to China every year.31 During the late 19th century and early 20th century, although they did not dominate the economic arteries of Siam, overseas Chinese controlled the domestic trade of agricultural produce. Therefore, overseas Chinese became influential in the daily lives of the Siamese.32 Rama VI was also sensitive to the 1911 Revolution occuring in China, which was consided to be a threat to the monarchical system in Siam. Finally, Rama VI promulgated several laws to constrain overseas Chinese in Siam, such as “The Changing Nationality Policy”and “The Deportation Policy”. “The Ordinance for Private Schools” and “The Compulsory Education Ordinance” were also introduced to restrict Chinese language education. Other laws, such as “The Regulations on Publications and Documents”, tried to control Chinese publications.33 The succeeding Phibul Songkram military government imposed more severe discriminatory policies against Chinese. The military government abolished from the voting rights of overseas Chinese in Siam, which prevented the Chinese 31 Ö?°×ØÙ&Ú Cai Wenxing ÔPÕJ , Taiguo jindai shilue (History of Modenr Thail) (Zhongzheng chubanshe, 1944), p. 74. 32 Ü ÝPÞßàá âUãPä Rebrykoba, N. V. Û ‡ ‡ , translated by Wang Yijin et., Taiguo jindai shigang å3æèçéUêë (History of Modern Thailand) (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974), pp. 299-333. 33 Huang Ruizhen, Lama liushi de minzu zhuyi yu paihua sixiang jiqi yingxiang, p. 74 189 from gaining political power in Siamese society. It also implemented another severe law to regulate Chinese publications by demanding that all publications should be inspected before publication.34 Chinese language education was also targeted by this government. Between March 1933 and August 1935, the government forced 79 Chinese schools to close.35 In summary, during Rama VI’s reign and the subsequent military regime, the Siamese governments implemented assimilation policies that restricted Chinese political rights, suppressed Chinese economic interests and prevented the dissemination of Chinese culture. These policies greatly distressed the oversea Chinese communities in Siam, severed the connections between overseas Chinese with their motherland, and resulted in their assimilation into Siamese society. The discrimination and exclusions the Chinese faced in Siam draw great attention from Fuzhou’s print. During this period, most Fukienese in Siam were involved in many businesses, such as the fishing industry. However, many overseas Chinese suffered severely under the Sinophobic policies. For instance, in 1934, the Siamese government implemented a new fishing policy in order to prevent the overseas Chinese from dominating the fishing industry at the expense of the local Siamese. The policy stated that over 75% of the employees in each fishing company must be Siamese; otherwise, the company would be declared illegal. The existing Chinese fishing companies that did not follow this policy had to be disbanded. Many 34 Ibid. 35 G. William Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: an Analytical History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1957), p. 299. 190 overseas Chinese in the fishing industries thus lost their jobs. In an article entitled “ Great Panic among the overseas Chinese towards the New Fishing Policy of the Siamese Government”, the Fujian minbao criticized the Siamese government for not taking care of the livelihood of the overseas Chinese. In the same article, journalists also appealed to the KMT government to support the overseas Chinese in Siam.36 In addition, a series of forced assimilation policies carried out by the Siamese government led to enormous unhappiness among the overseas Chinese in Siam. In March 1935, Fujian minbao published a long letter written by an anonymous overseas Chinese in Siam, which denounce the acrimonious assimilation policies adopted by the Siamese government. The writer accused the Siamese government of assimilating their children. He was especially upset with the compulsory education policy started in 1933, which mandated that all Chinese schools teach the Thai language for 25 hours every week. Consequently, these Chinese schools only had seven and a half hours to teach Chinese language per week. The overseas Chinese tried to petition for the reduction of the number of hours for studying the Thai language but they were sternly rejected by the government. The writer pointed out that the compulsory education policy became more detrimental after 1934, when the Siamese government required all Chinese teachers to pass a Thai language examination. Failure to do so would result in the closure of the schools. Within a few days, more than 40 Chinese schools were forced to close, including almost all the Chinese schools in southern Siam. As a result, thousands of 36 “ Xian danju xinban yuye keli, huaren yuhu daqi konghuang ì íOî ïðñòó ô]õ÷öøñ ù ú û&üPý (Siamese government promulgated new harsher regulations for the fishing industry, resulting in the panic among the Chinese fishermen), Fujian minbao, May 31, 1935. 191 Chinese students were forced to enroll in Siamese schools. In 1935, the Siamese government actually restricted children aged between 7 and 14 from studying in Chinese schools. To make matters worse, the government declared that all children from overseas Chinese families were required to take the Thai language examination. Failing the examination was even considered a crime and the children would each be fined up to 5 Baht and imprisoned for up to five days. The overseas Chinese in Siam were enraged by these harsh policies. The writer hoped to get some support and help from his motherland. He wrote: Dear compatriots, please sympathize with the overseas Chinese communities in Siam. Please support us in our fight against their assimilation policies. We sincerely hope that our government can quickly negotiate with the Siamese government. Please prevent our children from becoming assimilated.37 Subsequently, the Siamese government’s hostile policies came under severe attacks in Fuzhou’s print. The editors and journalists did not hesitate to show their support towards the overseas Chinese in Siam. They were quick to condemn the 37 ¡ £¢¥¤?ö§¦¡¨ ©§ “ Xianluo zhengfu tonghua huaqiao zhi dula ì=þ ÿ (The vicious assimilation policies towards overseas Chinese by the Siamese government),” Fujian minbao, ¢ ¤ö¥¦¥¨© Mar. 21, 1935; “ Xianluo zhengfu tonghua huaqiao zhi dula (xu) ì5þÿ ( )” (The vicious assimilation policies towards overseas Chinese by the Siamese government) (Continued).), Fujian minbao, Mar. 22, 1935; “ Xianluo zhengfu tonghua huaqiao zhi dula (xu),” Fujian minbao, Mar. 23, 1935. 192 mistreatment of the overseas Chinese. Beginning in May 1935, local print continually published news and editorials that criticized the ruling authority in Siam. It even openly showed its support to several commercial associations which petitioned the KMT government to cut off its economic relations with Siam. It also asked the KMT government for “ effective economic sanctions” to pressurize the Siamese government. In addition, it posted an appeal to rice merchants, asking them to boycott Siamese rice.38 Fujian minbao went as far as to publish a long editorial that demanded that the Siamese government change its attitude towards the overseas Chinese. The roughly 2,000 words long editorial was entitled “ Warning to the Siamese Government and its Representatives.” It outlined the mistreatment of overseas Chinese under the Siamese government, and claimed that their allegations were based on “ irrefutable evidence.” This editorial quickly aroused “ great anger among Chinese people.” According to the report: The overseas Chinese Association has called for the boycott of Siamese products. The whole country will support it… Nowadays, you cannot find any import from Siam in our country… The Siamese kingdom must have suffered great losses. However, we are peaceful Chinese and we will not do 38 ì Uö ¥ “ Duixian paihua caiqu youxiao zhicai (Impose effective sanction against Siam’s anti-Chinese policies),” Fujian minbao, May 11, 1935; “ Yuanzhu xianluo huaqiao, ì?þ&ö¦9õ ! " #!$!!% ì! tongzhi mishang bude caiyong xianmi (Support overseas Chinese in Siam, rice merchants to boycott Siamese rice)” , Fujian minbao, May 29, 1935. 193 this if we have other options.39 The editorial further pointed out the negative impact of the mistreatment received by the overseas Chinese in Siam. Besides noting that “ keeping the friendship between these two countries would be most beneficial”, it added that “ there are over 3,000,000 overseas Chinese in Siam, who contributed to the economic development of Siam.” Finally, the editorial summed up that the relationship between China and Siam would be “ in a win-win situation if it is positive and in a lose-lose situation when it is negative.” 40 On the whole, the editorial, in a strong tone, condemned the suppression of the overseas Chinese under the Siamese government. The public uproar and clamour continually articulated through the multiple articles in local print eventually pressurized the KMT authority into announcing their official support for the overseas Chinese. On May 10, 1935, Fujian minbao reported that the Nanjing central government instructed Jiang Zuobin ( &('*) ), the Chinese ambassador in Japan, to contact the Siamese government. According to this report, the KMT government aimed to set up formal diplomatic ties in order to negotiate the issue of overseas Chinese with the Siamese government as equal players. At the same time, the overseas Chinese association, together with the Rice Trade Union, started to appeal for the boycott of Siamese rice. These two societies voiced their unhappiness in the newspaper and announced their determination to support the 39 ]ì¥þ]ÿ§ . /3é 0 “ Jinggao xianluo zhengfu jiqi daibiao +-, (Warning to Siamese government and its representatives),” Fujian minbao, May 31, 1935. 40 Ibid. 194 overseas Chinese in Siam. In addition, they also asked the KMT government to support their compatriots.41 One month later, the KMT party headquarters in Fuzhou also published an announcement expressing their determination to support overseas Chinese in Siam. Moreover, the party headquarters also commanded the local commercial associations to stop business dealings with the Siamese government.42 Fujian minbao published this official announcement: After reading continuous reports from newspapers which revealed all kinds of mistreatment towards the overseas Chinese under the Siamese government… all of us were very angry. We must retaliate in support of our compatriots… The county government has decided to instruct all rice businessmen in our county to boycott Siamese rice.43 In short, Fuzhou’s print revealed the suffering of overseas Chinese during the Great Depression. Their close attentive coverage helped native Fuzhounese acquire a better understanding of migration and the migrant areas. In addition, local print connected overseas Chinese with their native places. Finally, these understanding and linkages brought a further discussion about the relationship 41 1 2¥3ö1¦]õ54ÿ 6 “ Xianluo zhengfu nüedai huaqiao, wo zhengfu yi ling jiaoshe ì&þ ÿ 7¥8 9 (Diplomatic negotiations with the Siamese government on cases concerning the abuses of Overseas Chinese),” Fujian minbao, May 10, 1935. 42 7 "1= “ Xian dangbu ling shanghui :¥; < (Command come from Minhou County KMT party headquarters to commercial chamber),” Fujian minbao, Jun. 3, 1935. 43 “ Xian dangbu ling shanghui” , Fujian minbao, Jun. 3, 1935. 195 between Fuzhou city and its diaspora. Shaping Public Attitudes towards the Fuzhou Diaspora The Nanjing decade was a period in which donations and investments from overseas Chinese to their ancestral homeland had greatly declined due to the Great Depression. Many overseas Chinese even returned to China without much money. It was interesting to note the strong support local print in Fuzhou and a majority of the Chinese population gave to the overseas Chinese. The reports in the Fuzhou’s print generally expressed sympathy for the overseas Chinese who suffered during the Great Depression. In June 1935, the Deputy Chairman of the overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, Zhou Qigang ( >(? @ ), gave a presentation about the relationship between national unity and the overseas Chinese in a meeting with the Nanjing central government. His presentation inspired a discussion in Fuzhou’s print. First of all, the editors of Fujian minbao were sympathetic towards the difficult situation of the overseas Chinese, expressing the hope that the overseas Chinese could remain united during this difficult period. Furthermore, the editors were even willing to “ take up the responsibility of providing assistance to the overseas Chinese.” 44 The editors were highly critical of the lack of diplomatic support given by the ruling KMT government. They felt that the lack of formal relations with other countries was a major reason for the discrimination and 44 ¦¥A1BC]æ5D1E F “ Huaqiao qiantu yu guojia tongyi ö (The future of overseas Chinese and the unification of China),” Fujian minbao, Jun. 20, 1935. 196 lack of protection given to the overseas Chinese. The editors also agreed with Mr. Zhou that forced assimilation was a serious problem. They explained the danger of the forced assimilation policies in which “ overseas Chinese had to become nationals of other countries.” Consequently, China would be completely cut off with these people, as well as their financial support and families.45 As a result, the editors strongly believed that the central government in Nanjing was “ duty-bound to help these sojourners.” 46 Local print tried to convince their readers to support and sympathize with the overseas Chinese during this period. The editors of Fujian minbao also discussed whether it was an obligation to provide assistance to the overseas Chinese. A number of readers suggested that since several overseas Chinese had multiple nationalities, there was no real need to support them.47 The editors however argued in support of the overseas Chinese. They asserted that the overseas Chinese were forced to take on multiple nationalities because they had no choice. Most importantly, many of them only took up a second nationality in order to avoid suppression from the foreign government. Therefore, the editor felt that the Chinese in the motherland should play a more proactive role in rescuing the overseas Chinese from foreign suppression and assimilation. In addition, they reiterated the importance of supporting the overseas Chinese. The editors believed that the motherland should be responsible for looking 45 ¦ A BCHæGD E¥F “ Huaqiao qiantu yu guojia tongyi (xu) ö ( ) (The future of oversea Chinese and the unification of China (Continued)), Fujian minbao, Jun. 21, 1935. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid. 197 after the welfare of the overseas Chinese. They highly valued the financial contributions of the overseas Chinese during the 1911 Revolution and the Northern Expedition. Correspondingly, they criticized the KMT government for their weakness, which partially contributed to the tragic predicament of the overseas Chinese: [We] hope that all patriotic overseas Chinese can link their future to the unification and strength of their motherland… Please actively assist the central government to achieve the unification of the entire nation. This is the only way to ensure support for a strong motherland.48 These reports served to remind the central government in Nanjing that the support and recognition of the overseas Chinese was highly important for the consolidation of its regime. Local print also tried to propagate this important idea to the public masses and even attempted to forge a mutual understanding and stronger bond between the overseas Chinese and the Nanjing government. Expectations of City Dwellers for Greater Assistance from Overseas Chinese Besides declaring support for the overseas Chinese, local print in Fuzhou also 48 Ibid. 198 expressed the expectations of its citizens. Local print expected the overseas Chinese to continue their donations to all kinds of charities in Fuzhou during the depression. In addition, they actively sought overseas investments for the local industries, aware of the benefits which the overseas Chinese were able to bring to Fuzhou city. Unfortunately, during the Great Depression, overseas donations and investments declined sharply. Local print reminded the overseas Chinese to remain loyal and continue their contributions to their hometowns. In the 1930s, many articles were published in local print to glorify the overseas Chinese’s contributions to their motherland. The Jinan Incident ( H(I-JLK ), which occurred on 3 May 1928, aroused much grief and indignation among the overseas Chinese.49 After that, it became a trend for the overseas Chinese to make donations to the Nanjing central government for the national defense effort. The Fujian minbao was highly appreciative of the financial contributions from overseas Chinese. According to the report of the Central Government’s Financial Department, between June 1928 and January 1929, the overseas Chinese donated as much as 8 million yuan within eight months.50 In spite of the Great Depression, the Bank of China estimated that the annual remittance from the overseas Chinese between June and September in 1929 was over 190 million.51 Local print recognized the donations 49 The Jinan Incident (also known as the May Third Tragedy) occurred on May 3, 1928. Northern Chinese warlords together with the Japanese Army fought against the KMT Northern Expedition army in Jinan, the capital of Shandong Province. Several battles were fought in Jinan city. On May 3, Japanese invaded the city. The KMT government reported that over 5,000 Chinese were killed on that day. May 3rd was later remembered as the “ National Humiliation Day 5M*N æ ”. 50 ¦¥O1PHæQ¨R S “ Huaqiao duiyu zuguo zhi gongxian ö (The contribution of overseas Chinese to their motherland),” Fujian minbao, Jan. 28, 1935. 51 Ibid. 199 from the overseas Chinese and emphasized their significance in “ national construction and improvement of people’s daily lives”. During this period of “ national crisis ( T U )”, the donations from the overseas Chinese had greatly benefited many educational and charitable organizations as well as economic and political institutions.52 Journalists highly valued the support which the overseas Chinese provided to national revolution in their motherland. They also commented on their importance to China’s political development, asserting that “ the origins of the Chinese revolution were to be found in the overseas Chinese”.53 However, the overseas Chinese not only paid attention to political events but also were keen on the urban development in their ancestral hometowns. Based on a large number of fiancial documents and investigations from the Chinese and foreign banks in Xiamen and part of Quanzhou, Zheng Linkuan argued that the remittances had contributed to the country’s international trade balance and improved the living conditions of the communities.54 A number of Chinese scholars also closely studied the returning overseas Chinese, arguing that the returnees were looked upon as investors, sponsors or builders of a modern China. Overseas Chinese contributed significantly to the Chinese Revolution. They also contributed to subsequent economic and cultural development, especially in the transformation of migrants’ hometowns.55 James A. Cook for example presented the case study on the 52 Ibid. 53 ¦ O1P?æQ¨R S “ Huaqiao duiru zuguo zhi gongxian (xu) ö ( ) (The contribution of overseas Chinese to their monterland (continued)),” Fujian minbao, Feb. 4, 1935. 54 Y¥Zö ¦1[¥\ Zheng Linkuan V¥W¥X , Fujian huaqiao huikuan (The remittances from the Fujian overseas Chinese) (Fuzhou: Fujian zhengfu mishuchu tongjishi, 1940). 55 çéUö¦¥_`]æ¥aQb ò&êdc Lin Jinzhi W¥] ^ , Jindai huaqiao touzi guonei qiyeshi yanjiu e (Research on the investment by the overseas Chinese on domestic enterprises in early 200 aggressive urban modernization which overseas Chinese brought to Xiamen by the capital, expertise and political will.56 The highly favorable evaluation of the overseas Chinese increased the Fuzhou residents’ expectations of them. Donations from overseas were needed to resolve the financial difficulties in Fuzhou. A number of news reports demonstrated how the Fuzhouese depended on overseas donations. One such case was the well known Overseas Fujianese, Hu Wenhu as one of the main contributors to Fuzhou’s urban development during the Nanjing decade. His donations to Fuzhou caught the attention of local print. For example, in early 1935, Fujian minbao reported that Hu Wenhu donated 30,000 yuan to set up an orphanage in Fuzhou. Since August of that year, the new orphanage was reported to have been in operation.57 One year later, Hu was reported to donate 350, 000 yuan for building 100 new primary schools in Fujian province.58 Among Hu Wenhu’s many contributions, the establishment of the provincial hospital was a significant case. Hu advocated the establishment of this provincial hospital for city commoners. Before this provincial hospital, there was not õ Modern China) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1983); Lin Jinzhi W ]¥^ Jindai huaqiao ¦¥_ ` æaGbPò¥fg touzi guonei qiye gailun çéö (A survey on the investment by the overseas Chinese on domestic enterprises in early Modern China), (Xiamen: Xiamen daxue ]æGi õ W ]¥^ jlk¥m chubanshe, 1988); Li Guoliang h Lin Jinzhi and Cai Renlong , Huaqiao ¦öø¥C næGo p qZ r huaren yu zhongguo geming he jianshe ö (Overseas Chinese in the Chinese revolution and foundation) (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1993). 56 James A. Cook, Bridges to Modernity: Xiamen Overseas Chinese and Southeast Caostal Modernization, 1843-1939 (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of California at San Diego, 1998; Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI, 1999). 57 “ Hu Wenhu juan sanwanyuan gei piner jiaoyangyuan s1t u1v¥w¥x¥y1z¥{¥| }~¡ ” (Hu Wenhu donated 30,000 yuan for the charity schools for children from poor families), Fujian minbao, Aug. 23, 1935. 58 “ Hu Wenhu juan sanshiwan chong xiaoxue jianzhufei s1t1u v¥w¥ x 11Z§ ” (Hu Wenhu donated 300,000 yuan as contribution to the construction of primary schools), Fujian minbao, Oct. 30, 1936. 201 a single Western-style hospital in Fuzhou to cater to the common people and the urban poor.59 Therefore, many citizens died because they could not afford the huge medical fee. In December 1934, Hu sent a secretary to meet the Provincial Governor, Chen Yi in Fuzhou, proposing to set up “ a hospital for urban commoners” and promising to donate 120,000 yuan as the construction funds.60 The authorities took up this proposal immediately. In addition, local print, such as Xiaominbao and Fujian minbao, all regarded Hu’s proposal highly.61 The main building of the provincial hospital was finished by April 1936.62 It comprised of two buildings to house general wards, one building for an isolation ward, and another building for a nursing school.63 On May 1, 1937, the hospital began its operations and was greatly welcomed by Fuzhou’s commoners. It was reported to have served more than 110 patients everyday during the first two weeks of its opening.64 However, the local print also revealed that urban development in Fuzhou brought a negative effect in making the city overly dependent on the overseas Chinese for financial support. Consequently, following the reduction of financial assistance from oveseas, many municipal works could not be carried out due to lack 59 “ Pinglun: xiwang shengli yiyuan g§ ¥1! ” (Editorial: hoping for the building of Fujian Provincial Hospital), Xiaominbao § (Petty Urbanities Daily), Apr. 6, 1937. 60 é 0¥¥"Z! “ Hu Wenhu daibiao laisheng shangjian yiyuan s1t u ” (Representative of Hu Wenhu visited Fujian to discuss the establishment of hospitals), Fujian minbao, Dec. 15, 1934. 61 “ Pinglun: xiwang shengli yiyuan”, Xiaomin Bao, Apr. 6, 1937; “ Hu Wenhu daibiao laisheng shangjian yiyuan”, Fujian minbao, Dec. 15, 1934. 62 “ Shengli yiyuan zhuti jianzhu l 1¥Z ” (Main buildings of Fujian Provincial Hospital), Fujian minbao, Apr. 27, 1936. 63 “ Shengliyiyuan zhaojian binfang l 1Z ¥ ” (Building wards for Fujian Prvoincial Hospital), Fujian minbao, May. 13, 1935. 64 “ Shengli yiyuan wuyue yiri kaizhen 1 FN1 ” (Fujian Provincial Hospital will start operating on May 1), Fujian minbao, Apr. 25, 1937, layout 6 ”Shengli yiyuan yipie !5F ” (Observation of Fujian Provincial Hospital), Fujian minbao, May. 11, 1937. 202 of funds. For instance, Fujian minbao reported that the plan of setting up a private Science Museum was canceled because there were insufficient contributions from Nanyang overseas Chinese.65 The local government too planned several urban development projects that depended solely on overseas funding. For instance, Hu Wenhu promised the Provincial Education Department a donation of 20,000 yuan for the construction of a city stadium when he visited Fuzhou in November 1935. However, in early 1936, when the Education Department finalized all the planning details and architecture designs, Hu could not offer the funding for unknown reasons.66 Due to the lack of funding, the construction project was placed on hold. Local print reported that Hu Wenhu requested the Education Department to pay 20,000 yuan in advance to start the project, while the Education Department insisted that Hu must remit his donations first.67 They started to blame each another. Eventually, the plan was abandoned as a result of worsening economic conditions in subsequent years.68 Interestingly, the overseas Chinese was excessively relied on not only by the government but also by the public, which wanted to count on them for financial support. Some readers even wrote letters to local print, requesting Hu Wenhu to make investments in Fuzhou. For instance, one reader lauded the contributions that 65 ]õ¦¥ v¥§1¨-6G, © “ Zengrui you Nanyang guilai, mujuan jihua yigao shibai Q ¡¢ £¤l ª (Zengrui returned from Nanyang, the fundraising campaign had failed),” Fujian minbao, Jun. 13, 1935. 66 “ Hu Wenhu juanzi jianzhu Fuzhou tiyuchang s tu!v `Z Y!«¬ (Hu Wenhu donated to build the Fuzhou stadium),” Fujian minbao, Jan. 10, 1936. 67 “ Tiyuchang jianzhu jingfei ¬1Z® (Funding for the stadium),” Fujian minbao, Jan. 10, 1936. 68 ò# ¯°]õd±²d³´µ “ Nanyang jingji bu jingqi, yingxiang bensheng zhenwu ¢¥£¥" (Economic downturn in Nanyang affected the provincial relief efforts),” Fujian minbao, May 9, 1937. 203 Hu had made to Fuzhou, calling him a “ savior” of the masses. Hence, Hu’s apparent disinterest in investing in Fuzhou left the reader bewildered. The reader even tried to persuade Hu to set up factories in Fuzhou, so as to provide jobs for unemployed men.69 In order to display its advantageous status as a Qiaoxiang, Fuzhou’s print tried to publicize the contributions of the overseas Chinese. This was done in order to obtain overseas assistance for the urban construction projects. Their endeavor was indeed successful in bringing some improvements in Fuzhou. To local print’s editors and readers, as well as the authorities, the overseas Chinese communities were regarded as a source of financial support for the city. Consequently, the development of Fuzhou city became entangled with the fortunes of the overseas Chinese. Conclusion The Chinese press was considered to have created an “ extra-national imagined space” through transnational flows of news, transnational readerships as well as the transnational journalistic networks.70 In the case study of Fuzhou’s print, they not only increased the connections between the sojourning Fuzhounese and their native-places, but also created a “ contact zone” for native people to understand the emigrants. During the Nanjing decade, Fuzhou’s print published extensive reports 69 “ Qing Hu Wenhu xiansheng sheli gongchang, jiyi jiuji shiye tongbao ¶!slt u¥·¸r1¹1º , »½¼G¾ ¿ Oò ¢GÀ © (Appeal to Mr. Hu Wenhu to invest in factories so as to save unemployed compatriots),” Fujian minbao, Feb. 24, 1937. 70 Bryna Goodman, “ Networks of News: Power, Language and Transnational Dimensions of the Chinese Press, 1850-1949”, The China Review, Vol. 4, No.1 ( Spr. 2004), pp. 1-10. 204 about its migrants and migrant areas, presenting truthful pictures of the outside world as well as the everyday lives of the overseas Chinese community. Fuzhou’s print had a pioneering role in providing first-hand information about its diaspora. In addition, they also provided information for potential immigrants and helped to set up travel agencies specializing in migration issues. These narrations and descriptions illustrated the prevailing perceptions and attitudes of the Fuzhounese towards their overseas compatriots. Goodman argued that the Chinese press had multiple identities. The contents of their print were not limited by national boundaries.71 Apart from local readers, Fuzhou’s print also included the overseas Chinese among their readership. Local print narrated stories of the overseas Chinese’s suffering during the Great Depression to those who remained in Chinese. During this difficult period, Fuzhou’s print became an active participant in connecting suffering overseas Chinese with their motherland. To some extent, their journalists and editors promoted a trend of “ supporting overseas Chinese” within the local society, even extending their efforts to promote this on a nation-wide basis. On the other hand, Fuzhou’s print was also concerned with the benefits that transnational migration offered to the province. During the Nanjing decade, local print became the main channel to express their hometowns’ aspirations to the Overseas Fuzhounese. The large amount of overseas funding received supported many urbanization projects that were under financial stress in Republican Fuzhou. 71 Ibid., p. 2. 205 Nevertheless, the over dependence on overseas economic support also hindered the self-sustainability of urban development in Fuzhou. In conclusion, this chapter presents a case study of the interactions among local print, overseas Chinese and the migrants’ hometown. During the Nanjing decade, local print in Fuzhou had allowed its city dwellers to make contact with Nanyang more frequently, more quickly and more directly. These close linkages influenced the development of Republican Fuzhou. 206 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION: ASPIRATIONS FOR A NEW FUZHOU The establishment of a central government under the Kuomintang in Nanjing ended the warlord era in Fuzhou. A period of relative calm followed from 1927 until the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, giving the city a chance to pursue its urban development. Several scholars have neglected the development that took place in Fuzhou during the late Qing and Republican era. In her pioneering study on the urbanization of Fujian province, Lin Xing commented that “ the urban modernization in Fuzhou since the mid-nineteenth century had experienced three phases - 469 Ã(Ä Å(Æ “ inception (sprouting Á* )” , “ development ( )” and “ stagnancy ( )”. Similarly, Wei Yingtao and He Yimin pointed out that Fuzhou, as one of the five treaty-port cities, was relatively backward compared to its counterparts.470 This is why very few research works on the city have been produced and Fuzhou has generally been neglected within Chinese urban studies. The absence of archival materials is another reason for the lack of research 469 È ÉËÊ Lin Xing W1Ç , Jindai Fujian chengshi fazhan yanjiu 1843-1949 yi Fuzhou, Xiamen wei e ¼ YZ1̥ͥÎ1Ï1c Ð Y«!ÑÓÒ§Ô5Õn5Ö zhongxin çé (1843-1949 ): . (The development of Fujian cities in early Modern China: cases studies of Fuzhou and Xiamen (1843-1949) (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Xiamen University, 2004), pp. 316-317. See earlier literature review in Chapter I, pp. 19-21. 470 næèçé# ¢ Wei Yingtao ×5ØÙ , Zhongguo jindai butong leixing chengshi zonghe yanjiu Ú!Û e Ì¥Í Ü Ý1c (Studies on different types cities in early Modern China) (Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1998), pp. 383-396; He Yimin Þ¥F , Jindai zhonggo shuailuo chengshi e (n?æ ß à§Ì¡Í c yanjiu çHé (Studies on the declining cities in early Modern China) (Chengdu: Sichuan chubanshe, 2007 á , pp. 295-300. See earlier literature review in Chapter I, pp. 19-21. on Republican Fuzhou. However, a number of local print published during the Republican era has been well-preserved. These local publications constitute an important pool of materials on Republican Fuzhou. They reported the major issues that the authorities were concerned with. They also narrated anecdotes about the city inhabitants. Furthermore, they expressed their authors’ aspirations for a modern Fuzhou. From their contents, we may trace the impetuses for, and understand the barriers of, the urban development of Republican Fuzhou. Rescuing a City from Stagnancy The 1911 Revolution ended Fuzhou’s status as a prefectural seat. It was followed by loose social control in the city during the subsequent warlord period. At the end of the warlord period, the authority attempted to set up an independent municipal government. Unfortunately, due to the unstable political environment, this attempt encountered many fiscal problems and failed eventually. During the Nanjing decade, the Fujian Provincial Government and the Minhou County Government, together with the Fuzhou Police Department and the Fuzhou Works Bureau, took charge of the administration of the province without clear division of jurisdiction or duties. To examine the reformation of a city, it is useful to examine a detailed urban plan that was published in the Fujian minguo ribao, which conveyed the citizens’ desire for and dream of a modern Fuzhou city. This utopian urban plan generated a beautiful vision for the future of Fuzhou, envisioning a city with a 208 complete sanitation system, convenient transportation, full municipal facilities, as well as a population made up of “ modern citizens.” This idealized blueprint for a new Fuzhou required a huge budget and could not be realized in practice without the support of a strong government. However, it mapped out a new direction for urban development in the city to bring it out of stagnation. The reorganization of urban space was a fundamental part of the modernist agenda. As Peter Carroll has described in detail in his book, Suzhou was a successful case of urban transformation that placed the city onto the path towards modernity.471 Fuzhou also started its own urban reforms, including the construction of modern roads, which was essential for changes to the urban landscape. Road construction in Fuzhou was thus an indicator of the city’s achievements during the Nanjing decade. By 1935, as many as forty-nine major roads had been built. If roads, as pointed out by Carroll, functioned as “ arteries and veins to nourish the urban body,” then the improvement to the urban landscape brought about by road construction clearly symbolized the infusion of new blood into the “ body” of Fuzhou and ensured its further modernization.472 In the 1930s, several other public facilities projects were carried out. Since 1926, the Running Water Project, which aimed to bring a healthy life style to citizens, was launched in Fuzhou. The Fujian Provincial Hospital for urban commoners was another important urban project during the Nanjing decade. Other public facilities 471 Joseph W. Esherick. Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900-1950.(Honolulu: University of Hawai’ i Press, 2000), p. 9. 472 Peter J. Carroll. Between Heaven and Modernity: Reconstructing Suzhou, 1895-1937 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2006 ), p. 71. 209 brought by the Industrial Revolution from the West, such as electricity, were also introduced into Fuzhou. During the process, the process of urban modernization encountered obstacles stemming from the forces of traditional culture and the conflicts between public welfare and commercial interest. Even as these conflicts proved difficult to resolve, local print played an important role in negotiating them. With the active participation of local print, the urban landscape reforms achieved initial success during the Nanjing decade. On the eve of the Japanese invasion, strong sentiments for “ national salvation” arose on a nationwide scale. Fuzhou’s urban cultural reforms were integrated within the broader New Life Movement. The cultural reforms were considered to be not only necessary for modernity in the city but also intertwined with national prosperity. The reforms continued and furthered the movement towards displacing superstition begun since the New Cultural Movement. In the 1930s, the New Life Movement, another important step in urban cultural reforms, introduced the concept of modern hygiene to the people in Fuzhou. Finally, the cultivation of “ good citizenship” pushed the cultural reforms in Fuzhou to its peak. During the Nanjing decade, the emancipation of women had some significant achievement in Fuzhou. The Yuechun case saw the effort to rescue servant girls reach its peak. In the end, the murderers received severe penalties. The successful rescue of servant girls advanced the women emancipation movement in the city. Furthermore, Fuzhou women were encouraged by the success to pursue the freedom of free-choice marriage through local print. Their “ bravery” was a 210 demonstration of the achievement of women emancipation in the republican city. Fuzhou is a city with a long migration history. The city’s overseas connections influenced its urban development. Financial support from the overseas Chinese ensured that some municipal projects were carried out during the decade. However, Fuzhou’s over-dependence on overseas funds also resulted in the entanglement between its urban development and the fortunes of the overseas Chinese. Role of Local Print in Fuzhou’s Modernity Liang Qichao commented that newspapers constituted a bridge to connect the ruler and the ruled and they had become a key factor in strengthening and modernizing the country.473 Mittler emphasized the power of newspapers as a rational public sphere to voice public opinion and create identities and nationalist feelings.474 This study has examined the interactions between local publications and urban changes in the city of Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade. Specifically, it has explored how Fuzhou’s local print sought to promote and implement a whole gamut of urban reform agendas. By doing so, the study argues that local print in Fuzhou played a crucial and multi-faceted role as propagator, coordinator and facilitator in the city’s urban transformation. 473 HæQä å Liang Qichao, “ Lun baoguan youyi yu guoshi g1¥â 1ãO ” Discussing contribution of news agencies towards mediating of national issues), in Yinbingshi heji æ ½ç¡Ý¡è á å Collected works from the Ice-Drinker’s studio (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989) ,Vol. I, no. 1, pp. 100-103. 474 Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China?, p. 411. 211 The failure of municipal reforms in the early Republican era brought about administrative chaos in Fuzhou. This had prompted the local print to fill the vacuum and make up for the inadequacy of the municipal administration, by taking up the responsibility and burden of drawing a comprehensive blueprint for the urbanization of Fuzhou. Although the plan was not fully implemented, it pointed out the direction for urban reforms in the following years and provided residents with a beautiful vision of the Fuzhou city and their future lives. Forming the twin pillars of the urbanization blueprint were the reorganization of urban space and the reform of urban culture. Fuzhou’s local print reported on and supported the process of the improvement of urban infrastructure. Road construction was one of the major issues that local print paid close attention to and the reports and commentaries pushed for the need to improve the conditions of transportation in the city. When the authority was mired in a dilemma between tradition and modernity as well as that between public welfare and commercial benefits, local print allowed the public to hear the voices of the weak and acted as a medium to arbitrate conflicts, and eventually contribute to the urban reforms. The reshaping of urban culture was a major aspect of Chinese modernity. In the 1840s, the arrival of Western power challenged the traditional Chinese way of life. Since then, Chinese intellectuals began to move towards a new vision of the modern nation-state in China. The emergence of western-style newspapers and periodicals in China provided a pre-condition for the birth of Chinese nationalism in 212 the form of “ imagined communities” (as coined by Benedict Anderson).475 On the eve of the Second Sino-Japanese War, the urgent issue of national survival became an important driving force for urban cultural reforms. Opinions on the building of new social attitudes and cultural values were prevalent in Chinese print. Fuzhou’s local print was one of the active participants in the nationwide cultural reforms. Local print cooperated with the authority to implement the anti-superstition movement, launch the call for “ Hygienic Modernity” in the city, and promote the notion of “ civilized community” among citizens. Furthermore, they also successfully positioned the shaping of urban culture in Fuzhou within a broader nationwide socio-political movement for the attainment of “ national salvation”. Female emancipation was one of the important components of Chinese modernity. Women in Fuzhou during the Nanjing decade were not only readers but also participants in the social debates concerning female liberation in local print. During the period, local print thus became the major arena for the emancipation of women in Fuzhou. They exposed the miserable lives of servant girls in the city. Through the Yuechun case, local print harnessed the power of public opinion for the emancipation of servant girls. Therefore, they promoted a movement to rescue servant girls. Meanwhile, local print also became the platform for females to pursue freedom in marriage. In short, Fuzhou’s local print provided the impetus for the city to play a vital role in the nationwide movement for the emancipation of women. Local print in Fuzhou was particularly sensitive to the suffering of the 475 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, New York: Verso, 1991). 213 overseas Chinese during the Great Depression.They provided first-hand accounts of the lives of the overseas Chinese and their host countries. They helped to correct the romanticized image of the “ outside” world within migrant traditions. They advocated the establishment of travel agencies to provide information regarding migration. During the Great Depression, the Fuzhou diaspora suffering from the anti-Chinese riots sought assistance from their native place via local print. Furthermore, support for the overseas Chinese during this special period was promoted by the news media and subsequently turned into a nationwide effort. Local print even played an active role in consolidating the connections between the migrant hometown and the Fuzhou diaspora, which contributed significantly to the local constructions. Richard Belsky looked into the history of the Beijing scholar-official native-place lodges in the negotiation and the balance of interests between the state and the localities in late Imperial Beijing. 476 Bryna Goodman described the relationship between native-place associations and the Chinese nation-state as interpenetrating and complementary.477 Joan Judge argued that political print was the “ middle realm” that connected the mass and the Qing government. 478 In Fuzhou’s case, the modern administration in its initial stage contributed to the relative harmony between local print and the local authority. Therefore, the role of local print in Fuzhou was not limited to being the coordinators between the “ people” 476 Richard Belsky, Localities at the Center: Native, Places, Space and power in Late Imperial Beijing (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 2005). 477 Bryna Goodman, Native Place, City and Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853-1937 (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1995). 478 Joan Judge, Print and Politics: “ Shibao” and the culture of reform in late Qing China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1996). 214 and “ power holder” (in Joan Judge’s terms). They also became a significant driving force in in the urban transformation of Fuzhou. On the eve of the Sino-Japanese War, local print positioned Fuzhou’s urban reforms within the broader context of national salvation and accorded the reforms with an even greater degree of importance and urgency. By demonstrating how local print in Fuzhou became an influential voice in the urban transformation of the city, the study highlights the emergence of new-style print as a significant force in the shaping of China’s urban modernity. Local print functioned as a platform for uniting the wisdom and passion of various segments of society and turning their aspirations for the city into reality. Moreover, the case study of Fuzhou serves as an effort in shifting the attention of the historical scholarship on urban modernization in China from its overt focus on great metropolises to the smaller cities. Exploring the transitional experiences of these smaller cities helps in bringing about a fuller picture of historical urban development in modern China. 215 GLOSSARY Baisha é1ê Beijing ëLì Beimen ëîí Beiwen ë-ï Cai Tingkai ð ñ-ò Cangqian ó(ô Cangxiazhou õö-÷ Changle øù Chating ú-û Chen ü Chen Duxiu ü§ýLþ Chen Futing ü§ÿLñ Chengdu ¢¡ ¤£¦¥ Chen Mingjian ü ¨§ © Chen Minshu ü Chen Ticheng ü Chen Yi ü ¨¢ Chen Yubao ü Chen Yuqing ü chi Chongqing Chunlan ¢ Damingli £ dan Dao Dawangfu !"# Ding Chaowu $%'& Dongda (! Dongfang zazhi (*)¢+ , Dongjiekou (*-/. 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